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This article focuses on Great Britain's nuclear deterrent system. After this week's uncomfortably large rebellion over his relatively modest school reforms, Tony Blair will have to pick the remaining battles of his premiership with some care. One that he might be tempted to leave to his successor, but may not be able to, is over the future of the British nuclear deterrent. In 2003, a defence white paper signalled that a decision on the matter would have to be made during the current parliament. Designed to last around 30 years, the first of Britain's four Trident ballistic-missile submarines will be nearing the end of its life in 2024.

This article focuses on the varying strategies of United States presidential candidates George W. Bush and John Kerry for the nuclear disarmament of North Korea. Unkeen, despite repeated Republican taunts, to reveal the names of the mystery foreign leaders that he has claimed are rooting for him in the election, John Kerry can hardly be pleased with the one endorsement he does appear to have won--from North Korea's boss, Kim Jong Il. Senior Bush people claim Mr Kim would break out the champagne at a Kerry victory, seeing him as a soft touch. Democrats claim the growing North Korean nuclear threat proves that George Bush's high-handed manner with friend and foe alike has made America less safe. Mr Kerry has long said he would deal with the nuclear issue in direct talks, as North Korea has been demanding, rather than through more cumbersome, and so far unsuccessful, six-way talks that also include South Korea, Japan, China and Russia. But there are few illusions, even among Democrats, that there is an easy deal to be had. Given North Korea's mendacious past, any deal would need tough verification rules to convince Congress that it was worth the paper it was written on.