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Copyright of Pragmalingüística is the property of Facultad de Filosofia y Letras, Universidad de Cadiz and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper discusses the utility, validity and use of several grammatical notions, mostly syntactic. Our goal is to assess whether some frequent concepts of the language class in high school should be replaced by others that are generally unknown, and also whether the content currently given to some of them should be modified. We defend such a possibility, which we justify with the main argument that grammatical analyses must relate forms to meanings and favor the reflection of students on the unconscious knowledge that each speaker has of his or her own language, together with the use that speakers make of linguistic expressions. For expository reasons, we consider four types of grammatical notions: those that are both used and useful; those that are useful, but seldom applied; those that are usually applied, despite being of little use; and, finally, those that could be useful and that are rarely applied. We set out this discussion to defend the need to establish a stable terminology perimeter for high school language classes, mainly based on the recent Glosario de términos gramaticales (2019). We take this minimum terminological agreement to be a necessary condition to carry out that reflection, for which we have advocated in previous works. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Nueva Revista de Filología Hispánica is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper offers a broad overview, seen from the perspective of Diachronic Construction Grammar, of the readings and values developed in Latin by the construction so/eo+iNF. The evidence provided and the analysis of the various factors involved in the interpretation of this periphrasis show that its original and basic value is not the expression of habitual aspect, as traditional models maintain, but a typifying meaning that should be considered in the framework of the continuous aspect. On the other hand, the structural possibilities and the behavior of so/eo+iNF in Latin allow to set an interesting reference framework to explain some particular uses of so/er+ INF in the earliest stages of the Spanish language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the description of the verb soleo, the Latin cognate of the Spanish auxiliary soler, with the aim of contributing to the explanation of the Spanish lexical periphrasis soler + INF, when considering it from a diachronic perspective. Soleo is an especial verb whose singularity is manifested in its etymology and its grammatical particularities. Concerning its etymology, two hypotheses have been considered which start from two different Aktionsart stems: one makes it derive from a Proto-Indo-European iterative stem, the other from a stative one. From this second etymological hypothesis, soleo could be included among Latin denominative stative *e-presents with the basic meaning of 'to be of oneself, to have as one's own, to be normal, to be custom'. Regarding its morphosyntactic features, the semi-deponent soleo has a morphologically passive perfect stem, solitus sum, whose use with aoristic value comes into contradiction with the morphological restriction of the Spanish auxiliary soler and with the aspectual categorization of habitual auxiliary attributed to it. Together with the function as an auxiliary verb constituting a periphrasis with an infinitive, it also presents a use as a full lexical verb in which the prototypical semantic value of its etymology emerges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the studies and widespread international appraisal of Andrés Bello's writings, his crucial importance in the history of Spanish Grammar is not only highlighted, but also does this paper manifest his remarkable role as precursor of the major currents of linguistic studies of the 20th century: the European and the American structuralisms, the generative grammar and the pragmatics. By referring to Bello's traditional studies his significance in Modern Philology is clearly shown, and some unique and surprising findings on Bello's idea on the translation of libretti (i.e. the actual vocal parts of opera) are presented by the author of this paper. Bello's characterization and assessment of the difficulties that arise from the symbiosis of text and music in these texts are pronounced about 80 years ahead of Gustav Becher's famous holistic theory on the translation of this type of texts. A theory which, according to distinguished European musicologists, has lead the way in the discussion of the functionality of these distinct interlingual transfers throughout the 20th century, as well as a revaluation of this specific activity during the preceding centuries (15th - 19th century). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the stigmatized use of impersonal se with a plural verb and the prepositional accusative. While this pattern occurs commonly in speech and many forms of writing, it has to all intents been airbrushed from academic consideration of Spanish. On the one hand, the normative authorities dismiss it as an error and on the other it is studiously ignored by professional linguists. Given the pattern's de facto productivity, it is argued in this paper that its exclusion from the standard corpus is essentially arbitrary, the result of a priori assumptions about what should be possible in grammar rather than detached scientific consideration of what actually occurs. More specifically, both prescriptive grammar and theoretical linguistics take it as axiomatic that (in languages like Spanish) number agreement on the finite verb is determined by the subject and never by the object. The pattern discussed here is irreconcilable with that view and, accordingly, has come to be treated as a non-legitimate datum. The case thus provides a good illustration of how the concept of grammaticality, supposedly the empirical foundation of modern syntax, may be no less arbitrary than the older normative principle of correct usage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Vigo International Journal of Applied Linguistics is the property of Universidade de Vigo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper we study one type of Spanish que (the equivalent to the complementizer "that") that can be shown to belong into the crosslinguistically restricted list of evidentials. In particular, we will claim that it encodes the (most basic) marks of non- first-hand or indirect (reported) evidence. Our point of departure is certain (apparently) independent clauses of Spanish headed by an overt complementizer (que). Some tests will be presented that support the idea that that one type of que introducing a well specified subset of root sentences shares most of the properties that have been claimed to characterize reportative evidentials in languages such as Quechua (Faller 2002, 2006). As for the properties of reportative que, it will be further shown that it does not encode any features related to epistemic modality (reliability or (im)probability) and we will propose that it is better analyzed as an illocutionary operator, affecting the illocutionary force (in line with Faller 2002 among others) and not as an epistemic modal (Izvorsky 1997 among others). In order to determine the nature of this reportative element and its origin, we contrast it with an old Spanish form, dizque, which exists nowadays in certain modern American varieties. This particle also has the properties of an evidential but behaves as an epistemic modal. In the last sections, we will propose that both evidential particles (que and dizque) are the result of a process of grammaticalization (i.e. 'upward reanalysis', or categorial change, of functional material, in the sense of Roberts and Roussou 2003) of the complex structure headed by a communication verb, dicen que "they say that". We will tentatively describe such process and introduce a hypothesis as to the nature and role of the parameter involved in the claimed reanalysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai, Philologia is the property of Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the Spanish grammatical tradition, it was long noticed that certain demonstratives and tenses show a high degree of concomitance in Peninsular Spanish written and spoken discourse. Nevertheless, the mechanisms underlying this phenomenon had not been exhaustively described or quantified to date. The purpose of this paper is to test whether the alleged correlation tense-demonstratives can be sustained on empirical grounds and an adequate explanation be provided for this phenomenon. Based on a detailed analysis of naturally occurring examples from a corpus of modern Spanish I draw three principal conclusions. First, the aforementioned correlation actually occurs but it is restricted to the distal demonstrative element aquel in both determiner and pronominal forms, whereas the other two demonstrative elements este and ese do not show any particular preferences regarding the tenses they are combined with in discourse. Secondly, the phenomenon is restricted to cases of temporal deixis whereby the demonstrative is used to refer to times. Finally, and more importantly, a necessary condition for the use of the demonstrative aquel as a temporal deictic element lies in that it requires a past time linguistic expression in its immediate textual environment. Thus, the observed correlation tense-demonstration should be more accurately referred to as the contextual congruence past_ time-aquel in Peninsular Spanish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Verba: Anuario Galego de Filoloxia is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract: In this paper we analyze spontaneous and experimental data involving code-mixed DPs made up of English Determiners+Spanish Nouns (the casa “house”) and Spanish Determiners+English Nouns (la [the/feminine] house) from child English/Spanish simultaneous bilinguals and from L1 speakers of English, French and Spanish with different levels of proficiency in their respective L2s (Spanish in the case of L1 English and French; English in the case of L1 Spanish). We show that early child bilinguals and adult simultaneous bilinguals (production data) and L1 speakers of Spanish (experimental data) favor mixings where Spanish provides the functional category, the Determiner, over mixings where English does. We also show that when confronted with these mixed DPs adult L1 Spanish speakers and non-native speakers share a preference for the English D followed by a preference for the default gender marking in Spanish, the masculine (el [the/masculine] house). In the case of the L1 Spanish speakers, this preference is overridden by the “analogical criterion”, (la [the/feminine] house), which consists of assigning the gender of the Spanish translation equivalent (“casa” is feminine) to the English Noun. We provide a linguistic account of these preferences based on the intrinsic Gender feature of the Spanish Noun and the intrinsic Gender Agreement feature or the Spanish Determiner and argue that the cognitive mechanisms employed by the bilingual, the Spanish L1 speaker and the Spanish L2 speaker in spontaneous production and in the grammaticality judgments task make different use of these linguistic units. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The article presents a study on the systematization of the contextual varieties of yod, the glide in phonetic terms. This paper focuses on the development of the Spanish vowels giving emphasis on the vowels before the palatal glides and obstruents. It also focuses on the historical grammar that evolved into a confused chapter in historical grammar of the Hispano-Romance. The author attempts to point out significant issues on the major anomalies in the development by emphasizing on the well-established sounds to those that shift from the general pattern.

In the present paper, we adduce further evidence for the reality of grammatical constructions by focusing on a highly idiosyncratic configuration from Spanish, which we call the reduplicative-topic construction. This construction is a productive syntactic pattern that functions as a “constructional hedge”. The grammatical behaviors of this construction cannot be captured by syntactocentric approaches to grammar. Instead, co-ocurring multiple constraints must be taken into account, including phonological (intonation and rhythm), morphosyntactic and semantic factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops a generative analysis for a particular language contact phenomenon familiar in the variationist and language contact literature, namely indirect transfer [F. Klein, A quantitative study of syntactic and pragmatic indications of change in the Spanish of bilinguals in the U.S, in: W. Labov (Ed.), Locating Language in Time and Space, Academic Press, New York, 1980, p. 69; R. Mougeon, E. Beniak, Linguistic Consequences of Language Contact and Restriction: The Case of French in Ontario, OUP, Oxford, 1991; C. Silva-Corvalán, Language Contact and Change: Spanish in Los Angeles, OUP, Oxford, 1994]. This language contact effect, which is preferential rather than categorical, is difficult to deal with in traditional generative approaches, and has received no attention in this literature. My analysis focuses on Klein's study of synthetic/analytic verb forms used for the expression of progressive aspect in Spanish, where contact with English causes a skewing in the distribution of use of analytic forms in a bilingual variety compared to a similar monolingual variety. The analysis is carried out in a stochastic OT [P. Boersma, B. Hayes, Empirical tests of the Gradual Learning Algorithm. Linguistic Inquiry 32 (1) (2001) 45–86] framework, where I show that the indirect transfer effects observed by Klein can be captured by way of different ranking of a small set of OT constraints on a linear ranking scale. In addition to providing a model for the indirect transfer effects in Klein's study, my analysis also makes a typological prediction regarding morphosyntactic expression and Imperfective and Progressive verb forms: no language can have a synthetic Progressive and an analytic Imperfective. This prediction is supported by the absence of any such distribution in the surveys of Bybee et al. [The Evolution of Grammar: Tense, Aspect, and Modality in the Languages of the World, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1994] or Dahl [Tense and Aspect Systems, Blackwell, Oxford, 1985]. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

THE ACQUISITION OF SPANISH MORPHOSYNTAX: THE L1/L2 CONNECTION. Ana Teresa Pérez-Leroux and Juana Muñoz Liceras (Eds.). Dordrecht: Kluwer, 2002. Pp. xxiii + 247. $110.00 cloth, $50.00 paper. Since the middle 1980s, the study of the acquisition of Spanish has blossomed, becoming a diverse field in which new avenues for original research are still quite abundant. More specifically, this volume addresses examples of morphosyntactic optionality observed in the interlanguage grammars of Spanish language learners, both first language (L1) and second language (L2). Furthermore, it describes how morphology can trigger the acquisition of new syntactic knowledge. A major strength of the collection lies in the numerous and varied original contributions it makes to our knowledge of the acquisition of Spanish morphosyntax. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]