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Social media and digital platforms have become essential tools for the new generation of youth activists. However, these tools subject youth to both new (and old) forms of surveillance and control. Drawing on in-depth interviews and social media walkthroughs with 61 youth activists, I examine hybrid tactics that these youth employ to resist surveillance and other forms of digitally mediated control as they participate in politics and social movements. I show that even in democracies like the United States and Canada, for individuals along intersecting axes of marginalization (e.g. race, gender), public political acts do not capture the full range of young people's political repertoires. Young people, especially those from marginalized groups, adopt hidden, under-the-radar tactics in response to pressures of social, state, and corporate surveillance. I develop the concept of "digital infrapolitics" referring to the ways in which digital politics and activism go below the radar under surveillance and control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Organizing to oppose an omnibus budget bill threatening First Nations in Canada, the Idle No More (INM) movement is embedded in a legacy of Indigenous resistance to colonialism and environmental degradation. INM activists challenged Western nature perceptions to advocate for the protection of nature through the lens of First and Indigenous Peoples’ traditions and cultures. We build upon existing Indigenous Environmental Justice movement, framing, and Rights of Nature (RoN) literature to understand the role of the RoN social movement frame and Anti-Capitalist Ecologist Discourse as orienting frameworks for INM movement mobilization. We explore the emergence period of INM, analysing the first 6 months of posts and comments on the movement’s Facebook page. We argue that INM activists employed an RoN frame to establish central claims and appeal to a range of potential supporters connecting the local and the global through broad Anti-Capitalist Ecologist Discourse narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea for this special issue on disabled children's activism, resistance, and presence in social justice movements came from a deep commitment to spotlighting disabled young people's justice-seeking action in the northern part of Turtle Island colonially known as Canada. Currently, Canada is buzzing with cross-movement activism that features young people's crip wisdom. To name only a few actions unfolding as we release this special issue: high school students in New Brunswick are protesting a review of policy that allows students to use their choice of personal pronouns without schools notifying their parents (Sweet, 2023); teen water protector Autumn Peltier continues making global headlines as she pushes for policies to preserve clean water across the country (Slack, 2023); and a group of 15 youth climate activists has mobilized a lawsuit against the federal government, arguing that they are disproportionately affected by climate change (David Suzuki Foundation, 2023). We feel resonances between this cross-movement activism and multiple theoretical frameworks that attend to disabled children and youth, including disabled children's childhood studies. Amid this crosshatching of activism and intellectual work, we issued a call for papers in 2021 inviting scholars, activists, and artists to share how and where young disabled folks are making waves. Now, we offer this special issue as a partial snapshot of disabled children's childhoods in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asian international students in Canadian higher education have long caused anxiety and predicament for domestic (white) students, faculty, and staff. This article considers the contending and multiple timelines in and against which international students (Chinese, South Asians, or otherwise) operate. In particular, this article considers how these students time-trick the neoliberal university by examining reports and advocacy around three temporal events: extensions, cheating and suicide. Ultimately, the authors seek to problematize the moral panic over decreasing admission standards and academic integrity associated with the admission of Asian international students within the Canadian higher education system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A longitudinal study involving 455 Black young adults living in Canada investigated whether gender and autonomous motivation influenced the relationship between perceived racism threat and Black Lives Matter (BLM) activism, and whether BLM activism influenced life satisfaction over time. A moderated mediation analysis using PROCESS Macro Model 58 tested the indirect effect of autonomous motivation on the relationship between perceived racism threat and BLM activism varying by gender. Multiple linear regression assessed how well BLM activism predicted life satisfaction. Black women perceived greater racism threat than Black men related to increases in BLM activism via the influence of autonomous motivation. BLM activism had a positive influence on life satisfaction over time, regardless of gender. This research suggests Black young women are playing pivotal roles in the BLM movement and helps us understand how motivation may be influencing involvement and well‐being in social justice issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book "Turbulent Times, Transformational Possibilities? Gender and Politics Today and Tomorrow" edited by Fiona MacDonald and Alexandra Dobrowolsky explores the gender dynamics in Canada and globally, particularly during the turbulent year of 2020. The book examines the disruptions and possibilities that have emerged in the past five to six years, highlighting the intersectionality of gender with other collective identities. It is divided into two parts, with the first focusing on institutions and their transformation, while the second examines the affective and cultural elements of gender politics through various social movements. The book provides a valuable contribution to the study of gender and politics, particularly in relation to intersectionality and Indigenous feminism. [Extracted from the article]

In 2016, the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal issued a landmark ruling in First Nations Child and Family Caring Society of Canada v. Canada finding that the government of Canada was racially and ethnically discriminating against First Nations children and their families in its funding and delivery of child welfare services to them. This ruling did not result from an isolated legal case; it was the result of litigation that was part of a broader social campaign with active supporters from all over the world. The litigation was driven by, and supported, a dynamic movement for sovereignty for First Nations Peoples around child welfare. This article examines the Caring Society case through the lens of movement lawyering—using the law to bring about transformative social change. Section 2 examines movement lawyering as an approach to lawyering. Movement lawyering involves a range of practices, advocacy and mobilizing that seek to dismantle architectures of subordination. Section 3 provides an overview of the Caring Society litigation and the social campaign within which the case was litigated. The I am a Witness campaign, a dynamic education and grassroots social campaign that engaged Indigenous and non-Indigenous children and sought to make the litigation accessible to the public, is examined in detail. Section 4 analyses Caring Society as a study of movement lawyering. It examines how three elements of movement lawyering; integrated advocacy; accountability to social movements; and willingness to address the root causes of structural oppression were at play in the litigation and related campaigns. In conclusion, the authors contend that Caring Society and the I am a Witness campaign constitute a successful example of movement lawyering as they properly recognize litigation, and the role of lawyers, as one piece of the mosaic of efforts needed to advance transformative social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Foreign Policy Journal (CFPJ) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The "woke movement" is now under fire globally. Seeking to right social injustice and battle racism, the woke movement has laudable intentions, but its implementation can exacerbate social inequalities. In the case of Canada, a social movement seeks to ferret out "Pretendians" or those White individuals deemed to be falsely assuming, and thus appropriating, Indigenous identity. Though this movement may seem righteous, the problem arises that individuals targeted are those who are Non-Status Indians and have yet to be recognised by the state, as well as Métis (or mixed-heritage people) whose historical communities have yet to be sanctioned by governments or courts, and who are also portrayed as being "Fétis" or fake Métis. Our challenge as researchers is to do the deep ethnographic, historical, and legal research to provide a nuanced understanding of indigeneity that does not constrain it solely to colonial models as the case studies provided will demonstrate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Efforts to advance environmental justice are often halting and uneven. How can we identify the longer-term significance of protests that seem to have failed? In this article, we turn to work on environmental injustice to examine the consequences of environmental justice movements over time and across space. We draw on the scholarship of Rob Nixon on 'slow violence': rather than the spectacular, visceral, and immediate violence of war, he argues that environmental degradation is a violence that operates in cumulative, slow-moving, accretive, and multi-causal ways. Borrowing – and flipping – Nixon's conceptualization, we suggest that a parallel process of 'slow justice' is taking place. As with environmental damage, mobilization for environmental justice can have consequences that are dispersed in time and place, occur in non-linear forms, and operate at multiple scales. To track the pathways through which slow justice emerges, we develop a three-part typology of social movement connectivity. Using the categories of people, projects, and processes, we identify the geographically and temporally distanced social, material, and governance legacies of moments of resistance. Through a case study of mobilization against fossil fuel infrastructure in the Mackenzie Valley in northern Canada in the 1970s, we use the typology to trace how this moment of mobilization shaped other efforts of environmental justice organizing, including for campaigns in different regions and on different issue-areas. We argue that slow justice can reframe how we understand the outcomes of social mobilization projects, making visible the often obscure, indirect, and long-term accrued benefits of environmental justice work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Canada and many other countries, voices from across the political spectrum are using the metaphor of "war" to describe contentious debates on a diverse range of topics. While the socalled culture wars are poorly defined, there is certainly evidence of increasing affective polarization (strong negative feelings toward out-group members). Many conflicts prominently feature destructive approaches based on ineffective theories of change. Even social change movements fighting for goals that are closely aligned with those of peace workers--achieving more egalitarian societies that respect the dignity and human rights of all and overcome systemic discrimination based on race, gender, sexual orientation, and other identity characteristics--appear to urgently need the knowledge that exists in fields like peace and conflict studies. The reasons for this, and the particular insights that peace and conflict experts have to offer to those seeking to achieve positive interpersonal and intergroup peace (i.e. peace grounded in justice), will be explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper frames two generations of war resister migration from the United States to Canada and the social movements that supported them as contrapuntal histories, disparate yet woven together, and entangled across space and time. We argue that Canada has functioned at key historical moments as safe haven for war resisters from and others fleeing conflict led by the United States, but that this role was always provisional, historically contingent, and never guaranteed. It is therefore crucial to understand the social movements that arose to support the search for safe haven at different points in geopolitical relations and histories. We develop this argument with empirical research about people who migrated to Canada during wars led by the United States in Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan. In documenting both generations of resister migration, we move across scales to understand the highly embodied geopolitics of these journeys, which run parallel and diverge in key ways. Our analysis thus maps the shifting history of Canada as a safe haven for those seeking refuge from the violence of war and militarism in the United States. Key messages: Two generations of US war resister migrants faced disparate outcomes in their search for protection in Canada.We offer a contrapuntal history of their migrations to Canada, the enforced patriotism, masculinity, and militarism that fueled their flight, and the social movements that supported them.While Canada has functioned as a safe haven historically, this role is always in flux and influenced by shifts in geopolitical relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada widely shared its Reports and Calls to Action regarding the "Indian Residential School System" in 2015. Since that time, higher education institutions across Canada have been engaged in diverse institutional reform efforts. This article is a case study of an Indigenous student-led reform initiative at The University of Winnipeg that resulted in the first mandatory Indigenous course requirement as a graduation requirement for all undergraduate students in Canada. The research is designed and conducted with Indigenous leadership and partnership and relies on the insights of Indigenous students that led the initiative to consider the impetus, nature, and strategies underlying this curricular reform. Three emergent themes were discerned that are important to systemic reform in postsecondary education: the university as colonial space; navigation of white Settler dominance; and timing as significant to systemic change. The study can be seen as a unique example of the complexity, opportunities, and limitations of decolonial reform in higher education through an Indigenous student-led social movement embodying contentious co-governance and prefiguration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a mixed‐method research design involving interviews and a survey, we examined how union officials in Quebec perceive social movement unionism (SMU). We show that union officials view SMU as a multifaceted phenomenon with ideal and pragmatic dimensions. They are torn between strong support for the ideals of SMU and a practical reluctance to use members' dues to provide services to non‐members. Experience with civil society organisations mitigates this tension, encouraging union officials to defend the interests of everyone not only as an ideal, but also as a strategy that allows unions to protect members and unrepresented workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research brief presents results from a scan of peer-reviewed and grey literature published from March 2020 to the end of August 2021 looking at the impacts of COVID-19 on food security in Canada. The purpose of this literature scan is to look at how the national food-security landscape has shifted due to the pandemic and to analyze what these changes mean for civil society--led food movements working on the ground to enhance food systems sustainability and equity. This brief presents key findings from the literature scan focusing on food-security policy, programming, and funding; food security for individuals, households, and vulnerable populations; and food systems. We then draw on our collective experiences as food scholars and activists to discuss the implications of these findings for food movement organizing. Here, we focus on networks, policy advocacy, and local food systems as key considerations for food movements in a changing foodsecurity landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of British Journal of Canadian Studies is the property of Liverpool University Press / Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The goal of shareholder activism is to force companies to act according to the expressed expectations of certain shareholders. This activism takes the following two forms: financial and social. Financial activism is manifested by the submission of often very hostile proposals (and a vote) aiming to maximise short-term shareholder value at companies' annual general meetings (AGM). Social shareholder activism is expressed by the submission of proposals (and a vote) that seek to pressure companies to change their environmental, social or governance practices in order to improve their societal impacts. Although less hostile, these latter proposals nonetheless often cause controversy within organisations. This case study examines the various parties involved and the actions implemented by the Mouvement d'éducation et de défense des actionnaires (MÉDAC), a non-governmental organisation (NGO) that has played a major role in the Canadian social shareholder activism landscape by helping to institutionalise this social movement. This study is intended to identify the actors and measures taken on the one hand, to ensure the means of action and the long-term survival of the NGO and, on the other, to initiate certain changes in Canadian corporate practices. Our data were collected from interviews with MÉDAC representatives and documents available on the SHARE (Shareholder Association for Research & Education) and MÉDAC websites, as well as on corporate websites and the official websites of the applicable government authorities. Our observations are interesting for individual shareholders wishing to express their expectations of corporate societal practices. By establishing its legitimacy, MEDAC was not only able to mobilise the resources it needed to carry out its mission to defend and educate individual shareholders but was also able to institutionalise corporate shareholder societal activism in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements are at the forefront of fighting for another world as conceptualised through Arundhati Roy's portal. COVID-19 and state measures imposed to contend with it have severely impacted not only the activism of movements, but also their capacity to learn. Translocal social movement learning offers one way in which such learning can continue. This article shares reflections from participants involved in a translocal learning engagement between movement members and activist-scholars from Ghana, South Africa and Canada. It provides an important example of the kind of non-hierarchal social movement learning that can happen at a distance, when movements share, learn and support one another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much has been made of the Millennial generation's seemingly low rates of political participation. Some argue that this generation is politically apathetic, while others suggest that Millennials have eschewed traditional politics in favor of protest as a means of political participation. Drawing on Canada's 2013 General Social Survey (Cycle 27, Social Identity), I employ an exploratory latent class analysis to determine whether the Millennial generation can be usefully categorized according to their participation in various forms of political, civic, and social movement activities. I then use binary logit regression to determine how well the biographical availability hypothesis explains Millennial politics. This research reveals that Canadian Millennials may be grouped into four categories: the politically unengaged, the politically expressive, the civically engaged, and activist. Support for the biographical availability hypothesis is mixed. As expected, students are more likely to be activists and parenthood reduces the odds of being politically expressive or an activist, but home ownership does not decrease the chances of Millennials being politically engaged and increases the chances of being civically engaged. Younger Millennials (ages 15–24) are much more likely to be politically unengaged compared to older Millennials (ages 25–34). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Identity is an important aspect of group politics in Canada. This article examines the impact of gun owner's social identity on the political participation of gun owners and, thus, the success of the Canadian gun rights movement. It investigates whether Canadian gun owners are politically active, and if so, why? The article is based on an online survey of 16,880 Canadian gun owners. Cross‐tabulation, probit regression, and negative binomial regression were used to assess the impact of gun owner's social identity on political participation. Results indicate that gun owners are avid political participants and that this can be explained by the existence of a strong gun owner's social identity within a subset of Canadians. This has implications for our understanding of how social identities tied to serious leisure communities can impact politics. Related Articles: Cagle, M. Christine, and J. Michael Martinez. 2004. "Have Gun, Will Travel: The Dispute between the CDC and the NRA on Firearm Violence as a Public Health Problem." Politics &Policy 32 (2): 278‐310. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2004.tb00185.x Joslyn, Mark R., and Donald P. Haider‐Markel. 2018. "Motivated Innumeracy: Estimating the Size of the Gun Owner Population and its Consequences for Opposition to Gun Restrictions." Politics & Policy 46 (6): 827‐850. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12276 Smith‐Walter, Aaron, Holly L. Peterson, Michael D. Jones, and Ashley Nicole Reynolds Marshall. 2016. " Gun Stories: How Evidence Shapes Firearm Policy in the United States." Politics & Policy 44 (6): 1053‐1088. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12187 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on the principles of grassroots climate justice movements, social movement platforms, and action networks to lay the groundwork for Green New Theatre in Canada, all the while making the argument that a Green New Theatre can contribute to transitioning from an extractive and exploitative economy to a regenerative one in the face of climate crisis. It identifies some of the seeds already planted for a Green New Theatre in Canada that will build momentum for the transformative change required to transition to a decarbonized, decolonized economy. Finally, it addresses how energy transition will revolutionize our existing system of theatrical production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The electoral success of populist movements in recent years has encouraged parties and politicians to incorporate populist themes increasingly into their discourse. While Canada has not been immune to these trends, populism has enjoyed relatively little electoral success in modern Canadian politics. A new People's Party fielded candidates in the 2019 and 2021 federal elections but failed to win any seats in Parliament. Some populist themes such as nativism or authoritarianism have not rewarded their proponents in Canadian elections. Another dimension, distrust of elites, politicians and the media, is more present in Canadian public opinion today, and was a part of past populist movements such as Social Credit or Reform. In this paper, we examine the structure and correlates of populist attitudes held by Canadians, utilizing data from the 2019 and 2021 Canadian Election Studies. In conclusion, we consider the potential for a populist political party or leader to enjoy electoral success in the Canada of today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We focus on the personal networks of members of an anti-environmentalism countermovement in a small town in Canada (Port Alberni, B.C.) that mobilized against the environmental movement. Drawing primarily from social survey data, we investigate the effects of network-based mobilization processes, and contending-movement ties (ties to the environmental movement), on level of participation in the countermovement. We add to the literature on networks and social movements, and movement-countermovement dynamics by 1) comparing network processes amongst a counter movement with those amongst a corresponding social movement, and 2) comparing personal network structures and mobilization processes between countermovement members and the general public. We find a similar pattern of network-based micromobilization processes amongst movement and countermovement participant networks. We find both similarities, and key differences between the counter movement and the general public in terms of activism and social network ties. Theoretical predictions have suggested that individuals who have ties to opposing groups will moderate their participation in a social movement. However, in this study of a community countermovement organization in a small town in Canada that mobilized against the provincial environmental movement we find that the number of contending movement ties (the range of ties to environmental organizations) held by individuals in the countermovement has a significant positive association with countermovement activism, and is the strongest statistical predictor of countermovement activism. Drawing upon both theory and substantive information we discuss the implications of this novel finding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: To combat social distancing and stay-at-home restrictions due to COVID-19, Canadian communities began a Facebook social media movement, #Caremongering, to support vulnerable individuals in their communities. Little research has examined the spread and use of #Caremongering to address community health and social needs. Objectives: We examined the rate at which #Caremongering grew across Canada, the main ways the groups were used, and differences in use by membership size and activity. Methods: We searched Facebook Groups using the term "Caremongering" combined with the names of the largest population centres in every province and territory in Canada. We extracted available Facebook analytics on all the groups found, restricted to public groups that operated in English. We further conducted a content analysis of themes from postings in 30 groups using purposive sampling. Posted content was qualitatively analyzed to determine consistent themes across the groups and between those with smaller and larger member numbers. Results: The search of Facebook groups across 185 cities yielded 130 unique groups, including groups from all 13 provinces and territories in Canada. Total membership across all groups as of May 4, 2020 was 194,879. The vast majority were formed within days of the global pandemic announcement, two months prior. There were four major themes identified: personal protective equipment, offer, need, and information. Few differences were found between how large and small groups were being used. Conclusions: The #Caremongering Facebook groups spread across the entire nation in a matter of days, engaging hundreds of thousands of Canadians. Social media appears to be a useful tool for spreading community-led solutions to address health and social needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study empirically examines the ways in which anti- and pro-abortion rights actors utilize human rights frames with varying success in getting them repeated by the news media in the different legal terrains of the Republic of Ireland and Canada. Given the results of a content analysis of 1,100 news articles on abortion from six newspapers spanning five years (2009-2014) during periods of relative policy stability in these two countries, this article suggests that social movement actors who feel their voices have been ignored in their domestic contexts may find human rights frames helpful in attracting news media attention. This finding has implications for the way in which international human rights language can be harnessed by diverse actors and employed domestically in battles over women's rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Canadian Refugees Welcome Movement (2015–2016) was one of the most sizeable, visible, and effective instances of collective action in recent Canadian history. It had a nationwide scope and grassroots initiation. It comprised a wide variety of participants and actively employed social media in its constitution. This article reports the results of a multimethod case study that seeks to explain how collective action frames emerged in the context of the Canadian Refugees Welcome Movement; which actors were involved in their articulation; and how they generated a following, collective action and humanitarian and political effect. The focus is on the discursive processes of construction of solidarity across difference as they unfolded in the social media environment. The Facebook event pages calling for rallies in support of Syrian refugees, it argues, served as a discursive space that helped transform the moral shock experienced by members of distinct moral communities into a process of concerting of voices and construction of solidarity and collective action frames across differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we analyze how media coverage for environmental actors (individual environmental activists and environmental movement organizations) is associated with their perceived policy influence in Canadian climate change policy networks. We conceptualize media coverage as the total number of media mentions an actor received in Canada's two main national newspapers--the Globe and Mail and National Post. We conceptualize perceived policy influence as the total number of times an actor was nominated by other actors in a policy network as being perceived to be influential in domestic climate change policy making in Canada. Literature from the field of social movements, agenda setting, and policy networks suggests that environmental actors who garner more media coverage should be perceived as more influential in policy networks than actors who garner less coverage. We assess support for this main hypothesis in two ways. First, we analyze how actor attributes (such as the type of actor) are associated with the amount of media coverage an actor receives. Second, we evaluate whether being an environmental actor shapes the association between media coverage and perceived policy influence. We find a negative association between media coverage and perceived policy influence for individual activists, but not for environmental movement organizations. This case raises fundamental theoretical questions about the nature of relations between media and policy spheres, and the efficacy of media for signaling and mobilizing policy influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a social movement, #MeToo offers a chance for individuals to share their stories and connect with others who have been sexually assaulted or harassed. The movement may also facilitate understanding of the scope of sexual assault and harassment worldwide. Preliminary research on #MeToo has provided some insight on potential societal effects of the movement, but many research questions remain unanswered. The current study aims to contribute to the scarcity of research on the #MeToo movement. Through a series of focus groups, a sample of Canadian undergraduates (N = 56) were given the opportunity to discuss their views of why #MeToo is important, the role they think it plays, and their concerns. Students also explored both perceived positive and negative effects of #MeToo, as well as its potential sustainability. The social, structural, and gendered complexities involved in the emergence of the #MeToo movement were highlighted. Positive aspects of the movement that were emphasized included awareness raising, support for assault disclosure, and use of the media as an important tool. However, some individuals were concerned with media being used as a dangerous tool and that some groups have been harmed or excluded from #MeToo. While many participants felt that there is some evidence of #MeToo's "success," they believed that with respect to sexual assault and harassment more time may be required before sustained social and structural changes emerge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

News frames are the interpretations and emphases in the presentation of complex issues that privilege certain understandings over others. We take the case of the framing of economic inequality in the news in order to make an empirical contribution and a conceptual contribution. The framing of economic inequality in news coverage is important to understand as news frames can shape public opinion and subsequently policy responses to inequality. There is no research we are aware of that documents how economic inequality is framed in the news. We compiled a dataset of 2109 news articles, published between 2000 and 2014, about economic inequality, and conducted a detailed content analysis. Empirically, we document how inequality was framed as an issue, specifically whether it was framed as a social problem with negative consequences, and what its causes, consequences, and solutions were. Conceptually, we also address an important gap in knowledge about the determinants of news frames. Research about how news frames are shaped by contextual factors in the production of news is uncertain about which factors matter and to what extent. The dataset has a set of features that allow us to simultaneously examine a number of potential determinants of news frames. Our data allow us to compare the relative influences on news coverage of economic inequality of (1) national context, (2) the political leaning of newspapers, (3) changing economic conditions, and (4) social movement efforts. Of these four factors, we find that only the Occupy movement influenced the volume of attention and the identification of economic inequality as a problem with negative consequences. National context, political leaning, and change in economic conditions had much more limited, or no, influence. Following the emergence of the Occupy movement, attention to economic inequality increased and remained higher than before. However, despite the clear effects of the Occupy movement on problem identification, news coverage of the causes and solutions to economic inequality did not significantly shift. We, therefore, find that social movement activity had the clearest influence on news frames, but the observed effect in this case was superficial rather than detailed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers issues related to Indigenous spirituality in the public sphere. More specifically it examines ways Indigenous people have actively engaged in the electronic public sphere to communicate spiritual teachings and to fulfill kinship responsibilities by utilizing their spiritual gifts to benefit their human and non-human relatives, including the environment, through social action. The author takes the Idle No More movement (INM) as an example of a grass-roots social justice movement that effectively used Facebook as a public platform to create awareness and to mobilize social action. However the spiritual foundation of such social action is often lost in the message. And all social action, including the INM movement, has to be understood in spiritual terms. In this article, the author examines the representations of Indigenous spirituality expressed in the electronic public sphere with a focus on the cultural values underlying the Idle No More Movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Often people migrate through interstitial zones and categories between state territories, policies, or designations like "immigrant" or "refugee." Where there is no formal protection or legal status, people seek, forge, and find safe haven in other ways, by other means, and by necessity. In this article, I argue that U.S. war resisters to Canada forged safe haven through broadly based social movements. I develop this argument through examination of U.S. war-resister histories, focusing on two generations: U.S. citizens who came during the U.S.-led wars in Vietnam and, more recently, Afghanistan and Iraq. Resisters and activists forged refuge through alternative paths to protection, including the creation of shelter, the pursuit of time-space trajectories that carried people away from war and militarism, the formation of social movements across the Canada-U.S. border, and legal challenges to state policies and practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the centrality of permaculture design courses (PDCs) as the principal sociopolitical strategy of the permaculture community in Canada to transform local food production practices. Building on the work of Antonio Gramsci and political agroecology as a framework of analysis, we argue that permaculture instruction remains deeply embedded within market and colonial relations, which orients the pedagogy of permaculture trainings in such a way as to reproduce the basic elements of the colonial capitalist economy among its practitioners. In the specific case of eastern Ontario, this embeddedness had the effect of diluting the transformative capacity of permaculture practitioners who were unable to create its own social movement organization. The paper then highlights key elements of the agroecological pedagogy used by the Brazilian Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST) and the Escola Latinoamericana de Agroecología (Latin American School of Agroecology, or ELAA) in Paraná, Brazil. The objective is to draw lessons from these inspiring experiences, in a rather unique context of struggles that can help to critically assess the pedagogical practices and principles presently informing permaculture communities in Canada and in advanced industrialized countries more generally. We then conclude by reiterating the key arguments and lessons drawn from the Brazilian pedagogical experiences, pointing out the importance of engagement and coalition-building with established rural and urban movements, as well as progressive farmer, Indigenous, and rural associations to foster a just and sustainable transformation of agri-food systems, starting at the local and regional levels. It also emphasizes the need for the most marginalized sectors to lead the way towards an agroecological transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the cyclists' rights movement in Montreal, Quebec, during the late 19th century. According to the article, the movement attempted to capitalize on the growing popularity of cycling in order to change the legal and environmental contexts of Montreal. It compares the Montreal cyclists' movement to those of other North American cities. The author argues that cycling created new perceptions of urban and rural environments in the 19th century and that cyclists became aware of the legal restrictions placed upon their bicycling activities.

This paper examines the development of a grassroots movement to revive the defunct Ottawa Rough Riders CFL franchise. Particular attention is paid to the theoretical implications of this movement for understanding social processes of collective action in sport-related contexts, the political economic forces that guide/structure these processes, and relationships between sport-related interest groups, the state and mass media. This historical inquiry and theoretical discussion is based on interviews that were conducted with key members of the revival movement (in 1999 and 2000) and on a content and textual analysis of mass media coverage of the group (from February 1998 until July 2000). The paper concludes with some comments about the potential relevance of this study for broader work on community, identity, and sport and with recommendations for future research on sport-related grassroots movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the Canadian suffrage movement followed its own distinct pathway to full voting rights for women, it was deeply influenced by British ideas which were transplanted, translated and reinterpreted to fit Canadian social conditions. The Canadian media assumed WSPU speaking tours were most significant, and these did generate publicity for the Canadian movement. However, British influences were far more diverse. The transfer of ideas associated with British labourism, the flow of British immigrants to Canada, and the influence of British and Commonwealth organizations in the interwar years were also important influences on the Canadian movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article introduces readers to the publication archive of Our Lives: Canada's First Black Women's Newspaper, founded by the Black Women's Collective in 1986 and housed within the digital collection of the Rise Up! Feminist Archive. By situating the publication Our Lives as a potential site for recuperating histories of Black feminist resistance, this article demonstrates the role that community or activist archives play in the preservation of collective history: combating institutional modes of erasure and challenging dominant historical narratives. It argues that there is a need for further examination of the pedagogical and ideological elements of activist archives and their contribution to social movements and archival practice. Rather than considering activist archives as relatives of traditional archival institutions, it suggests that these projects need to be examined as sites of active learning in the tradition of community-embedded experiments. Building on recent scholarship, it investigates the discursive continuity between archives and historical narratives, and it reconceptualizes the term archives to include alternative sites and materials for the reconstructing the stories of historically marginalized groups. Finally, the article argues that archival projects need to adapt to new forms of archival representation and contexts, allowing for shifts in traditional methods and definitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A poetic inquiry on how people's world views may unknowingly lead to divisions. This poem offers a journey from destructive invisibles such as privilege, oppression, -isms (e.g., sexism, racism, classism), and silence to constructive visibles such as equality, dialogue, attentiveness, and collaboration. The poem was presented during Poetry for Change in the IdeaFest at the University of Victoria, Canada, as part of the Social Movement Poets Collective in March 2020. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the significance of global 1968 protest movements in Canadian politics. Topics include the impact of social movements on Canadian historiography, the role of indigenous history and historiography within Canadian history, and political responses to 1960s protest movements in Canada in relation to austerity and neoliberalism.

This paper is about the clinical principle of informed choice-the hallmark feature of the midwifery model of care in Ontario, Canada. Drawing on ethnographic history interviews with midwives, I trace the origins of the idea of informed choice to its roots in the social movement of midwifery in North America in the late 1960s and 1970s. At that time informed choice was not the distinctive feature of midwifery but was deeply embedded what I call midwifery's feminist experiment in care. But as midwifery in Ontario transitioned from a social movement to a full profession within the formal health care system, informed choice was strategically foregrounded in order to make the midwifery model of care legible and acceptable to a skeptical medical profession, conservative law makers, and a mainstream clientele. As mainstream biomedicine now takes up the rhetoric of patient empowerment and informed choice, this paper is at once a nuanced history of the making of the concept and also a critique of the ascendant 'regime of choice' in contemporary health care, inspired by the reflections of the midwives in my study for whom choice is impossible without care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the role and influence of women’s groups and larger national women’s social movements during two different constitutional moments: the lead-up to the finalisation of the 1982 patriation of the Canadian Constitution and the lead-up to the 1998 Good Friday agreement in Northern Ireland. We argue that while women were successful in ensuring women’s participation and consideration of women’s issues in these constitutional negotiations, those accomplishments did not lead to a significant increase of women’s representation in formal politics. In both the Canadian government-sponsored National Action Committee on the Status of Women and the political party, the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition, women’s descriptive representation in formal politics did not improve dramatically as a result of women’s participation in either constitutional process which suggests the need for guarantees of greater representation, such as what women’s electoral quotas would constitute. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sex worker activists in Canada identify the criminalisation of various aspects of prostitution as a major source of oppression. In an effort to improve rights and safety, two groups of sex workers brought constitutional litigation to their respective provincial courts to strike prostitution-related laws from the Criminal Code of Canada. These actions counter what might be expected based on the extant literature on the sex worker rights movement, and despite successful litigation, conditions have become more punitive. The court process brought to light many achievements and ongoing obstacles facing sex workers in Canada. Drawing on original research with activists in multiple Canadian cities, this paper examines litigation from a social movement perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research summary: While research has shown that good stakeholder relations increase the value of a firm, less is known about how specific types of stakeholder governance affect firm value. We examine the value of one such governance mechanism-community benefits agreements ( CBAs) signed by firms and local communities-intended to minimize social conflict that disrupts access to valuable resources. We argue that shareholders evaluate more positively CBAs with local communities with strong property rights and histories of institutional action and extra-institutional mobilization because these communities are more likely to cause costly disruptions and delays for a firm. We evaluate these arguments by analyzing the cumulative abnormal returns associated with the unexpected announcement of 148 CBAs signed between mining companies and local indigenous communities in Canada. Managerial summary: With firms across many industries facing escalating costs associated with social conflict, new tools are emerging to help firms mitigate these risks by seeking the support of the local communities in which they operate. Community benefits agreements ( CBAs) are contracts in which a community provides consent for a new investment in return for tangible benefits, such as local hiring and revenue sharing. We argue that although CBAs are costly for the firm, they are particularly valuable when communities can cause costly disruptions and delays for a firm. Our study of investor reactions to the announcement of 148 CBAs signed between mining companies and local indigenous communities in Canada shows that investors value more CBAs signed with communities with strong property rights and histories of protest. Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Channeling theory posits that external funding for social movements, rather than coopting activism, channels activism into more structured and less militants forms. Studies on channeling, however, focus on private funding. The following article examines whether public funding has a comparable effect on social movements. Using the human rights movement in Canada as a case study, it examines several issues relating to channeling: why funders support activism; funding as social control or altruism; how funding is related to consolidating movement gains; and the impact of funding on mobilization, activism, and internal movement dynamics. To address these questions, this article draws on an innovative new data set that includes lists of grants extracted from more than 30 years of government budgets in Canada. It also draws on several years of archival research on a network of 19 organizations in every region of Canada, as well as interviews with former members of these organizations. In addition to demonstrating that public funding has a comparable channeling effect as private funding, this article provides the first comprehensive survey of the extent of state funding for the human rights movement in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Countries around the world have adopted neoliberal or austerity policies. Among states that fund organizations, this may have a detrimental effect on civil society. Looking at the Canadian context, this article examines whether subnational governments, provinces, step in during times of national budget cuts and changing political environments to fund organizations. We do this by analyzing the effect of critical events, regime changes, and the founding of key organizations on state funding in the province of Nova Scotia between 1960 and 2014. We do this to examine how the interaction of national and subnational political context shapes subnational funding of organizations. We find that critical events appear to be linked to increases in provincial funding, however, do not appear to be linked to cuts in funding. Regime changes and founding of key organizations have less clear-cut relationships with provincial funding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1930s and early 1940s, McGill University physics professor H.E. Reilley led Montreal eff orts to limit noise, evaluating the acoustics in buildings, giving speeches on the dangers of noise, and playing a part in writing the city's fi rst comprehensive anti-noise bylaw. Situating his noise abatement movement within the international rise of the fi eld of applied acoustics, the advent of anti-noise campaigns in other countries, and previous state eff orts to limit noise in Montreal, this article explores the numerous ways Reilley sought to make the dangers of noise a legitimate social issue in a culturally divided city. We argue that Reilley used his affiliation with McGill to overcome problems of professional legitimacy and that he sought powerful allies for his cause, deliberately bridging the French-English divide inherent to this industrial city. Reilley achieved less success in extending legal limitations on noise into the workplace and in having noise bylaws enforced. Ultimately, Reilley's noise abatement campaigns represent particularly strong examples of reflexive modernity --a specifically modern response to problems brought about by modernity itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A convergence of post-9/11 security governance practices and a dependence on extractive economies has resulted in changes to the way Canadian policing agencies classify environmental movements. We detail how the category of ‘critical infrastructure protection’ (CIP) now enables surveillance of environmentalists under the banner of national security. We examine the growth of CIP as a security category, its changing character from the Cold War to the present, and the role of threat entrepreneurs. We demonstrate that CIP networks have institutionalized collaborations between national security agencies and energy corporations, creating a petro-security apparatus that aims to suppress dissent. We conclude with reflections on what surveillance regimes driven by the petro-security apparatus mean for debates about national security and social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]