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This paper uses a trinocular approach – i.e. from below, from above and from roundabout – to describe Theme as point of departure (POD) in English and Spanish casual conversation (thus avoiding the more controversial 'what-the-clause-is-about' aspect of Theme). This research is part of a long-term contrastive study which includes the description of POD in academic writing and a crosslinguistic comparison of POD in academic writing and casual conversation. Among the main findings in this paper, the following stand out: (a) the identification of a conversational texture characterised by the interplay of textual and interpersonal strands of meaning; and (b) different POD arrangements of English and Spanish clauses in casual conversation, motivated by different ways of enacting communicative exchange. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Alpha: Revista de Artes, Letras y Filosofía is the property of Universidad de Los Lagos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics is the property of Nordic Council for Reindeer Husbandry Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Trabalhos em Lingüística Aplicada is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper offers an interactional analysis of discourse-connective que-constructions in Spanish. In particular, we discuss how these constructions operate at discourse level and we analyze the kind of interactional activities conversation participants are engaged in while using them. In previous studies, initial que has been described along the following lines: as an expletive element, as a marker of background information, as a modal particle, as signaling the presence of the speaker, and as part of a quotative construction. Nevertheless, analyses of free-standing que-constructions are usually based on subjective data from introspection and tend to focus only on the clause introduced by que, regardless of its discourse context. Our hypothesis is that the meaning of discourse-connective que-constructions is primarily indexical: they refer to a relevant piece of contextual information that can be retrieved from a previous utterance or turn, a previous discourse situation, a proposition being observed or one that is inferable from the speech situation. This paper helps define the discourse contexts where que-constructions are used more precisely, while also providing a description of the situated meanings que-constructions express in particular types of context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we argue that in analyses of discourse interaction the relationship between participants must be considered as a parameter that conditions their linguistic behavior. A relationship is the result of the experiences shared by partners which create a "cultural code" between them. Each relationship brings a set of circumstances into play that regulates how members behave and how they interpret each other's words and actions. Our proposal stems from observing how Spanish speakers who hold different types of relationships handle opposing points of view in conversation. Our results show that the expression and interpretation of dissent is linked to the interlocutors' need to maintain the relationship in good terms. In order to protect relationships, the basic principle guiding interaction is to reach consensus. Additionally, the type and strength of the relationship condition the impact of expressions. Strong disagreement is allowed in strong relationships, as the risk for its affecting the relationship is low. Conversely, weak disagreement is preferred in weak relationships, since opposing views may result in higher impact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the uses of the Spanish indefinite pronoun uno, in a diaphasic oral corpus, which is organized by communicative situations ranging from formal monologues to colloquial conversations with family and friends. The description incorporates a basic distinction between the communicative and the thematic role of the sentences where the indefinite pronoun appears, as well as the pragmatic parameters of referential accessibility, interlocutivity and genericity, which allow observing the alternations with other pronouns in the communicative space of the discursive universe in the context of the conversation. The main results show a depersonalizationpersonalization operation linked to the interlocutory relationship that, in addition to the generic character traditionally assigned to the pronoun uno, allows describing an expressive and an appellative use, in a continuum of specificity-genericity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Spanish marker venga is frequently used in casual conversation in general and in teenage conversation in particular. Like other pragmatic markers, it is a multifunctional item. It is also an extremely versatile marker, which functions on the discourse level as well as on the interactional and interpersonal levels of conversation. Consequently, it can be expected to have more than one corresponding marker in English, depending on the speaking situation, the context and position in the discourse. This paper focuses on the various uses of venga in Madrid teenagers' conversations and the way these uses are realized in London teenage conversations. As the paper will show, the closest English equivalent of the pragmatic marker venga in most of its uses is come on. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turn-taking is usually considered to follow a simple set of rules, enacted through a perhaps more complicated system of signals. The most significant aspect of the turn-taking process is that, in most cases, it proceeds in a very smooth fashion. Speakers signal to each other that they wish to either yield or take the turn through syntactic, pragmatic, and prosodic means. In this paper, I explore how the turn-taking process develops in two different sets of Spanish conversations. In the first group of conversations, speakers take turns spontaneously, presumably as they would do in everyday situations. In the second group, turns were mechanically controlled, and communication was one-way. A comparison of the two types of conversation provides insights into the signals used in spontaneous turn-taking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes a corpus of task-based conversational speech produced by English and Spanish native talkers speaking English and Spanish as both a first and a second language. For cross-language comparability, speech material was elicited using a picture-based task common to each native language group. The bi-directionality of the corpus, stemming from the use of the same speakers and the same language pairing, makes it possible to separate native language factors from the influence of speaking in a first or second language. The potential for studying first language influences and non-native speech using the corpus is illustrated by means of a series of explorations of acoustic, segmental, suprasegmental, and conversational phenomena. These analyses demonstrate the breadth of factors that are amenable to investigation in a conversational corpus and reveal different types of interactions between the first language, the second language, and non-nativeness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines requests for verification across varieties of Spanish. It focuses on the role of gaze behaviour in the design of the request and shows how gaze is interrelated with other resources, such as facial expressions, epistemic markers, prosody and tag questions. By comparing speakers from Argentina, Bolivia, Colombia and Ecuador, the article finds similarities but also differences between the groups of speakers. The speakers from Bolivia and Ecuador rarely establish mutual gaze or use facial expressions during the verification sequence. Instead, more frequently, they deploy other resources for obtaining verifications, such as tag questions, hand gestures and rising intonation. The article considers differences in gaze behaviour within the larger machinery of response mobilisation and shows how gaze is intertwined with other aspects of conversational organisation. Results are based on qualitative and quantitative analysis. The data stems from face-to-face conversations recorded in similar side-by-side settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Code-switching is a complex bilingual behavior that can be affected by a variety of factors related to characteristics of the speaker, the interlocutor, and the broader sociolinguistic context. A better understanding of these factors is important for interpreting children's use of code-switching in different elicitation contexts across research studies and in applied settings, such as language sample analysis for clinical assessment. In the current study, we used a conversation sample protocol with a code-switching adult interlocutor to examine the use of English, Spanish, intra-sentential and inter-sentential code-switching, and alignment with the interlocutor by Spanish/English bilingual children with a wide range of language abilities. In a single-language comparison condition, the same examiner engaged the child in conversation using only English or only Spanish. Key findings include that children exhibited limited use of code-switching in the English condition and similar frequency of code-switching in the Spanish, compared to the code-switching, conditions. Children exhibited a tendency to align with the examiner in their use of English vs. Spanish and their use of intra-sentential code-switching during the code-switching context, although they generally code-switched less than the examiner. There was also considerable variability across children. Predictors of this variability included children's age and language proficiency. However, language proficiency was not associated with the frequency of children's intra-sentential code-switching in a code-switching context. Parent-report measures of code-switching experience exhibited limited associations with the children's observed code-switching behavior; inter-sentential switches into English showed the most direct associations. Based on the findings from this exploratory study, we highlight the importance of including a code-switching context when analyzing language samples from bilingual children, considering both the target child and the interlocutor's behavior, and continuing to refine indirect report measures of code-switching experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper attempts to establish the evidential character of the special prosodic configuration associated with direct reported discourse (DRD). A variety of expressive meanings have been commonly attributed to this marked prosodic configuration of DRD (such as expression of stance, emotion, mimicking, alignment). However, the concurrence of pragmatic/expressive meanings together with evidentiality is very frequent in ‘non-evidential’ languages like Spanish. Therefore, we argue that the prosody in DRD also signals ‘reported’ or ‘quoted’ discourse and, therefore, the presence of evidentiality. To provide evidence for this latter claim, 449 instances of DRD have been extracted from a corpus of (Iberian) Spanish colloquial conversations containing c. 150,000 words, and their prosodic behaviour has been observed. The data reveals a marked prosody in the majority of DRD instances in our corpus. Especial attention has been paid to the examples of DRD with no explicit introductory marks (e.g. verba dicendi ), since 100% of them are prosodically marked. Here, the marked prosody is the only indicator of the source of information. Consequently, it stops being a redundant trait (concomitant to the presence of introductory verbs or marks): it becomes prominent and its use is not optional. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a developmental pathway for the acquisition of morphosyntactic variation. Although there is abundant evidence that morphosyntactic variation is pervasive among adults, much less is known about how children acquire such variation. The literature thus far indicates that the pathway of development involves first producing only one of the variable forms (Step 1), producing both forms but in mutually-exclusive contexts (Step 2), then producing both forms in some overlapping linguistic contexts (Step 3), and finally producing both forms in more contexts (Step 4). The research reviewed indicates that input patterns are influential each step of the way, playing an important role in determining children's use of forms as well as the contexts in which the forms are produced. In addition to considering input effects, we also draw on various tendencies that children evince in the face of variable input to explain the pathway of development, including regularization and assigning different meanings to different forms. The article also includes suggestions for testing the hypotheses generated by the proposed pathway of development, which we illustrate by drawing on the acquisition of variable Spanish subject pronoun expression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Verba: Anuario Galego de Filoloxia is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper describes bracketing (JUBRAN, 1996, 2006b), based on the text-interactive perspective (JUBRAN, 2006a, 2007), in data from a written Spanish conversation mediated by computer in a learning virtual environment - the educational chat - for Brazilians. We observe that bracketing is one of the regularities in the text construction in the chat analyzed. We verifity that bracketing is, therefore, a strategy of text construction, and a very productive one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper presents an examination of the expression of subject and topic in conversation, using parameters established by Centering Theory. Based on a corpus analysis of English and Spanish casual conversations, we show (i) under what circumstances the subject and the topic of an utterance coincide (‘topic’ is defined, according to Centering, as the backward-looking center of an utterance); and (ii) what referring expressions are used to encode subject and topic. We found that the Cb is realized as subject most of the time (80% of the utterances in English and 73% in Spanish), showing that topichood and subjecthood tend to be assigned to the same entity. The preferred realization for the Cb in those cases is a pronoun in English and a zero pronoun in Spanish. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: The present paper is a study of the way informants and interviewers make use of interactive resources in the joint construction of semi-structured interviews. It is shown that accountability, understood as the natural disposition of respondents to provide an account of what they are doing and saying, is a powerful instrument in negotiating and verifying the collective production of meaning in this particular type of ‘conversation’. The article is based on first-hand data collected from interviews with native speakers of Spanish and Danish. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Information about genetic engineering (GE) for vector control in the United States is disseminated primarily in English, though non-English speakers are equally, and in some geographic regions even more affected by such technologies. Non-English-speaking publics should have equal access to such information, which is especially critical when the technology in question may impact whole communities. We convened an interdisciplinary workgroup to translate previously developed narrated slideshows on gene drive mosquitoes from English into Spanish, reviewing each iteration for scientific accuracy and accessibility to laypeople. Using the finalised stimuli, we conducted five online, chat-based focus groups with Spanish-speaking adults from California. Overall, participants expressed interest in the topic and were able to summarise the information presented in their own words. Importantly, participants asked for clarification and expressed scepticism about the information presented, indicating critical engagement with the material. Through collaboration with Spanish-speaking scientists engaged in the development of GE methods of vector control, we translated highly technical scientific information into Spanish that successfully engaged Spanish-speaking participants in conversations about this topic. In this manuscript, we document the feasibility of consulting Spanish-speaking publics about a complex emerging technology by drawing on the linguistic diversity of the scientific teams developing the technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Little attention has been paid to the expansion in the use of connectives in children that are acquiring Spanish as a first language. Considering that language structure emerges from language use, naturalistic data were utilised from two conversational corpora. 12 types of connectives showed significant expansion, with the conditional conjunction si 'if' presenting the greatest advance, followed by que 'that' used as relative pronoun with explicit antecedent and as completive conjunction. We observed that the interordination and subordination relationships progressed more than those of coordination; however, certain connective elements between coordinated constructions displayed a more notable expansion as discourse markers, in the interactional level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article details two types of null direct objects in a corpus of casual Iberian Spanish conversation. Topics discussed include the hendiadic constructions with the verb coger "take" and constructions with a perception verb that have a turn-regulatory function, previous studies that account the appearance of Spanish ambitransitive verbs without an explicit object, and the illustration of low degree of topicality by null objects.

The present study compares the realization of intervocalic voiceless stops and vowels surrounded by voiceless stops in conversational Spanish and French. Our data reveal significant differences in how these segments are realized in each language. Spanish voiceless stops tend to have shorter stop closures, display incomplete closures more often, and exhibit more voicing than French voiceless stops. As for vowels, more cases of complete devoicing and greater degrees of partial devoicing were found in French than in Spanish. Moreover, all French vowel types exhibit significantly lower F1 values than their Spanish counterparts. These findings indicate that the extent of reduction that a segment type can undergo in conversational speech can vary significantly across languages. Language differences in coarticulatory strategies and 'base-of-articulation' are discussed as possible causes of our observations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intensity differences were used to measure the degree of lenition of the voiced approximants in various contexts in order to contrast them with their stop variants [[b, d, g]], and in order to investigate the contexts in which they are traditionally thought to appear. 3,011 instances were taken from telephone conversations of eight native Spanish speakers from seven countries. The influence of phonetic context (post-pausal, post-nasal, post-lateral, etc.), stress, word frequency, appearance in a suffix (e.g., -ado, -aba) was determined using multiple regression. In line with traditional analyses, the results show that the voiced approximants are most lenited intervocalically and least lenited after a pause. However, post-nasal and post-lateral instances fall between these extremes. In addition, /ββ/, , and /γγ/ are also more stop-like when following [[s]] or [[h]]. Traditional analyses do not factor in the influence of stress, word frequency, word boundaries, or appearance in a suffix, yet these emerge as significant predictors. Although the distribution of the variants of these three approximants is generally thought to be due to a unitary rule, significant differences between the three suggest otherwise. When followed by a stressed syllable, /ββ/ and exhibit more constriction when compared to /γγ/, while all three phones are less lenited when they fall between two stressed syllables. /ββ/ and are also more constricted when they appear intervocalically in word-initial position when compared to word-internal intervocalic tokens, while the same is not true for /γγ/. Contra traditional descriptions, is no less lenited than /ββ/ or /γγ/ following a lateral. Instances of are also more lenited when they appear in high frequency words and less lenited in low frequency words. On the other hand, frequency is not a factor for /ββ/ and /γγ/. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Oral conversational data are deemed to be a relevant empirical source when it comes to formulating and supporting hypotheses about cognitive processes involved in aphasic linguistic production. With this assumption in mind, free conversational uses of the Spanish and Catalan connector QUE by fluent and non-fluent aphasic speakers are examined by contrasting them with normal speakers' (i.e. conversational partners') productions. Strictly ungrammatical uses in aphasic speakers are practically non-existent in free conversation. Nevertheless, this data permits one to characterize the aphasic production of the morpheme QUE as restrictive—to different degrees—with respect to normal production. Moreover, this restriction, selectively affecting the types of syntactic environments examined, can be considered strategic in nature: it is guided by some kind of knowledge about the administration of remnant linguistic resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Boletín de Filología is the property of Universidad de Chile, Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Structural priming refers to the process whereby the use of a syntactic structure in an utterance functions as a prime on a subsequent utterance, such that that same structure is repeated. This article investigates this phenomenon from the perspective of first-person singular subject expression in Spanish. Two dialects and two genres of spoken Spanish are studied: New Mexican narratives and Colombian Spanish conversation. An analysis of 2,000 verbs occurring with first-person singular subjects reveals that subject expression undergoes a priming effect in both data sets, but that the effect is more short-lived in the Colombian data. This is found to be attributable to the interactional nature of these data, showing that the need to deal with interactional concerns weakens the priming effect. As the first study to compare priming of subject expression across distinct genres, this article makes an important contribution to our understanding of this effect, and in particular, of factors that play a role in its maintenance or dissipation in discourse.I would like to thank Rena Torres Cacoullos for her many invaluable comments on this article and Jill Morford and Benedikt Szmrecsanyi for helpful discussion on the notion of priming. I also gratefully acknowledge Jessi Aaron and Matt Alba for help with the coding and analysis; Neddy Vigil and Garland Bills for making the New Mexican data available to me; Ana Aurora Medina Murillo for help with the transcription of the NM data; and María Elena Rendón, Marianne Dieck, and Rocío Amézquita for the collection and transcription of the Colombian data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dual immersion schools in the United States, which combine native Spanish speakers and students learning Spanish as an L2, encourage English development while promoting Spanish learning. However, relatively little is known about the levels of Spanish attained by dual immersion graduates. This case study describes the performance on a number of measures of a graduating class at a Spanish-English dual immersion school. It analyzes their proficiency in speaking, reading and writing, their production of three grammatical forms, and their ability to identify and produce appropriately polite Spanish. Heritage Spanish speakers evidenced fairly strong Spanish systems. L2 Spanish learners scored low on several measures, but overall could communicate their ideas. Several recommendations are offered for immersion classroom pedagogy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Lenguas Modernas is the property of Universidad de Chile, Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)