141 results
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2. Informal Elite Dialogue and Democratic Control in EU Foreign and Security Policy.
- Author
-
Wiener, Antje and Puetter, Uwe
- Subjects
CONSTITUTIONALISM ,INTERNATIONAL relations ,NATIONAL security ,ELITE (Social sciences) ,DEMOCRACY - Abstract
As an academic artefact constitutionalism offers a reference frame for research on constitutional quality beyond the nation-state. The challenge for this research is to avoid methodological nationalism while acknowledging the institutions, principles and norms as the derivatives of 'stateness' which are enduring cosmopolitan elements of constitutionalism at the same time. The paper advances two arguments. First, if we are to 'reconstruct democracy in Europe', it is important to find out whether core elements of constitutionalism are still shared. Second, if we are to understand the quality of 'European' constitutionalism from a pluralist cosmopolitan perspective, it matters how the normative structure of meaning-in-use is enacted in 21st century Europe. The empirical access point for this research is social practices in inter-national relations. The paper therefore investigates social practices in the area of foreign and security policy, it elaborates on the concept of constitutionalism as a reference frame for studies of constitutional quality beyond the state, and turns to the CFSP setting, proposing that transnationalisation needs to be demonstrated with reference to shared normative baggage or cultural validation of norms. In sum findings and implications for research on democratic constitutionalism are explicated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2010
3. The narratives behind the EU's external perceptions: how civil society and elites in Ukraine, Israel and Palestine "learn" EU norms.
- Author
-
Sabatovych, Iana, Heinrichs, Pauline, Hobova, Yevheniia, and Velivchenko, Viktor
- Subjects
FOREIGN relations of the European Union ,CIVIL society ,NATIONAL security ,UKRAINIAN foreign relations, 1991- ,INTERNATIONAL relations ,ELITE (Social sciences) - Abstract
The EU's normative promotion is a keystone in the arch of its Foreign and Security Policy, reflected in establishing a "ring of friends" in its neighbourhood. However, the EU's normative impact in these countries is often hindered by domestic constraints. Conversely, deeper socialisation through persuasion and "learning" may advance towards the promotion of EU norms better. By tracing the "learning" component of the EU's external perceptions in its Eastern (Ukraine) and Southern (Israel and Palestine) neighbourhoods, this paper elaborates upon the receptiveness of EU norms. Considering the specific attention that the ENP draws towards the support of civil society, this paper focuses on "learning" narratives of EU norms among civil society elites in Ukraine, Israel and Palestine as the key targets of EU assistance – with a particular focus on various conceptualisations of learning in the learning process. Notwithstanding perceptions of the EU as a normative power, we find that the learning processes remain too complex to be captured within a single theoretical framework. Whereas communicative rationality implies learning about each other's identities through rational arguing, our analysis demonstrates that identity performance is one of the most emotive and crucial factors in perceptions of learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2019
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
4. The European Union's Foreign Policy The Perceptions of the Turkish Parliamentarians.
- Author
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Müftüler-Baç, Meltem and Süleymanoglu-Kürüm, Rahime
- Subjects
INTERNATIONAL relations ,SENSORY perception ,NATIONAL security ,MILITARY policy ,DEBATE ,EUROPE-Turkey relations - Abstract
In this paper, we analyze the Turkish perceptions of the European Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in an attempt to understand the EU's evolving character as a 'federal state' or an 'intergovernmental organization' or a 'cosmopolitan union'. The analysis of the Turkish perceptions of the EU's foreign policy is conducted through an investigation of the debates in the Turkish Parliament, the legislature in Turkish politics, from 2000 to 2010. We identified four different camps in Turkish politics, the right-wing nationalists, Islamists, liberals and the left-wing nationalists who are all politically represented in the Turkish Parliament in varying degrees. The proceedings in the Turkish Parliament enable us to analyze the different political camps' positions on the European foreign policy thoroughly. The different views of these groups vis-à-vis the EU's foreign policy is critical in mapping the Turkish perceptions, and in order to do so, we focused on these different deliberations in the Parliament. The contested development of the EU's foreign and security policy could also be reflected in the external assessments of this policy so the Turkish Parliamentarians' perceptions matter. Consequently, we expect to understand the Turkish perceptions of the EU in foreign and security policy - its CFSP and CESDP - as an outside assessment of the EU's direction towards any of the RECON models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2011
5. SOUTH-EASTERN EUROPE SECURITY IN A MULTIPOLAR WORLD: A NEED FOR STRONGER INTEGRATION.
- Author
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BEGOVIĆ, Monika
- Subjects
NATIONAL security ,INTERNATIONAL relations - Abstract
The post-cold war unipolar world turned to be multipolar, and as a result the West is increasingly struggling to find solutions for dealing with emerging threats and challenges. The European Union, still going through its own crisis, needs to establish and keep good transatlantic connections and to be able to remain or become one of the influencers in the international arena. Today's world is interdependent and not so much concentrated on security issues, threats and challenges like before, since problems of human survival and human security have arisen and are becoming increasingly serious. Theoretical approaches to international relations indicate the changes in the distribution of global power, setting up grounds for changing multipolarity and the questionable functionality of multilateralism. That could lead towards more serious confrontations among the big powers. In these constellations of the international relations, South Eastern Europe (SEE), a geopolitically very sensitive area for transatlantic partners, struggles with old and new challenges and threats, trying to find the best possible solutions to join the transatlantic family. This paper will present what are the steps in that direction, proving why stronger regional integration and cooperation is needed for better safety and security, and what is the contemporary role of NATO and the EU in SEE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2018
6. Theoretical Approaches to European Foreign Policy- A Debate across Paradigms.
- Author
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Spolander, Charlotta
- Subjects
- *
INTERNATIONAL relations , *NATIONAL security ,EUROPEAN foreign relations - Abstract
This paper argues for the benefits of bridging the debate between rationalism and constructivism to European foreign policy analysis. It is suggested that European Foreign Policy is driven by two interdependent forces, which are defined as security and normative considerations. Security policy is, in this paper, regarded as predominantly driven by intergovernmental and rationalist processes whilst norms are the focus of a communitarian and constructivist approach to European Foreign Policy. The predominance of these two processes is however constantly in a flux, depending on the foreign policy issue at hand and the behaviour of the actors involved. Many regard rationalist and constructivism approaches to foreign policy analysis as opposites. This paper seeks to argue otherwise.The EU is here seen as both an arena and an actor. Foreign policy makers are perceived to be acting along a continuum, moving from the logic of consequentialism to the logics of arguing and appropriateness, as they are been socialised into the foreign policy processes. It is however argued that this movement can in some cases be reversed in which actors move back to favouring a rationalist logic of consequentialism depending on the foreign policy interest at play. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2009
7. Washington, Sarkozy and the Defense of Europe.
- Author
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Cogan, Charles
- Subjects
- *
WESTERN civilization , *CIVILIZATION , *PUBLISHING , *PROGRESS , *INTERNATIONAL relations , *NATIONAL security - Abstract
As Professor Bull has mentioned, the title of this panel is, "The New Special Relationship?: post-Gaullist France and America." The title of my paper is, "Washington, Sarkozy, and the Defense of Europe." My title is both consistent and misleading. Consistent because in some respects I treat defense issues in the paper; misleading because I go beyond that focus to mention the defense of Europe and Western civilization in a broader sense. This is partly because of my current proclivities, as manifested in my most recent book, "La Republique de Dieu," published in Paris earlier this year. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2008
8. The European Security Strategy and the Continuing Search for Coherence.
- Author
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Anderson, Jan Joel
- Subjects
- *
INTERNATIONAL relations , *NATIONAL security , *FOREIGN trade promotion , *DISARMAMENT , *NUCLEAR nonproliferation , *COMMERCIAL policy - Abstract
The European Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) encompass enormous resources. In addition to the member states' own military and civilian capabilities and assets, a number of other instruments have been created at the EU level, such as EU Special Representatives and the European Development Fund. Moreover, EU diplomatic initiatives, trade promotions, disarmament and non-proliferation efforts and environmental policies are all instruments that can be employed by the union. However, these institutions, capabilities, resources, instruments and policies each have their own structure, logic and rationale. While some of them work well together, many others do not and may even work counter to each other. This paper argues that the EU must better coordinate all elements of the CFSP and ESDP in order to effectively employ the instruments and capabilities of the Union in a global world. EU policy vis-á-vis Macedonia will be used as an example to illustrate the need for better coherence and why Europe must become more skilled at coordinating and combining analyses and strategies in the CFSP and ESDP, between EU institutions and between member states. The issue of coherence is complex and exists at many stages and on many levels. The paper will outline a model for improving coherence in the CFSP and ESDP by drawing on EU trade policy as a blueprint. The EU has successfully negotiated with one voice for many years during bilateral talks with other countries and in organizations such as the WTO. The paper will conclude by discussing what role the position of an EU Foreign Minister and an EU diplomatic service would play in establishing more coherence in the CFSP and ESDP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2005
9. THE INTERNATIONAL POLITICS OF FAILING STATES.
- Author
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Lambach, Daniel
- Subjects
- *
INTERNATIONAL relations , *SECURITY management , *NATIONAL security - Abstract
The article presents the conference paper "The International Politics of Failing States" prepared for presentation at the "46th Annual Conference of the International Studies Association" held in Honolulu, Hawaii from March 1 to 5, 2005. The paper discusses the securitization of failed states with evidence from the U.S., Great Britain and Germany. The author says that the failed states discourse assists to create a bridge between development and security policy.
- Published
- 2005
10. The Road from Visegrad: Cooperation and Security in East Central Europe.
- Author
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Crumley, Michele
- Subjects
- *
NATIONAL security , *INTERNATIONAL relations , *NEW democracies - Abstract
The new democracies of Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland have been at the forefront of integration into West European intergovernmental organizations since the fall of communism. Cooperation among Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Poland began in the post-communist era at the 1991 summit in Visegrad, Hungary. Although states in the West encouraged cooperation, particularly as a condition for membership in the EU and NATO, national security priorities of the Visegrad states diverge due to historical experiences and geostrategic location. The three states share a common insecurity from being positioned throughout history between great powers that have pursued expansionist policies from time to time. Although the foreign policy agenda of Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland have been quite similar since the fall of communism, each state maintains different policy priorities and different traditional perceptions of external threats. Moreover, the three states have experienced varying degrees of security anxiety from the end of the bipolar system. The breakup of the USSR, the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact and COMECON, the wars in the former Yugoslavia, and the velvet divorce of the Czech and Slovak republics have had direct implications on security, trade, and foreign relations for each state. In neighboring East European states, military bases that once housed Soviet troops are currently being offered to the hegemonic power of the U.S. for troop redeployment consideration, and the U.S. military already has a presence as a NATO force on the Taszar air base in Hungary. This paper will examine the security postures of Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland since the Visegrad Summit in 1991. What are the competing exogenous pressures that affect the security policies of Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland? To what degree does cooperation impinge upon the security priorities and the sovereignty of Central European states? Can these states achieve relative gains vis-a-vis neighboring states and increase their influence with competing regional powers, or can shared norms and values from regional cooperation increase absolute gains and increase regional stability? In order to evaluate the security concerns, collective security, neoliberal institutionalism, and realism will be introduced as frameworks of analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
11. 911, the Bush Doctrine and the Implications of the War on Iraq.
- Author
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Dunn, David Hastings
- Subjects
- *
IRAQ War, 2003-2011 , *INTERNATIONAL relations , *NATIONAL security - Abstract
The United States currently plays a key role in shaping the European security enviroment and future agenda. But the events of 911 and the war on Iraq have raised fundamental questions about what role the United States sees for itself in Europe and in Europe’s role in the world. This paper examines developments in the Bush Doctrine and assesses the likely way forward in US policy and the impact this will have on transatlantic relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
12. Aberystwyth, Paris, Copenhagen - New ‘Schools’ in Security Theory and their Origins between Core and Periphery.
- Author
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Wæver, Ole
- Subjects
- *
NATIONAL security , *INTERNATIONAL relations , *FEMINISM , *SOCIAL movements , *REALISM - Abstract
Debates in security studies in the U.S. and Europe have drifted almost completely apart. In Europe it is common to present the theoretical landscape in terms of, say, critical security studies, the Copenhagen School, traditionalism and feminism. In the U.S. it is more common to see the major debate within security studies as being the one between offensive realism and defensive realism! Previously, almost all theoretical inventions in IR were made in the U.S. Currently, distinct theories are widely associated with places like Aberystwyth (Critical Security Studies), Paris (Bigo’s Bourdieu-inspired work) and Copenhagen (securitization). The new European approaches differ not only from security studies in the US, they also stand apart from most work done in other parts of the world. Are these theories peculiarly ‘European’ and if so, why? The paper aims at explaining the emergence of these European security theories. The explanation draws partly on the political context in the different regions, and partly on features of the intellectual fields, International Relations and Security Studies. The theories are also assessed briefly as to their relevance and usefulness. To what extent are they bound to local, European problems or relevant to the issues that are addressed elsewhere and vice-versa for the theories that flourish in the U.S. and the periphery respectively? Can they travel to the other parts of the world in a helpful role? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
13. Media, Global Mobilization, and the War on Terrorism: Comparing Bush’s Speech Frames in US, Canada, and European News Reports.
- Author
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Frensley, Nathalie and Michaud, Nelson
- Subjects
- *
INTERNATIONAL relations , *COUNTERTERRORISM , *NATIONAL security , *CHI-squared test - Abstract
Constructivist theories of securitization are built on a foundation of communicative action tenets. While this represents an important and innovative advance in international relations theory, securitization ignores some of the components involved in a successful communicative act. Williams (2003) calls for securitization theory to incorporate the hitherto ignored effects of mass media and in this paper we answer this call. We first show that securitization's specification of leaders' speech acts and audiences' legitimative discourse presumes mass media actors are indifferent in how they convey leader representations and justifications of crises. We take this presumption as an empirical question and execute a study of whether the national presses of ally countries differently emphasized the frames Bush invoked in their news coverage of key September 11th speeches. We show from comparisons of chi-square distributions and regression analyses that, far from being passive conveyers of speech frames, the national presses of the US, Canada, France, Britain and Ireland (1) did not convey all of Bush's securitizing problem representations and response justifications proportionate to the extent Bush invoked them in his speeches, and (2) that for each national press factors based on professional norms and/or organizational routines increased the likelihood that a speech sentence would be conveyed in a news story. We discuss the implications of our findings for how securitization theory should conceptualize media actors when redressing this gap in its explanatory models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
14. Open Regionalism: Cultural Diplomacy and Popular Culture in Europe and Asia.
- Author
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Katzenstein, Peter J.
- Subjects
- *
GLOBALIZATION , *INTERNATIONAL relations , *DIPLOMACY , *NATIONAL security - Abstract
The cumulative impact of globalization and internationalization in Europe and Asia is profound. This chapter develops its argument in several steps. Sections 1 and 2 highlight, respectively, the significance of regionalism and regionalization and of globalization and internationalization. Sections 3 and 4 illustrate the different ways that globalization, internationalization and regionalization combine to create a world of open regions. They do so by investigating cultural affairs, an issue that illustrates with particular clarity the confluence of international and global factors. Section 3 analyzes cultural diplomacy, like national security, a central prerogative of the state. Internationalization theory expects persistent national differences, illustrated here by the different approaches that the Japanese and German state have taken in this policy domain. Section 4 looks at popular culture, like finance, a preferred domain for processes that are escaping state control. Globalization theory expects convergence across nations and regions. Taken together, both sections make two claims. First, different combinations of global and international effects create open regionalism in both Europe and Asia. Second, the international and global processes that create openness are not sufficiently powerful to wash away enduring regional differences that set Asia apart from Europe. Section 5 identifies these differences. In Asia the politically defining institution is the market, typically operating along ethnic or national lines. Identity capitalism is thus the characteristic practice of Asian regionalism. Europe’s defining institution is law with its primarily regulatory effects on policies and behavior. Formal political institutions are the most typical regional practice of European regionalism. The paper’s final section 6 contrasts briefly today’s open regionalism in cultural affairs with the historical experience of closed regionalism of the 1930s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2002
15. THE RHETORIC OF THE EUROPEAN SECURITY ARCHITECTURE: THE RISE OF SECURITY GOVERNANCE.
- Author
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Paun, Stefan
- Subjects
NATIONAL security ,POLITICAL science ,SUBVERSIVE activities ,INTERNATIONAL relations - Abstract
The objective of this paper is to emphasize the importance of the creation of a pluralistic security community, the security order and institutional structures of a multipolar Europe, the pattern of diplomatic and strategic interactions in the European security system, the performative role of security representations, the creation of a regional security community, and the prospects for intense security competition. In the first part of the article, I shall focus on the creation of security communities, the complexities of international politics in the contemporary European security system, the crucial factors affecting the prospects for peace and security in Europe, the link between internal security concerns and external relations, and the importance of the state as a provider of security. In the final portion of the article, I explore and describe the subjective nature of human security, the nature and dynamics of contemporary European security, and the impact of security competition between states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2010
16. WHAT ABOUT THE PEOPLE? POPULAR LEGITIMACY AND THE CONTEXT OF GLOBAL THREATS.
- Author
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Ramos, Cláudia Toriz
- Subjects
INTERNATIONAL relations ,CULTURAL identity ,NATIONAL security ,DECISION making - Abstract
Copyright of Antropológicas is the property of Edicoes Universidade Fernando Pessoa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
- Published
- 2009
17. Falling walls and lifting curtains: analysis of border effects in transition countries.
- Author
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Kandogan, Yener
- Subjects
SOCIAL systems ,SOCIALIST societies ,SYSTEMS theory ,INTERNATIONAL relations ,NATIONAL security ,SOCIOLOGY - Abstract
Since McCallum's (1995) finding of surprisingly high border effects on trade between the US and Canada, there have been a number of studies on other parts of the world, and improvements made to the gravity model to measure this effect accurately. This paper suggests some other modifications to the model, and applies it to a region of the world that presents a distinctly interesting case. Changes in border effects of formerly socialist countries in Central and East Europe, and countries in the former Soviet Union are analyzed during 1976-2002 at country and sectoral levels, and also with respect to blocs of countries. A discussion on cross-country variations in border effects follows the computations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2008
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
18. Security cooperation, counterterrorism, and EU–North Africa cross-border security relations, a legal perspective.
- Author
-
O'Neill, Maria
- Subjects
BORDER security ,COUNTERTERRORISM laws ,NATIONAL security ,LIBERTY ,POLICE ,TREATIES ,EUROPEAN Union membership ,NATIONAL security laws ,EUROPEAN Union law ,INTERNATIONAL relations ,GOVERNMENT policy - Abstract
The EU is clearly in the process of developing an external dimension to the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ). This paper focuses on ex. Police and Judicial Cooperation in Criminal Matters (PJCCM) provisions. These developments pose specific legal basis issues for the EU, given its complex EU–member state legal relationship, and the inter-institutional balance, all reflected in the treaty framework post-Lisbon. New Court of Justice rulings are now emerging which will assist in this issue. Equally the approach to be taken in developing these relationships will be crucial. This paper proposes the adoption of an Onuf style constructivism in order to best capture the reality of the process that is developing, and has developed for the ex. PJCCM measures internally. This then needs to be allied with a constitutionalism model to ensure a balanced development of all three aspects of the AFSJ. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]
- Published
- 2015
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
19. The Lisbon Treaty and the Future of the European Union Common Foreign and Security Policy. (Post-) National Sovereignty Revisited?
- Author
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Jovanoski, Igor
- Subjects
TREATY on European Union (1992). Protocols, etc., 2007 December 13 ,NATIONAL security ,SOVEREIGNTY ,INTERNATIONAL relations - Abstract
Striking a balance between the political authority of the EU member states and the competences of an enlarged 'post-national' European Union (EU), the Treaty of Lisbon (ToL) has emphasized both aspects. On the one hand, it introduces a number of flexible institutional mechanisms to allow for more effectively integrated internal and external policies. On the other hand, as its conclusion states, it represents a manifestation of the sovereign will of EU members, freely expressed, and thus satisfies the desire for sovereignty of the member states (Wessels and Bopp 2008). Drawing on this assumption, this paper explores the linkages between the issue of (post) national sovereignty and the prospects for the effectiveness of the European Union Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) after the ToL. In this context, I argue that in understanding the sovereignty balance (or rather the tension) within the legal and political stricture of the EU, we can make plausible predictions as to the future of its foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2011
20. RISKS AND THREATS RECOGNIZED IN THE SECURITY ENVIRONMENT.
- Author
-
Valentin-Bogdan, DĂNILĂ
- Subjects
NATIONAL security ,INTELLIGENCE service ,RISK ,STRATEGIC planning ,INTERNATIONAL relations - Abstract
Since the terrorist attacks have not ceased being a problem on the agenda of South - Eastern Europe countries, and also for large organizations / international actors, the security strategies/policies in the region continue to sustain further changes so as to ensure public safety, first of all. Thus, starting from the situations where the lack of information led to significant losses as a result of not taking optimal decisions, through this paper are returned to the forefront the intelligence services and information needs. Significant in this respect are intelligence key-elements on economic, political and military situation issues that are reflected in security initiatives or doctrines. Prior to obtaining in formations, there has been a long process of cooperation between states, ie - a configuration of information communities, together with setting information leaders. Specifically, at the base of the relations between the countries in South - Eastern Europe there are common objectives, such the capabilities and intentions of potential enemies / competitors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2013
21. Is French defence policy becoming more Atlanticist?
- Author
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Talmor, Angelique and Selden, Zachary
- Subjects
NATIONAL security ,INTERNATIONAL security ,CIVIL-military relations ,INTERNATIONAL relations - Abstract
France is one of the most prominent European military powers and a strong proponent of an independent European military capability. Yet, France’s actions since 2009 suggest that it may be prioritizing the transatlantic relationship over the development of the European Union’s Common Security and Defence Policy. Does this signal a fundamental Atlanticist shift in the way that France envisions its future defence and security, or does it simply signal a temporary re-evaluation of French Europeanist security ambitions? Our analysis attempts to answer whether there is presently an Atlanticist shift evident in French foreign policy, and whether any such shift is rooted in a desire to preserve French influence through international institutions such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. This paper combines elite interviews with content analysis of French media comparing the current time with the mid-1990s to determine whether there is a shift in how defence and security issues are discussed and, if so, whether that signals a fundamental change. We find that, while there is a shift, it does not necessarily indicate a more Atlanticist posture, but suggests rather a pragmatic move to further French security goals through the most effective institutional mechanisms available. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]
- Published
- 2017
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
22. Consistency, coherence and external action of the European Union in terms of international dispute settlement.
- Author
-
Mehmetaj, Jonida
- Subjects
DISPUTE resolution ,INTERNATIONAL conflict ,TREATY on European Union (1992). Protocols, etc., 2007 December 13 ,NATIONAL security ,INTERNATIONAL relations - Abstract
This study aims to analyze the concept of consistency and coherence in function of the European Union external action and international dispute resolution. Consistency and coherence are effective elements applied by the European Union with the aim of establishing efficient structures, such as the Common Foreign and Security Policy in the Lisbon Treaty. The article discusses the concept of consistency and coherence, different approaches that address these two concepts, importance of effective foreign policy, and the inclusion of consistency and coherence in a number of provisions of the Treaty of the European Union and Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. The study addresses the various dimensions of coherence and consistency, such as, vertical dimension, horizontal dimension and multilateral dimension. Consistency and coherence, play an important role in the European Union's efforts, to affirm its presence on the world stage as an important actor, in resolving and preventing international dispute. The paper focuses on analyzing the role of the European Union to international disputes settlement, weaknesses institutional complexity and a lack of consensus among member countries, to pursue effective Common Foreign and Security Policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2015
23. Over- and under-reaction to transboundary threats: two sides of a misprinted coin?
- Author
-
Meyer, Christoph O.
- Subjects
INTERNATIONAL relations ,INTERNATIONAL relations policy ,DECISION making ,NATIONAL security - Abstract
When states over- and under-react to perceived transboundary threats, their mistakes can have equally harmful consequences for the citizens they mean to protect. Yet, studies of intelligence and conventional foreign policy tend to concentrate on cases of under-reaction to threats from states, and few studies set out criteria for identifying cases of under- and over-reaction to other kinds of threats or investigate common causes. The paper develops a typology of over- and under-reaction in foreign policy revolving around threats assessment, response proportionality and timeliness. Drawing on pilot case studies, the contribution identifies combinations of factors and conditions that make both over- or under-reaction more likely. It is hypothesized that three factors play significant causal roles across the cases: (1) institutions have learned the wrong lessons from previous related incidents; (2) decision-making is organized within institutional silos focused on only one kind of threat; and (3) actors have strong pre-existing preferences for a particular outcome. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]
- Published
- 2016
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
24. The Crisis of the Transatlantic Security Community.
- Author
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Risse, Thomas
- Subjects
- *
INTERNATIONAL relations , *NATIONAL security , *ECONOMIC history , *POLITICAL science - Abstract
Looks at issues surrounding the crisis of the transatlantic security community. Example of structural changes in world politics; Analysis of the policy disagreements between the U.S. and Europe; Claims on the contemporary crisis in U.S.-European relations.
- Published
- 2004
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
25. Balancing Act? Anti-Americanism and Support for a Common European Foreign and Security Policy.
- Author
-
Johnston, Gregory and Ray, Leonard
- Subjects
- *
ANTI-Americanism , *INTERNATIONAL relations , *NATIONAL security , *SEPTEMBER 11 Terrorist Attacks, 2001 , *IRAQ War, 2003-2011 - Abstract
Anti-Americanism is a phenomenon that has received increasing attention in the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks and more recently with the invasion of Iraq. However, despite its wide use, anti-Americanism is used often as a polemic term, and then often inconsistently. We attempt to provide a clearer and more consistent definition of anti-Americanism. Then, using newly released Eurobarometer data from the fall of 2002 and the spring of 2003, we observe the prevalence of anti-American attitudes among the peoples of Europe, and what leads to these attitudes. We find that ideology, nationalism, attachment to a supranational Europe, the security concerns of Europeans, and U.S. behavior on the international stage are all strong predictors of anti-American attitudes. We then draw inferences about the effects of anti-Americanism. We find that anti-Americanism leads to an erosion of support for NATO and increased support for a defense arrangement led by the European Union, with no noticeable effect for support of defense led by national governments. Furthermore, anti-Americanism is increasing in Europe, which implies this trend of decreasing popular support for NATO and increasing support for an EU-led defense will continue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
26. The Cooperative Security Dilemma in the Baltic Sea Region.
- Author
-
Mölder, Holger
- Subjects
STRATEGIC culture ,INTERNATIONAL security ,INTERNATIONAL relations ,POLITICAL philosophy ,NATIONAL security ,REGIONALISM ,POST-Cold War Period ,GEOPOLITICS ,EUROPEAN politics & government, 1989- - Abstract
This paper examines a clash between modern and post-modern security systems, which may generate cooperative security dilemmas. Cooperative security dilemmas are not state-centric concepts as traditional security dilemmas but apply to international systems. The variations of cooperative security dilemmas are tested in the context of Baltic Sea regional security complex, particularly the integration dilemma in the Nordic countries and the identity dilemma with Russia. The security and defense postures of some regional actors tend to follow modern security understandings that may produce cooperative security dilemmas in the post-modern security environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2011
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
27. Defining the European Union as a global security actor.
- Author
-
Duna, Dacian
- Subjects
- *
INTERNATIONAL security , *NATIONAL security , *INTERNATIONAL solidarity , *INTERNATIONAL relations - Abstract
This paper evaluates the European Union's actorness in international relations and especially in the field of global security. It approaches three core documents for the development of a European security culture: the European Security Strategy, the Constitutional Treaty and the Treaty of Lisbon. The European Security Strategy provided the normative substratum for engaging European Union into the global governance of the 21st century after the terrorist attacks of 9/11. The Constitutional Treaty and the Lisbon Treaty were not as revolutionary as the security strategy. They in fact showed the limits of the institutional compromise and the political sclerosis of which the EU suffers. However, as this paper demonstrates, the norms and institutions are created for better or worse. What still misses is the political will of the Member States and EU officials to advance further the objective set out in the security strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2010
28. EUROPEAN FOREIGN POLICY AFTER LISBON: STRENGTHENING THE EU AS AN INTERNATIONAL ACTOR.
- Author
-
Koehler, Kateryna
- Subjects
EUROPEAN foreign relations, 1989- ,INTERNATIONAL relations ,TREATIES ,NATIONAL security ,POLITICAL integration ,INTERNATIONAL cooperation - Abstract
Following years of compromise, the Treaty of Lisbon finally came into force on December 1, 2009. This article analyses the new substantive law regulations and institutional arrangements of the Lisbon Treaty in the field of external relations and their impact on the effectiveness of the European foreign policy and the European Union as an international actor. For this purpose, this paper starts with analyses of the principle of coherence and continues with the reformed structure and legal personality of the EU, which was previously a serious challenge for the coherence of the EU's foreign policy. Finally, this article examines the functions and implications of institutional innovations, namely, the positions of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the President of the European Council and the European External Action Service. This paper argues that the Treaty of Lisbon improves the preconditions for a higher degree of coherence in European external relations and strengthens the EU as an international actor, even if the success of the European foreign policy, especially in the field of CFSP, still depends to a great extent on the Member States' willingness to cooperate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2010
29. The Rise of Lilliputians, Is this a Real Challenge to the Enlarged EU?: The Case of the CFSP.
- Author
-
Moosung Lee
- Subjects
DECISION making ,INTERNATIONAL relations ,NATIONAL security ,POLITICAL science ,INTERNATIONAL economic integration ,EUROPEAN politics & government ,ECONOMIC policy - Abstract
One of the sui generis characteristics of the current and forthcoming enlargement of the European Union (EU) is the accession of a large number of small state members. Against this backdrap, there is a conventional wisdom that the accession of these new small member states has not generally been welcomed, but that it is commonly considered as a matter for concern, which presents a number of challenges to the EU. Of the challenges likely to be caused by the accession of a large number of new small member states, this paper focuses on the impact of the accession of these states on the future development of the Common Foreign Security Policy (CFSP). In order to address this question, it will examine the future development of the CFSP, with reference to its decision-making process, implementation of its relevant acquis and the implications for external relations. In so doing, this paper aims to contend that the conventional wisdom is not necessarily the only possible outcome expected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2005
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
30. THE FUTURE OF EUROPEAN SECURITY.
- Author
-
LONGHURST, KERRY and ZABOROWSKI, MARCIN
- Subjects
NATIONAL security ,INTERNATIONAL relations ,INTERNATIONAL security - Abstract
The transformation of transatlantic security relations after 9/11 remains the subject of extensive scrutiny. Academics and practitioners alike continue to seek an explanation for the stark divergences in national security policies that transpired in the period between 2001 and 2003. This paper argues that the existence of national strategic cultures in shaping states security policies and perspectives towards the use of force in particular is crucial to any comprehensive understanding of recent developments in transatlantic security. Furthermore, only when the perspectives of states from Central and Eastern Europe are brought more centrally into analysis can a clearer prognosis of the longer term consequences for both transatlantic security and Europe’s own ambitions to become a secruity actor be reached. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
31. The Determinants of Turkish Foreign Policy, and Turkey's European Vocation.
- Author
-
Aydin, Mustafa
- Subjects
INTERNATIONAL relations ,TREATIES ,NATIONAL security ,GEOPOLITICS ,IDEOLOGY ,FOREIGN relations of Turkey ,EUROPEAN foreign relations - Abstract
This contribution suggests a framework for examining Turkish--European relations from the perspective of domestic and external inputs of foreign policy making in Turkey. In viewing the relationship as a unique part of overall Turkish foreign policy orientation, the study employs a multi-level, multi-causal approach and a contextual framework. Accordingly, the paper identifies and deals with three main structural inputs of Turkish foreign policy -- namely, the Ottoman experience and its long-lasting legacy; the geopolitical realities of Turkey; and the ideological foundations defined under the leadership of Atatürk As well as the effects of the recent systemic changes on Turkish foreign policy as an example of conjectural factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2003
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
32. DYING FOR THE UNION?
- Author
-
Mérand, Frédéric
- Subjects
INTERNATIONAL relations ,NATIONAL security ,GOVERNMENT policy ,ARMED Forces - Abstract
In spite of the vagaries of the common foreign and security policy and the enduring domination of NATO, there now exist a fairly large number of West European military structures. Recently, European countries pledged substantial units towards the creation of a 60,000-strong EU Rapid Reaction Capability, due to be fully operational by the mid-2000s. What did military officers in France, the United Kingdom and Germany think of 'European defence' before recent political developments took place? This paper attempts to assess the level of support for military integration among officers as well as the reasons and causes underlying their opinion. In particular, I demonstrate that, beyond cross-national variation, speaking foreign languages, having few soldiers in one's family, belonging to a 'support' unit, being highly ranked and believing in the virtues of international missions are significant predictors of support for European armed forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2003
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
33. The Positions of the United States and Europe on the Western Sahara Conflict.
- Author
-
Benabdallah-Gambier, Karima
- Subjects
- *
INTERNATIONAL relations , *NATIONAL security - Abstract
Since its inception, the Western Sahara conflict has been imbedded in a regional struggle with international implications, involving most of the key regional actors, as well as outside powers seeking to balance their interests with all parties concerned. Thus, the Western Sahara is at the center of any foreign policy toward the Maghreb region. This is the case for the US, even though the Maghreb remains peripheral, or for the European Union, mainly France and Spain as central actors.This paper will discuss the evolution of American and European policies towards the Western Sahara, in particular, and with the Maghreb, in general, i.e., the interaction of these policies with each of the regional actors, namely, Algeria, Morocco, and the SADR. The paper will also analyze the influence of other policies on the resolution of the conflict, or lack thereof, including the âwar on terrorism,â as well as the process of democratization in the region and other developments in the Middle East. It will be argued that the conflict resolution if conducted to its conclusion within the UN framework would constitute for the US an example of its capacity to resolve conflict within the international system and for the EU an opportunity to affirm its intrinsic external policy, when its overall foreign policy appears scattered if not atomized by the different influences pursued by the EU Member States. However, considering the proximity of the Maghreb to Europe, and the general approach to solving issues at the European Union level, this could constitute a breakthrough for an external policy in the making, contrasting with the negligible influence of the European Union regarding the Middle East peace process. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2008
34. Summitry and Political Leadership? Institutionalisation of the European Council and the Effects on the EUâs Foreign and Security Policy.
- Author
-
Strãmvik, Maria
- Subjects
- *
POLITICAL leadership , *NATIONAL security , *INTERNATIONAL relations - Abstract
As many international organisations become increasingly institutionalised, scholars have started to ask new questions about the effects of institutionalisation. However, such effects have for most part been sought in terms of efficiency of, and compliance with, the established rules and procedures, but rarely in terms of the provision of political leadership. In this paper, it is argued that the latter is very different from the former, and the central question is: how does a âcollective institution,â with the main purpose of providing political leadership, fare as it is develops more rules, more procedures and more formality? The object under study is the European Council, and the effects of institutionalisation on its capacity to provide leadership for the EUâs foreign policy. This paper builds on findings from a unique series of elite interviews with acting or former heads of state or government, ministers for foreign affairs, as well as top-level officials from national administrations and EU institutions, all with direct insights into the closed meetings of the European Council. The conclusions are pointing to some very unintended consequences of institutionalisation; while the successive formalisation of the preparatory procedures and meetings have been undertaken to increase efficiency, it has at the same time led to less intimacy, reduced confidence between the participants, and a meeting climate which is no longer conducive to the formulation of new and innovative ideas. The result has, in short, been a substantial loss of the premiersâ capacity to collectively provide political leadership for the European Union. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2008
35. The Unbearable Dialogicality of Being: Polish and Baltic Post-Cold War Politics of Becoming European.
- Author
-
Mü;lksoo, Maria
- Subjects
- *
NATIONAL security , *INTERNATIONAL relations , *POLITICAL science , *POWER (Social sciences) , *GROUP identity - Abstract
Whilst there is an emerging theoretical consensus in critical security studies on the Bakhtinian understanding of the 'other' as an epistemological and ontological necessity for the comprehension and completion of the 'self', the response of the 'other' to the construction of its identity has generally escaped scholarly attention, not the least in the context of Central and East European states' responses to the long-time Western designation 'Europe but not Europe'. Yet, this paper argues, the experience of being framed as simultaneously in Europe and not quite European has left a constitutive imprint on Poland's and the Baltic states' current self-understandings and security imaginaries. This paper applies William Connolly's notion of the politics of becoming in order to analyse the Polish and Baltic versions of becoming a subject in the field of post-Cold War European foreign and security policy. Setting out from a Sartrean dictum 'we are what we make of what others have made of us', this paper presents a critical discourse analysis on what the representation of Central and East European countries in Western post-Cold War security debates has made of them, with a particular reference to the bifurcations of New/Old and modern/postmodern Europe. The paper thus aims to advance Bakhtin's ideal-typical model's applicability to the study of international relations by pinpointing the inevitable infusion of collective identity formation with power relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2007
36. Professional Security: Applying Pierre Bourdieu's Field to International Political Analysis.
- Author
-
Bigo, Didier
- Subjects
- *
THEORY , *INTERNATIONAL relations , *SECURITY management , *NATIONAL security - Abstract
Up to date, the work of Pierre Bourdieu has been ill understood in International Relations theory. This paper will discuss some fundamental concepts and illustrate their use in international research with the example of a recent research project on security management in Europe, focussing on the restructuring of the European police and domestic security agendas. The paper will notably elaborate the use of the concept of ?fields? and the problems of its operationalisation in transnational empirical research. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2007
37. Military Privatization and Global Security Governance.
- Author
-
Von Boemcken, Marc
- Subjects
- *
NATIONAL security , *GOVERNMENT policy , *INTERNATIONAL relations , *GLOBALIZATION , *VIOLENCE - Abstract
The paper utilizes anti-essentialist theories of security so as to position the private military and security industry within the historic evolution of military organization and the emerging strategic complexes of global violence peculiar to the modalities of war-making in the 21st century. For this purpose, it first examines the way a specific system of social and political differentiation historically constituted itself as an effect of changes in the European apprehension of warfare in the 17th and 18th century. The paper then proceeds to compare this modern ideal of territorial, state-centric and rule-based ?security government? to an opposing logic of decentralized and polymorphous ?security governance?, which tends to inform recent articulations of security discourse. The ongoing growth of the private military and security industry is finally explained in terms of precisely this shift in the global application and organization of military power. The de-territorialization of warfare, it is argued, exceeds a set of formative distinctions intrinsic to the historic process wherein the modern state came to realize itself as bearing the sole monopoly of violence. In particular, it thereby threatens the civil-military dichotomy implied by the Westphalian state-system and thus tends to compromise the ?civil? spaces left available for non-military action. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2007
38. Forget Bourdieu! The Limits of Bourdieu?s Social Theory for Understanding Transnational Spaces and a Micro-Sociological Alternative.
- Author
-
Büger, Christian
- Subjects
- *
SOCIAL theory , *INTERNATIONAL relations , *GOVERNMENT policy , *NATIONAL security - Abstract
Bourdieu?s social theory has become a new reference point in IR theory. Initially only used in New European Security Theory (NEST), Bourdieus concepts of capital, field and practice is increasingly adopted to think other transnational spaces then the field of security. Bourdieu?s concepts certainly have opened new intellectual space to think of international relations differently ? and critically. The field concept has provided an alternative metaphor to the container of the nation state. Capital has proved to be useful concept to acknowledge that there is more then one face of power ? seven, if you want. The concept of practice in its discursive and non-discursive expressions has finally made it to be a concept of analytical worth in the IR discourse, and Bourdieu might help to return practice to the linguistic turn ? to paraphrase Iver Neumann. Although, most likely Bourdieu will face Habermas? fate ? to be disciplined in the disciplinary canon (which will be proved when we see the first ?Bourdieu inspired? article in International Organizations), this paper engages with a non-disciplinary, direct critique of Bourdieu?s theory in the first place. In discussing the telling critique expressed by Bruno Latour, I will question if Bourdieu?s conceptual tools will be useful in future to think transnational spaces and a ?world society?.The paper will proceed in three steps. First, I will discuss Latour?s critique on Bourdieus use of the economic metaphor, which indicates the importance to find a balance between Bourdieus and Foucaults version of power and authority ? of having power and of being in power. From this perspective it becomes clear that Bourdieus solution for the agency-structure dilemma (the field) is problematic. Next, I will ask in what way the Bourdieuan problem has become an IR problem. In reviewing some of the ?Bourdieu-inspired? analyses of transnational spaces in IR, I will investigate in what way scholars have already fallen in the ?field trap?. As the review will reveal, (most) scholars have acknowledged the problem, and have, innovatively, added a disciplinary shot of Foucault to their studies. However, the risks still prevail and not all of the solutions are convincing. Thus, I will, thirdly, sketch an alternative of studying transnational spaces by relying on what has been called the sociology of translation. In introducing the principles and vocabulary of this school of thought, and discussing some of the parallels to existing ?relational? accounts in IR, I argue that this basic vocabulary not only prevents us from falling in the ?field trap?, but can guide research of a new type. In resisting the disciplinary obligation that every good paper needs at least an empirical case study, I will conclude by a summary of the argument and by sketching elements of an international sociology of translation. In sum, the paper questions a ?new fashion? of the disciplinary sociological turn in adding and translating some non-disciplinary thoughts. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2007
39. Europe, Multipolarity, and Terrorism: Soft Security as a Position of Strength.
- Author
-
Johnston, Mary Troy
- Subjects
- *
NATIONAL security , *INTERNATIONAL relations , *MILITARY policy , *INTERNATIONAL security , *TERRORISM - Abstract
This paper claims that the European approach to security is new and distinct. Its strength lies in capitalizing on international norms, institutions, and law, while converting a variety of global connections into soft power. Multipolarity has challenged would-be hegemons who no longer wield the power to impose their values on potential dissidents and enemies, by the same token creating new opportunities for soft power. Europe seeks to wield moral authority in terms of both means and ends it pursues. In the final analysis, this paper examines to what extent moral authority, as the most critical component of soft power, has become a security tool in a multipolar world. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2007
40. European Neighborhood Policy and its Potential Contribution to Maintenance of Stability in the Post-Cold War Period.
- Author
-
Erış, Özgür Ünal
- Subjects
- *
INTERNATIONAL relations , *POLITICAL stability , *NATIONAL security , *CONFLICT management - Abstract
When the Cold War ended Europe was faced with a variety of challenges and sources of instability on its immediate eastern borders. Especially with the break up of Yugoslavia and the following bloody wars, it saw concretely what the impact of potential instability can be on the 'security regime' it had carefully created during the Cold War. Thus it successfully and rapidly started the process of including the countries on its eastern border in this security regime and its common framework of conflict resolution. When doing that it had inevitably excluded its Mediterranean partners, its neighbours on the south. Even the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership established by the Barcelona Declaration and the efforts to intensify co-operation with the countries on the southern flank had not really helped these countries to turn into stable democracies unlike the Central and Eastern European countries. Thus after a reflection upon the almost 10 years of Barcelona Declaration experience, the EU launched the European Neighborhood Policy in 2004 with the main aim of making up for the incomplete goals that the Barcelona Declaration had decided to fulfill. This paper looks at the potential of the European Neighbourhood policy in finding solutions to the sources of instability existing in the neighbors of the EU; both in the Mediterranean and the Middle East region but also in the northern regions as well. It attempts to answer the following questions: What are the most urgent sources of security threats in the neighborhood regions? How will the European Neighborhood Policy help to find solutions for them? In what ways is it different from the Mediterranean Partnership initiative established by the Barcelona Declaration? What can be the most important deficiencies of this policy? Is an associate membership status likely to influence the reform process in these countries more than being involved in a partnership initiative with the EU? In this paper I hope to shed some light on the efforts of the EU to stabilise the regions surrounding it and analyse the success of its strategies in protecting its security regime by looking at the European Neigborhood Policy in particular. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2006
41. National Interests and the Development of the European Union's CFSP and ESDP: The Role of Domestic Political Preferences in Selecting the Level of Action and Institutions for Advancing Foreign and Defense Policy.
- Author
-
O'Reilly, K.
- Subjects
- *
NATIONAL interest , *NATIONAL security , *INTERNATIONAL relations , *NATION-state , *POLITICAL science - Abstract
This paper examines why EU member states may or may not perceive that body as the appropriate level and institution for advancing national interests in the areas of foreign policy and defense and security policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2005
42. The Global Political System: From One to Many? A European Perspective.
- Author
-
Parsi, Vittorio Emmanuele
- Subjects
- *
INTERNATIONAL relations , *NATIONAL security , *INTERNATIONAL alliances - Abstract
This paper seeks to argue that under modern international conditions it would be counterproductive for any European country to assume that it would be feasible or possible to balance against US hegemony. Such an effort would not serve the interests of those who might be so tempted: moreover it would entail the risk of reproducing the same hazardous conditions for the international system that led to the break down of peace between 1890 and 1914. However, even though this implies continued US dominance in a unipolar political system, there are other areas where the USA is not so preponderant and it in these that the greatest challenge lies for the United States in the future in its relations with Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
43. OF CHAOS AND POWER : WILL EUROPE BECOME A STRATEGIC COMMUNITY?
- Author
-
Ülgen, Sinan
- Subjects
NATIONAL security ,INTERNATIONAL relations ,DIPLOMACY - Abstract
The debate on European security entered a new stage with the strategy paper entitled "A secure Europe in a better world" submitted by the High Representative Javier Solana and adopted by the Brussels Summit in December 2003. The objective of this paper is to conceptualize the Union's strategic posture. As such it is really the first step towards a strategic community, a dimension which had been lacking in the EU. The paper sets out a number of proposals for enabling the Union to play a more effective role on the international stage and contribute more actively to global security and stability. The emergence of a EU security posture however presents Turkey with a real dilemma. That can be a useful development for Turkey as long as it enhances the country's prospects for accession on the basis of its role as a pivotal country. Yet it can also give rise to concern by undermining NATO, a traditional anchor for Turkish security and foreign policy. The best outcome for Turkey under these circumstances will require the setting of concrete and achievable foreign policy objectives based on a comprehensive and regularly updated analysis of the new environment; and a flexible diplomacy that has learned to adapt to and to take advantage of this constantly evolving environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2003
44. Stuck on disarmament: the European Union and the 2015 NPT Review Conference.
- Author
-
SMETANA, MICHAL
- Subjects
TREATY on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (1968) ,INTERNATIONAL cooperation of nuclear disarmament ,NATIONAL security ,FOREIGN relations of the European Union ,EUROPEAN politics & government ,CONFERENCES & conventions ,TWENTY-first century ,INTERNATIONAL relations - Abstract
The quinquennial Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) Review Conference represents a highly important event from the perspective of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Though not a party to the treaty itself, the EU has made a consistent effort since the 1990s to coordinate the positions of its member states and achieve higher visibility in the NPT review process. The aim of this article is to examine the role of the EU in the 2015 NPT Review Conference deliberations. Drawing on on-site observations, statements and in-depth research interviews, it argues that the recent institutional changes notwithstanding, the influence of the EU as a distinct actor in the NPT context remains very limited, and the EU's common position is in bigger disarray than ever before. This year's Review Conference demonstrated the widening rift between the member states, in particular in the area of nuclear disarmament and the related issues. The inability to maintain a coherent common position limits the EU 'actorness' and impedes its striving for relevance in the NPT forums. The dynamics outlined in this article further highlight the limits of the EU CFSP in security matters in which the national positions of individual member states are as divergent as in the case of nuclear disarmament. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2016
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
45. European security policy for the people? Public opinion and the EU's Common Foreign, Security and Defence policy.
- Author
-
Peters, Dirk
- Subjects
NATIONAL security ,FOREIGN relations of the European Union ,PUBLIC opinion ,MILITARY policy ,INTERNATIONAL relations ,LEGITIMACY of governments ,SURVEYS ,DEMOCRACY - Abstract
The democratic foundations of European integration in the foreign and defence realm are increasingly being debated. This article looks at the question of democratic legitimacy from one particular angle, by examining public opinion as measured in Eurobarometer surveys between 1989 and 2009. Based on reflections about the relation between polling results and wider questions of democracy, it examines three aspects of public opinion: general support for a common foreign and a common defence policy; differences among support rates in EU member states; and what roles Europeans would prefer for European armed forces. It turns out that general support for a common foreign policy is high, whereas the desirability of a common defence policy is much more contested. Moreover, citizens across Europe would prefer European armed forces to take on traditional tasks, as territorial defence. An EU defence policy that goes beyond strict intergovernmentalism and is directed towards protecting international law and universal human rights would thus require a significant communicative effort to become accepted. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]
- Published
- 2014
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
46. All Quiet on the Western Front: The Transatlantic Relationship as an Enduring Hierarchy.
- Author
-
Staisch, Matthias
- Subjects
- *
NATIONAL security , *INTERNATIONAL relations ,FOREIGN relations of the United States ,EUROPEAN foreign relations - Abstract
Contrary to most predictions and contemporary analysis, innovation with regard to strategic doctrine, military posture, and institutions has left the deep structure of the U.S.-European security bargain intact. The allocation of rights and responsibilities among the contracting parties to guarantee each others? security interests has survived the end of the Cold War. The United States continues to exercise robust leadership, and the Europeans have sustained recognition of their junior status vis-à-vis the Americans, thus making transatlantic security cooperation an instance of enduring hierarchy. This paper defends this non-conventional empirical claim, and offers a logic that explains stability at the level of deep structure.To defend the empirical claim, I do two things: First, I conceptualize the transatlantic security relationship of the Cold War era as a multi-dimensional contract, whose parties have entered into a hierarchical (authority) relationship. In contrast to (Realist) advocates of the discontinuity thesis, transatlantic security cooperation served not only to collectively defend against an external threat, but provided mechanisms that allowed the contracting parties to reassure each other of their benign intentions. In contrast to recent influential contributions in the (Liberal-institutionalist) continuity school, I emphasize that the European allies conferred special rights and privileges on the United States so that its asymmetric share of the material burden went hand in hand with an asymmetric amount of (legitimate) political discretion, yielding hierarchy. After defining the status quo baseline in this fashion, I show that the contracting parties have not decisively deviated from it either prior to or since the end of the Cold War.Existing explanations for the trajectory of U.S.-EU relations fall short in three ways: First, they do not capture the assertiveness with which the United States has pushed for a strategic reorientation of the security bargain, both prior to and after the events of 9/11. Second, they neglect to reflect on the prevailing lack of intra-European consensus with regard to security and defense policies. Finally, in ignoring the dynamics just mentioned, they sidestep the actual puzzle: Why, despite a U.S. drive for change at the operational level, and a lack of unified European loyalty to the original bargain, has the status quo prevailed? I argue that the deep structure of transatlantic security cooperation has remained stable for two reasons. First, its European partners have recognized that the bargain underlying the European Union cannot be modified so as to present a functional substitute for junior membership in the transatlantic club. In fact, the vitality of the intra-European bargain, both before and after its post-1990 amendments, is structurally dependent on the preservation of the transatlantic status quo. Second, in light of Europe?s voluntary subordination, the United States recommitted to the transatlantic alliance, since it allowed for the exercise of robust European, and by extension, global leadership without the exigencies that power projection through ad hoc coalitions of the willing impose. This project contributes both to the substantive debate on transatlantic security relations, and to theoretical discussions over the relative conceptual and explanatory validity of balancing and binding models in security studies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2007
47. The Paradox of U.S. Foreign Policy Towards Revolutionary States.
- Author
-
Chilelli, Aaron
- Subjects
- *
REALISM , *INTERNATIONAL relations , *NATIONAL security - Abstract
Realism has always been considered one of the safest foreign policy strategies that a nation can follow. Focusing on one's own self interest and the interests of their countrymen has always guaranteed a level of security and consistency that has earned the favor of so many U.S. officials. Now, some of the nations that provided the United States, Great Britain, and other European powers with the most economic or regional control years ago, are the same nations that monopolize our mass media as the plague of international security today.Some of modern histories most notorious revolutions and rebellions have spurred out of years of external meddling and oppression. The Cuban Revolution of 1959, and the 1979 revolutions in both Iran and Nicaragua are the direct result of U.S. intervention and realist tactics. The United States has never had a clear foreign policy except for the cries of liberty and democracy that have carried our nation against every enemy from Nazism to Communism, from Terrorism to Despotism. However, every conflict seems to end in the same confusion surrounding the actual objective of the United States government; is the main objective oil or freedom?The solution is a new look on the workings of the world, that actual promotion of liberalism and constant support for the will of the people, rather than using realist tactics, will eventually result in greater economic and political gain for the United States. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2009
48. American Policy and its Impact on the EU-NATO-U.S. Relationship.
- Author
-
Mowle, Thomas S.
- Subjects
- *
MILITARY policy , *NATIONAL security , *INTERNATIONAL relations - Abstract
The article presents an analysis of diplomatic and military policies of the U.S. and their impact on the EU-NATO-U.S. relationship. One of the innovations in the National Security Strategy of 2002 (NSS02) document is its implied recognition that states are not the only actors that exercise power in the world. Also discussed are interrelated issues and trends affecting the relations between the U.S. and Europe, including the unpopularity of American policy in the continent.
- Published
- 2005
49. The Temporal Structure of European Security Identity.
- Author
-
Wæver, Ole
- Subjects
- *
IDENTITY (Philosophical concept) , *NATIONAL security , *INTERNATIONAL relations , *POLITICAL science , *TIME - Abstract
The article considers the temporal structure of European security identity cited at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association in Hawaii in March 2005. It found that the dominant security discourse in Western Europe was one that depicted Europe's past as the main threat. It mentions the implications of the growth of the European Union (EU) for the Franco-German tandem. It notes that temporal structures and political identity are closely linked and resistant to time.
- Published
- 2005
50. No Strategy Lasts Forever: Time for a New European Security Strategy.
- Author
-
Biscop, Sven
- Subjects
- *
NATIONAL security , *INTERNATIONAL relations , *GOVERNMENT policy - Abstract
The European Security Strategy (ESS) needs revising. After a while, any strategic concept reaches the 'best consumed before' date and no longer serves to inspire and, most importantly, to drive policy and action. The ESS is incomplete as well, so more than reviewing, it needs completing. It operates at the grand strategic level, connecting large means and large ends. On the ends it remains vague, however. The ESS mostly gives us a method: the EU deals with foreign policy in a preventive, holistic and multilateral way. As a debate about a new ESS is beginning in the 'Brussels hub', this paper will assess what a review would imply in terms of substance, and through which method it could be achieved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2012
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