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Copyright of Sexuality, Gender & Policy Journal is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Faced with State inefficiency in housing provision, the occupation of the Cambridge Hotel, located on the outskirts of São Paulo’s city center, was used as a case study to identify possibilities in the struggle for social housing. The building, initially a hotel built in the 1950s, closed in 2002, was expropriated in 2011, and occupied by the Downtown Homeless Movement (Movimento Sem Teto do Centro) in 2012. The movement, after social tensions and participation in participatory councils, obtained the donation of the property and its license in a federal requalification program. Through qualitative analysis of the housing deficit in Brazil, characterized by the excessive burden of rents and the precariousness of real estate, in contrast to housing policies focused on the production of units through development programs in peripheral locations, it is understood that the analysis of the determining factors for the case study’s feasibility can contribute to the discussion of government policies and actions. The methodology, based on the procedural field, observational methods, and literature review in the logical field, was structured in dialectical and inductive methods for the research, systematization, and critical analysis of bibliographic and documentary references and, in empirical processes, in the qualitative analysis of semi-structured interviews and onsite visits. It was concluded that the power of dialogue and formation of the movement’s networks and its strategy, based on surrounding itself with actors that solidify its struggle, contributed to the viability of the Cambridge Hotel as a residential property. Based on the data analyzed, it is also argued that the participation of municipalities is undeniable in enabling the provision of housing in central areas. However, considering the hegemonic bias identified, the political action of social movements and the participation of academia in its instrumentalization are essential to strengthen the Capital-State relationship and enable the collation of territorial policies that the right to the city contemplates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociology & Technoscience / Sociología y Tecnociencia is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Escuela Universitaria de Educacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Universum is the property of Instituto de Estudios Humanisticos Juan Ignacio Molina, Universidad de Talca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract: The hybrid genealogy of young women activists in Argentina: “Many dissidences and many feminisms” Feminist mobilizations have intensified in Latin America thanks to the incorporation of a significant youth contingent. These new activists bring with them transformations in social movements’ strategies and frameworks of understanding. Taking the Argentine case as the context, in this article we focus on a fundamental dimension of young women’s feminist imagination: who they consider influential movement figures. Based on a qualitative study, we reconstruct a feminist genealogy from the perspective of a new generation of activists. Their movement genealogy, according to our findings, combines figures from diverse trajectories of struggle and sites of activism, with heterogeneous positions regarding feminism. Furthermore, in this genealogy, the young women themselves play a central role. Resumen La movilización feminista se ha intensificado en América Latina gracias a la incorporación de un importante contingente juvenil. Estas nuevas activistas traen consigo transformaciones en los marcos de sentido y en las estrategias de los movimientos sociales. Tomando Argentina como contexto de estudio, este artículo aborda una dimensión fundamental del imaginario feminista de las jóvenes: a quién consideran antecesoras en la construcción del movimiento e inspiradoras para su propias biografías feministas. Mediante un estudio cualitativo, se muestra que las nuevas generaciones reconstruyen una genealogía híbrida que combina figuras prove-nientes de diversas trayectorias de lucha y sitios de activismo, con posiciones heterogéneas respecto del feminismo. Además, en esta genealogía, las propias jóvenes se colocan en un papel protagónico y no como meras herederas de espacios construidos por predecesoras.

Group identification has been proven to be one of the best predictors of social protest, as it seems to influence the relationship between mobilization and radicalism, an issue that has scarcely been researched to date. The purpose of this study, within the framework of the new dynamics of proactive mobilization, is to analyse the mediating role of group identification in the intention of radicalism, comparing social movements with a power orientation (political) and with a cultural orientation (ecofeminisms). Causal models were used to evaluate the mediating role of group identification in the relationship between social participation and radicalism in 920 participants from the general population. We found the existence of two action models in the relationship between participation and radicalism. In the case of political participation, the direct effects between the two variables are higher. However, in the case of ecofeminisms, the indirect effects are higher via self-categorization with the group. Group identification appears as a mediating variable in radicalization processes, especially in movements with a cultural orientation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of EURE is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Estudos Feministas is the property of Revista Estudos Feministas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper we present a categorization of autonomies implemented by indigenous and peasant movements in Latin America into three types: a) juridical versus de facto autonomies; b) explicit versus implicit autonomies; and c) (mono)ethnic versus popular or class-based autonomies. We argue that the debate concerning these different conceptions is of strategic importance both in the dialogue between indigenous and peasant struggles for the defense of territories, and in the question of peasant autonomy, understood as a strategy of struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Informacion Comercial Espanola Revista de Economia is the property of S.G.E.E.I.P.C., Secretaria de Estado de Comercio, Ministerio de Industria, Comercio y Turismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Retos: Nuevas Perspectivas de Educación Física, Deporte y Recreación is the property of Federacion Espanola de Asociaciones de Docentes de Educacion Fisica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article studies the role of spiritual ceremonies known as "mystics" in the popular politics of grassroots organizations in Colombia. Based on an ethnographic approach to the Popular and Spiritual Inauguration of Gustavo Petro and Francia Márquez, I argue that the mystic constitutes an experimental and popular form of political (re)composition that involves the institution, activation, and/or reorientation of affective ties between bodies. I also propose that this ceremony constitutes a form of political articulation that works with and produces difference without the promise of a synthesis, the success of which depends on being flexible enough to allow the entry within popular and institutional politics of historically marginalized aesthetic, spiritual, and political sensibilities linked to different horizons of struggle. In the end, the article reflects on the place of bodies, materiality, and aesthetics in the processes of political (re)composition. Resumen: El artículo aborda el papel de las ceremonias espirituales conocidas como "místicas" en la política popular de organizaciones de base en Colombia. A partir de una aproximación etnográfica a la Posesión Popular y Espiritual de Gustavo Petro y Francia Márquez, sostengo que la mística constituye una forma experimental y popular de (re)composición política que pasa por la institución, activación y/o reorientación de vínculos afectivos entre los cuerpos. Planteo, así mismo, que la mística constituye una forma de articulación política que trabaja con y produce la diferencia sin la promesa de una síntesis, cuyo éxito depende de ser lo suficientemente flexible para permitir la entrada en la política popular e institucional de sensibilidades estéticas, espirituales y políticas históricamente marginadas, ligadas a diferentes horizontes de lucha. Al final, el artículo reflexiona sobre el lugar de los cuerpos, la materialidad y la estética en los procesos de (re)composición política. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Politicae is the property of Studia Politicae and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseño y Comunicación is the property of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseno y Comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseño y Comunicación is the property of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseno y Comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes the communication strategies of the Movement of Those Affected by the Alcântara Space Base in Maranhão, Brazil, through a case study that uses semi-structured interviews and documentary research. It mobilizes concepts of social movements, the Black movement, and quilombola. It addresses the specificities of ethnic territory and discusses the role of communication in strengthening citizenship and the Black press as a means of counterhegemony. The analysis shows that, despite difficulties, MABE confronts dominant narratives and seeks to transform power relations through autonomous and adaptive communication, inseparable from its militancy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on an exploratory study, this article aims to present and analyze the editorial characteristics, as well as identify the main themes addressed by the newspaper Brasil de Fato, a printed publication that had national circulation between 2003 and 2015. Considered one of the main experiences in the field of popular communication at the beginning of the century XXI, due to its critical, combative and left-wing perspective, the aforementioned newspaper offered a decisive contribution to the dissemination and strengthening of social struggles in Brazil, dealing, among other topics, with the agendas, challenges and achievements of social movements and progressive governments in several Latin American countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is the result of research carried out in rural education and pedagogy of alternation, in close articulation with social movements, in a historical and emancipatory perspective, developed in the PPGEA - Postgraduate Program in Agricultural Education, of UFRRJ - Universidade Federal Rural from Rio de Janeiro. Our main objective was to understand the construction process of the experiences of this Pedagogy of Alternation at the Escola Municipal de Agroecologia Vale do Tinguá, Nova Iguaçu, Rio de Janeiro, and its interfaces with human relations. The documental research was developed in bibliographic collections and interviews with the educators that work in the School. Among the sources of investigation, we used legislation, ordinances, decrees and theoretical references on Pedagogy of Alternation and rural education in social movements, in particular, Begnami (2004); Gimonet (2007); Freire (2002); Molina (2006) e Caldart (2012). The results show that rural education, in addition to constituting an immeasurable universe of wisdom in the area of Human and Social Sciences, contributes to the resistance of the oppressed class, considering that the traditional and plural knowledge of rural peoples were, for some reason, silenced, buried and forgotten, to the detriment of the interests of oppressive hegemonic capital. It is up to educators, students and social movements, in favor of the oppressed, to develop research that collaborates with the empowerment of the peasant working class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The media-based communication between social movements and other actors is relevant to achieve their goals. This article addresses the dynamic and contentious aspects of the mediabased communication generated by the Magallanes Social Movement and the Government of Chile. A quantitative analysis was made of 217 news and 499 quotations published during the events. The results indicate that the parties adopted differing communication strategies like making calls for action, talking positively about the own group, among others. Furthermore, the content of communications varied over time, but the strong relation between the communications issued and the occurrence of particular protest events suggests that while a communicational contest is certainly an interactive process, both camps do not just argue through the words, but also through the events that each camp organizes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The crisis of utopia is an evil that has been installed for a long time, in a general way and particularly in Brazil, which has dragged down not only the social movements inherited from the past, but also those that wanted to emerge in such a bleak picture. This was the product of problems inherent to such groups, but fundamentally it was caused by the establishment of neoliberal hegemony, which will carry out a titanic effort to subjectify its predicates. Through this, it will crystallize its rationality as the only possible order, thus preventing the construction of a utopian horizon that can overcome it. A phenomenon that we will break down taking the Brazilian case as a witness, with a current approach but that takes up elements of the past in brushstrokes, on which we will weave our theoretical argument, showing how its introjection was central to building a warp of enormous consistency that imprisons most of the actors and movements that can constitute an alternative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social outbreak of 2019 caused a deep crisis in the Chilean political system, which political parties sought to solve by opening a constitutional change process through the Constitutional Convention. This institutional response appeared to indicate the outbreak had ended and that social movements and political parties acted separately. However, this article contends that both actors directly interacted, arguing that the Convention institutionally prolonged the social outbreak. To understand the scope and obstacles of the interaction between these actors, I conducted 45 interviews with members of the Constitutional Convention (convencionales) both party members and those coming from the social movements. By contrasting both perspectives, this article finds that the persistence of mutual distrust across members of the constitutional convention, along with the time constraints imposed by the institutional design of the process, hindered the construction of broad agreements. This study offers a detailed view of the internal dynamics of the Convention, contributing to the understanding of the interaction between activists and parties both at the institutional level and in the context of the Chilean social outbreak. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When investigating social outbursts, the analysis tends to focus on social mobilization. Taking the case of the social outburst in Bolivia in 2019, this article instead explores the links between social movements and political parties, and their effect on electoral performance. Social movements played an important role in setting the scene for the outburst and in bringing the subsequent crisis to an end. Given their proximity in time, the 2019 and 2020 elections offer a singular opportunity to examine the electoral effect of social movements-political parties links in the context of social outburst. The article analyses four connections between social movements and political parties: Movimiento al Socialismo, Comunidad Ciudadana, Bolivia dice No and Creemos. It identifies and explores the qualitative differences among the linkages built in these four cases, which range from organic party, movement party to circumstantial alliances. These are related to the dissimilar electoral results while considering the political scenario in which they operate. The analysis suggests that the linking of political parties with social movements and civil society organizations has become a condition for electoral success in Bolivia, in a scenario in which social protest constitutes a conventional channel for political participation and articulation of citizen demands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding disabled youth activism is key for improving young disabled people's participation in politics and social change. Young disabled people require opportunities to situate historical and biographical experiences within broader socio-economic contexts. This will lead to a politicised consciousness surrounding disability, emancipation and social justice. This article presents empirical data from the first study on young disabled people's contemporary position within the UK Disabled People's Movement. It critically assesses three areas pertinent to youth activism: activist membership, social movement organisation and future considerations for activism. This allows for an exploration of how young disabled activists navigate collective action, influence activist claims and demands and understand the issues for sustaining a disabled people's social movement. The article illustrates young disabled activists' desire to disrupt their current position within the UK Disabled People's Movement and bring into focus a future where young disabled people's contributions to activism and social movements are accessible, valued and influential. The article argues that a failure to support young disabled people's participation within social movements will have an adverse impact on their political identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos de Trabajo Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Guillermo de Ockham is the property of Revista Cientifica Guillermo de Ockham, Universidad de San Buenaventura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of La Manzana de la discordia is the property of Universidad del Valle and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, Niñez y Juventud is the property of Centro de Estudiso Avanzados en Ninez y Juventud alaianza Cinde, Universidad de Manizales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Linguagens, Educação e Sociedade (LES) is the property of Revista Linguagens, Educacao e Sociedade (LES) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Journal and Mass Communication Quarterly (JMCQ) has documented the struggle members of marginalized groups face in their quest to be treated equally in media content and careers. In this analysis, we note that the journal's century of articles documents the many historical shifts in the representation and treatment of women and minorities in media settings. Articles emphasize the lack of opportunities for advancement, management issues, and systemic inequities perpetuated by media content and practices. Less common were articles that examine the treatment of students and faculty in academia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Eutopía: Revista de Desarrollo Económico Territorial is the property of Eutopia: Revista de Desarrollo Economico Territorial and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mundo Agrario is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Internacional de Ciencias Sociales Interdisciplinares is the property of Common Ground Research Networks and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article arises from different dialogues on the historicization of human rights in articulation with public policies and social movements. We understood necessary to make a historical journey that would allow us to look at the different axes of development that have had the Human Rights from the Virginia Declaration of Rights (adopted in 1776) through key moments such as the Industrial Revolution, the emergence of the UN, among others.of the UN, among others. This leads us to analyze the different themes and groups that have been the focus of pacts, conferences and conventions on human rights: women, dissidents, indigenous peoples, childhood, health, mental health, environment, as the most significant. As well as understanding the impacts of these in our country, Argentina. The questions that guide this work are: What are international organizations? How do they influence us? What are international documents? Why are they important? What impact do they have on people's health and wellbeing? In what historical moments have they been presented and how this has influenced them? What repercussions have they had on public policies? What is the articulation between public policies and social movements?. We understand that the last two questions do not have complete answers, but only outlines some aspects that we have considered important to have in mind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A decade after the first studies, this article presents a critical balance of the findings and weaknesses of research addressing the relationship between communication and speed/slowness, comprising, among other subareas, slow journalism, media disconnection, and slow media. Our work reconstructs the role of reflection on this topic in communication studies and detects a set of emphases in the literature that detract from its critical potential, especially its individualistic bias and neglect of structural determinants and the interactions between technologies, sociality, and environment. Starting from a critical review of the main monographs, essays, and empirical analyses published to date (2010-2023), we found a set of emerging discussions, committing to redirecting the field by reinforcing the ideals of eco-social transformation that guided it in its beginnings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the subjective and individual dimensions of the commitment made by young activists in different contemporary social movements. Two sources are used for its elaboration: case studies in Belgium, France, and Chile; and the analysis of discourses by a young woman from Texas and of Tunisian students mobilized for different causes (ecology, abortion rights, democracy, and social justice). On this basis, we examine how, in this activist way of life, the roots of commitment and the way of “living” social movements are no longer located within organizations or manifestos. Instead, they emerge from the interplay of personal subjectification, seen as the individual’s effort to shape themselves as a person and author of their own life, and the desire to become an active participant in addressing their society’s challenges. In the second section, we highlight three analytical biases that have contributed to an individualistic perspective on this form of activism: (i) the blurring of lines between the processes of subjectification and the (self-) affirmation of an “authentic self,” (ii) the reduction of activism to mere processes of subjectification, when one will combines these processes with another that stives to have an impact on society, and (iii) the consideration that personal dimensions replace the collective dimensions of activism. Far from a selfish individualism or a focus on self-fulfillment, this alter-activist culture encourages the combination of subjectification processes, the desire to become an actor in one’s society, and the personal encounter with others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Desarrollo Económico is the property of Instituto de Desarrollo Economico y Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Internacional de Sociología is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article emerges from the construction of a large panorama that locates structural affinities and problematic tensions between psychoanalysis and collectives. Our literature review on Psychoanalysis and Politics discerns the value of the psychoanalyst's analysis in sustaining the task of political subversions from the divan to the public space. In the sequence, we consider the repercussions of the politics of psychoanalysis in the face of debates involving neurodiversity/autism, psychotherapeutic scientificism and capitalism. We intend to criticize an alienating version of politics, a version that is the protagonist of the different themes we approach and which is conveyed by the agent in the function of the semblant – the law, the all-knowing or the hedonistic individual who is the servant of his own surplus-jouissance (capitalist discourse). The counterpart to this version is the practice coming from a Jew – that is, from a body that lived the effects of the racism of discourses, even before the rise of Nazism – and elaborated by listening to something muzzled in the potentiality of female sexuality. Based on these facts, we argue that there is a crucial key to psychoanalysis in political conflicts: questioning the subjectivity of those who psychoanalyze. This results in the questioning of conservative modalizations that have marked the history of the psychoanalytic clinic and still resonate in the doing of theoretical-practical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 1980s and 1990s there was an expansion of interest in the symbolic dimensions of social movements. As a result, more interpretative analytical models were developed. Some of the most important of these are the study of emotions and frame analysis. This article presents the basic assumptions that support these theoretical perspectives as analytical tools; there is a special interest in the study of emotions because it is more recent and less developed approach. The article argues that, although structural and cultural perspectives are not necessarily mutually exclusive, the assumption of culture and the world of meanings as secondary elements for the explanation of the origin, development and end of social movements must be avoided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes a practical guide for researching contemporary political mobilizations and social movements using digital tools. It highlights the relevance of digital tools amidst the complex dynamics of activism in recent times, as well as the potential of Digital Humanities - a field of study that combines humanities and social sciences with digital technology - to deepen these investigations. To achieve this, it presents a guide divided into six steps, ranging from defining the problem to interpreting and communicating the results, using various tools and software. With this material, the aim is to assist researchers and contribute to an advancement in the understanding of contemporary social mobilizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work seeks to contribute elements to reflect on the production of the territory in the La Plata Horticultural Belt, focusing on the strategies of family farming organizations during 2015-2019. In this period we identified a redefinition of rural development policies within the framework of the change of government, which affects the processes of collective action. Conceptually, we start from an analytical perspective that takes up debates on collective action and seeks to articulate them with the perspective of spatiality. We understand that through their practices and forms of intervention, family farming organizations seek to influence or transform power relations and, in this sense, constitute themselves as a socio-territorial movement. Through the use of primary sources-collected through interviewsand secondary -statistical data survey as well as systematization of existing bibliography on the subject- and a qualitative methodology, we identified a series of problems that the sector is going through and that motivates its organization. From them, it is possible to recognize, systematize and analyze a series of strategies that place AF as a social movement that actively intervenes in the production of the peri-urban territory of La Plata. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of O Social em Questão is the property of Faculdades Catolicas - Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janeiro and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Estudos Feministas is the property of Revista Estudos Feministas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)