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Community supported agriculture, ecovillages, and renewable energy cooperatives are all instances of sustainable materialism initiatives. Currently, a wealth of research assesses their prefigurative dimensions and documents their market strategies; yet there is little explanation of why such initiatives rise and fall over time. This article aims to fill this gap. To do so, I investigate the lifespans of renewable energy cooperative projects in Denmark and France. Based on a qualitative comparative analysis, I argue that the rise and fall of these projects can be explained by the evolution of one type of economic power: the power of orientation, or the ability of collective organizations to simultaneously act in and act on a policy regime to create market opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In various European countries, the post-fascist nationalist and populist parties identified by Ignazi in the early 1990s 'silent counter-revolution' now hold power, at least as part of coalitions. The values they represent can no longer be described as marginal to the national conversations on identity, immigration and security, issues that revolve around racialized understandings of the social world. In recent years we have observed similar phenomena in the Americas and Asia (with the Trump, Bolsonaro and Modi regimes). Moreover, state actors and social movements have developed initiatives aimed at undermining and reversing any small--sometimes symbolic--progress made toward equality. Various attacks on academic concepts relating to racism in the UK, France and the USA, for example, are not isolated stand-alones but elements of a global pushback against such ideas, orchestrated and encouraged by the nationalist political right, working through media, government and funded civil society organisations. These discourses redraw national identity to portray antiracist work as unpatriotic and indeed threatening to the nation. One of the strands in France's long and fractious conversation about its colonial history and postcolonial present has constructed an opposition between republican values and Muslims. The American right's long war on racial equality has generated a campaign to eradicate 'critical race theory' from education. These two examples illustrate and identify common elements and specifics in a global trend whereby the concepts used by activists and social scientists to understand and frame struggles for racial equality are deliberately and strategically invalidated and vilified in the public domain, and ideologically produced as un-patriotic. I call this discourse 'anti-anti racism'. These efforts are part of wider campaigns, or 'counter acts', aimed at reversing progressive political gains from the last half century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have argued that anti-racialist ideologies – which deem racial categorization dangerous and racist – are an obstacle to antiracism, because they make race and its effects invisible, and obscure institutional and structural racism. This paper reexamines this argument empirically, by analyzing how activists resist "racial ignorance" and produce knowledge about race in anti-racialist contexts. Drawing on race scholarship, social movement theory, and sociology of knowledge, I ask: How do social movements produce knowledge about the role of race in policing in France? What are the implications of different epistemic practices for activists' racial conceptualizations and political practice? The article is based on an ethnography of three mobilizations contesting policing in France. The comparative methodology reveals that epistemic practices play a role in shaping how mobilizations reach a shared understanding of race and racism. Specifically, how knowledge projects determine racial difference, the methodologies used to capture racial inequality/oppression, and the level of analysis, all matter for the understanding of racism that activists are able to substantiate. Mobilization's epistemic approaches provide some activists with additional resources to promote their preferred racial conceptualizations and can produce the evidence needed to change the mobilization's dominant discourse, from individualistic to structural and systemic conceptualizations of racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Literatura y Lingüística is the property of Universidad Catolica Cardenal Raul Silva Henriquez and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Kultur- und Kollektivwissenschaft is the property of Transcript Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The unions are thus rather absent from Laurie's analyses, much more so than in the work of Vincent Arnaud Chappe on the same issue of discrimination in employment in France. I contacted Laurie in 2007 because I wanted to organize a symposium in France so that her work could be more known to French scholars. They continue to work on diversity and anti-discrimination policies and remain deeply influenced by Laurie's work (Bereni, [3]; Chappe et al., [11]). Laurie's work also has led to extensive discussions on multiple topics including for example the question of the type of data and materials Laurie examined. [Extracted from the article]

Simon-Suzanne-Nérée Boubée was born in Toulouse (France) in May 1806 and died in August 1862 in Luchon (France). This paper discusses Boubée's activities as a science popularizer exemplified through the journal L'Écho du Monde Savant, published in Paris from 1834 to 1846. L'Écho intended to 'present a summary of the most important news taking place within the savant world' to the public. In this journal Boubée published a broad range of topics, for example, advocating the crucial role and extent of geology, and the utmost value of industry and agriculture. The working hypothesis is that Boubée's convictions and profile, intertwined with some relevant trends within the French intellectual context—as manifested in science and technology matters—constituted the propelling force for his project to popularize science. Boubée's commitments to popular education, together with other aspects such as valuing the knowledge of workers, and praise for women's education and their scientific activity, were aligned with contemporary political and social movements. Like many practitioners of science hitherto unknown to historians, his work deserves deeper appreciation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In France, successive Ministers of the Interior systematically come to the defense of the police. By contrast, their colleagues in Higher Education and Research don't hesitate to join in attacks on academics. This is how Frédérique Vidal ended up in 2021 echoing the polemics launched the year before by the President of the Republic, Emmanuel Macron, and then by the Minister of National Education, Jean-Michel Blanquer. However, the campaign against "Islamo-leftism" was preceded by other offensives against higher education and research: university autonomy was thus challenged ... in the name of autonomy. As the reforms have progressed, higher education and research have been subjected to an authoritarian neoliberal regime, under the leadership of managers rather than colleagues, in a logic of competition that is supposed to guarantee excellence at the service of the economy. Just like a company, isn't the CNRS run by a CEO? Today, the takeover of ESR is inseparably ideological and economic. Thus, the increase in university fees for non-Europeans has used xenophobia to promote a neoliberal conception of studies. The threats to the academic world cannot be understood without articulating these distinct but intertwined logics. How can we tell the story of the attacks we are suffering, without erasing the struggles we are waging? For there is a great risk, in taking power as the object, of underestimating the role of counterpower that academics can still play in a country that is heir to a tradition of the "intellectual" as a figure of commitment. On the one hand, the multiple offensives of successive governments, whether directed at university policy or academics, have met with considerable resistance. Far from being reduced to inaction, the academic world is mobilizing strongly. But it's not just a question of reaction. On the other hand, the governmental campaigns themselves must be understood as forms of reaction against the politicization of academics: far from being passive victims, they play an active role. This is precisely the reason why ministers try to bring them into line: in France, the university is not isolated from society, as a campus can be. Critical knowledge circulates with social movements. In other words, campaigns targeting the academic world are proof that it is not without political importance. It's a form of recognition of the role it plays and can play. Anti-university politics today can be understood as a game of action and dreaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes how (post)-migrant media outlets discussed the position of (post)-migrant people in France. (Post)-migrant media are periodicals, radio stations, and other forms of media produced by (post)-migrant actors and addressed to them. I argue that changes in the Global Cold War order, French national politics, and social changes in French (post)-migrant communities fostered a transition from anti-imperialist to multicultural understandings of migration in the examined media. The paper shows how these changes affected the experiences and identities of (post)-migrant people and adds a global history perspective to existing explanations about generational change and national political developments. It tracks how (post)-migrant media offered a space to negotiate the position in France against the backdrop of global developments such as the Cold War, decolonization, the disillusion with postcolonial governments, and the rising human rights movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regarding media framing of protests, current studies have primarily focused on the negative side of framing tools, that is, marginalization devices that news media employ to belittle and demonize a protest. Yet little scholarship has scrutinized the positive side of framing tools, i.e., affirmation devices that mass media adopt to convey sympathy for and approval of a protest. Through comparing U.S. media coverage of two recent large anti-government movements taking place in China and France—the movements sharing similarities in vital factors impacting media coverage—this paper illustrates a series of affirmation devices, including highlighting issues and downplaying violence, blaming violence on authorities, stressing public approval, backing protest goals, and understating a movement's dark side. A systematic examination of affirmation devices contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of media framing and the relations between the media and social movements. This exploration also challenges the popular conception that violence by protesters typically leads to negative media coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses an account of the Amazigh/Berber (pl. Imazighen) diaspora in France to demonstrate how approaching diaspora using assemblage thinking can help us to understand its emergent territorialities. It argues that the discourses and practices of association members frame the spaces of 'Tamazgha' (the 'land of the Imazighen'), at the same time as framing the internal and external boundaries of the diaspora itself. Using assemblage thinking alongside theoretical tools from social movement theory and the study of nationalism, this article underlines how the diaspora comes into being through emergent relationships between human and non-human actors. Drawing on recent fieldwork, it outlines how ideas of Amazigh nationhood have developed and continue to develop in the process of this diaspora-assemblage, rather than simply arising from either a putative traditional 'homeland', state institutions, or being the invention of a purely intellectual or political project. Beginning with the ideal of a unified pan-Amazigh imaginative geography of 'Tamazgha', the Amazigh diaspora's territorialities are now becoming more fragmented and regionally specific. As the Amazigh diaspora-assemblage develops within wider geopolitical assemblages, its new nationalisms not only challenge the existing state-territory configuration in North Africa, but also signal a changing sense of group identity for diaspora Imazighen themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes changing patterns of worker protest and mobilization in France, with particular emphasis on the post-1970s era of neoliberalism. It argues that processes of state-led disembedding of labor have underpinned major changes in the leadership, content, and class bases of worker contestation. Drawing on more than forty original interviews as well as extensive secondary sources, it highlights a long-term shift in the dynamics of labor’s political engagement, in which unions’ role has been increasingly displaced by broad-based, anti-systemic social movements. Protests have called into question the legitimacy of French capitalism and the state, revealing the dysfunctions of political representation with troubling implications for the stability of French democracy and the governability of advanced capitalist economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article demonstrates why collective action remains a rare phenomenon among French racial minorities. Three factors – at individual, organizational and institutional level – have been identified. First, the investigation reveals that despite feelings of racial injustice and identification expressed more frequently than previous research had indicated, French minorities demonstrate a strong mistrust of politics and collective action, distracting them from civic engagement. Then, the study over several years of eleven antiracist collectives in six cities indicates that their dominant repertoire of action is out of tune with the targeted public, mostly working-class. Finally, antiracist NGOs are subject to soft repression and channelling by institutions, which explains activists' tactical choices, but limits their mobilization potential. This article is based on a survey comprising 160 semi-directive interviews with a diverse panel of French racial minorities and the ethnographic follow-up over several years of eleven antiracist collectives in six working-class towns in France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study contributes to the sociological understanding of the social perceptions of religious engagement and its self-presentation in consumer culture. Drawing on three years of comparative ethnographic research on the Buddhist lifestyle in five different organisations in France and the Czech Republic, it reveals that Buddhist engagement, through its practices, is considered peculiar or even potentially dangerous by the participants' environment. Remarks of the people surrounding them reflect typical features of the popular understanding and the literature on sects, cults and new religious movements and express social pressure to respect different social norms. They also partly represent social demands to adopt a conformist lifestyle because of their often individualised and activity-centred character. At the same time, Buddhist practitioners' self-presentation of their engagement is in line with alternative lifestyle discourses since it challenges different social practices, forms of sociability, ethics and other values. The importance, diversity and positive image associated with this alternative stance can be considered an expression of the value of non-conformity that reflects the individualism and disdain of conformism typical of consumer culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1988, French pharmaceutical company Roussel Uclaf introduced Mifepristone (RU 486), a pill which medically induces abortion, but withdrew the drug one month later after severe protests. The abortion pill caused transnational controversies from 1988 to 1993. This article examines these controversies as a gateway to the entanglements between biomedical research, economic interests, and social protests in the last third of the twentieth century, as the American antiabortion movement initiated protests against the drug's French producer and its German parent company after its market release in France. The movement used boycotts against French products and utilized discomforting references to Germany's Nazi past to put pressure on pharmaceutical executives. In contrast, German, French, and American feminists and family-planners relied on transnational networks to enable medical trials and ensure the global distribution of Mifepristone. The article highlights how feminist demands for individual choice and public health concerns clashed with the antiabortion movements' demands and entrepreneurs' concerns about crude Holocaust comparisons. It shows that actors on both sides of the abortion controversy employed nonmedical arguments to influence scientific research and social movements acted on a transnational level to influence the market introduction of new biomedical advances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In France of the postwar era, African-American organizations and individuals fighting for integration in the United States aligned with French "post-colonial" politics. However, African Americans individuals and organizations who opposed integration and promoted the development of self-sustaining African-American communities represented an active threat to the French government. The Nation of Islam, Malcolm X, and the Black Power movement embodied such threat. But if these people and movements threatened the French system, they often inspired the black populations of France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the anti-populist strategy of La République en marche! (LREM) during the Yellow Vest protests by comparing it with the one used against the Rassemblement National (RN), France's main populist party. It argues that while the political elites of LREM have ostracised and strongly demonised the RN to contain its progression, their reaction to the populist protest movement was more balanced and cautious. As they were facing ordinary citizens asking for more fiscal justice and direct democracy rather than radical right politicians of the RN, LREM behaved in a more conciliatory way and softened their rhetoric of demonisation. Overall, the article distinguishes two types of anti-populism: an adversarial one to face a populist party and an accommodative one to deal with a populist social movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The presidential elections will take place in France on April 10th and 24th, 2022. The candidates include Valérie Pécresse from Les Républicains, Marine Le Pen from Rassemblement National, and Éric Zemmour from the new far-right party Reconquête. Emmanuel Macron has a good chance of making it to the runoff. France has shifted politically to the right, and the party democracy is facing challenges. The growing role of the internet has changed politics, and social movements like the Yellow Vests are expanding their demands. The rightward shift leads to a prioritization of domestic policy over foreign policy and growing rejection of asylum seekers, migrants, and Islamophobia. Economic obstacles include a low employment rate, high unemployment, and a large trade deficit. The candidates for the presidential election emphasize the need for a necessary reorganization of the economic society. France plays an important role in the EU and has geopolitical significance. [Extracted from the article]

This paper examines the intersectional origins of the Mouvement de libération des femmes (MLF) in France through analysis of one of its founding groups: Féminin, Masculin, Avenir (FMA). Complicating historiographical perceptions that the feminist revival of 1970 largely resulted from the revolutionary activity of May 1968 in France, this article argues that Women's Liberation also sprung from a transnational, multi‐issue activist network that predated the events of that year. FMA, though statistically insignificant in the vast arena of late‐1960s activism, boasted a disproportionately influential share of MLF activists who would go on to shape the principle theories of Women's Liberation in France. Their engagement with anti‐colonialism, Black liberation and Marxism facilitated their feminist activism, sharpened their theories of oppression and provided them with models of successful identity‐based social movements. FMA explored the intersections of race, class and gender before eventually abandoning these intersections in the name of 'women' as a class. This turn away from solidarity with anti‐racist and anti‐colonial movements in the name of feminism shaped the priorities of Women's Liberation for years to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on research on the French disability rights movement, this article explores how activists use awareness campaigns to prefigure new social scripts for help and solidarity. Although help and solidarity are fundamental in our society, the manner in which they are performed toward minorities (e.g., providing unsolicited help, signaling solidarity as a token of pity, implying inferiority or dependence) may reproduce hierarchization and distance rather than fostering symmetrical solidarity. Relying on an ethnography of awareness campaigns established by two disability rights non-profits in France, I analyze how activists attempted to reorganize solidarity at the local level by challenging scripts dictating help, interactions, and by prefiguring new ways of performing help. They conveyed that help should be solicited or consented to, and that it was better performed as a quick, concrete, and precise service than as an emotional and pathologizing benevolence. I demonstrate how blind activists helped participants move from emotional to cognitive empathy, giving them cues on how to bypass their ocular-centric perspective to identify the concrete obstacles faced by visually-impaired people. One of the challenges for these activists was to communicate these new social scripts for solidarity without creating defensiveness or distance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines public contestation of Europe by the far right in France. It investigates whether far-right mobilization on the EU has changed over time, and how it diverges in the party and non-party sectors. Specifically, we follow a politicization approach and address mobilization in terms of three interrelated dimensions: intensity, issue focus, and action repertoire. This allows comparing collective action in the electoral and protest arenas, thus assessing how the far right politicizes Europe in public debates. The study relies on a mixed quantitative and qualitative analysis of the content of the press releases posted by far-right parties and movements on their official websites, scraped automatically from 2012 to 2019. The results show that European integration is increasingly at the core of far-right politics in France, but its politicization unfolds in different ways in the protest and electoral arenas. As political conflict over the EU expands, far-right parties and non-party actors are challenged to differentiate their respective profiles. These findings complement existing research on the linkages between protest and elections, and suggest that the rooting of the far right in society is reconfiguring the structure of political conflict in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Materiales para la Historia del Deporte is the property of Polytechnic University of Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this discussion piece, eight scholars in geography, urban planning, and agri-food studies from the United States (US) and France engage in a bi-national comparison to deepen our collective understanding of food and land justice. We specifically contextualize land justice as a critical component of food justice in both the US and France in three key areas: access to land for cultivation, urban agriculture, and non-agricultural forms of food provisioning. The US and France are interesting cases to compare, considering the differences and similarities in their colonial and agricultural histories, persistent and systemic race and class-based inequities in land access, and the roles of public bodies and social movements. In this paper, we synthesize literature, share reflections, and offer directions for future scholarship, including a broader comparative research agenda. An important difference we found is in the degree of scholarly attention to race and how it mediates access to land. We also observe that few scholars articulate a clear definition of justice in their work, nor do they share a common justice framework. We hope that this paper contributes to a more robust food and land justice framework for the use of scholars, practitioners and activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• The Yellow Vest movement is not a denialist, anti-environmnental movement. • There are diverse opinions within the movement, some members concerned with climate change. • Participants are not necessarily against carbon taxes; they are against the specific French tax. • Carbon taxation requires participatory and equitable designs. Carbon taxation is a core instrument for climate mitigation. Its implementation, however, faces popular resistance. In this paper we study one of the most emblematic mobilizations triggered by the carbon tax issue, the Yellow Vest movement in France. We use Q-methodology, a mixed-method approach to identify discourses (or viewpoints) held by protesters. We find four statistically-distinctive viewpoints, emphasizing respectively: a systemic critique of capitalism; environmental action that is fair; priority over incomes and purchasing power of common people; and inequality and the responsibilities of corporations. Our research points to the importance of ideology in shaping viewpoints and filtering attitudes towards carbon taxes. Yet beyond ideological differences, we find consensus among all discourses, in that there should be more consultation in energy transition policy; the rich and not the poor should pay the cost of transition; and the government should use tax revenue for the transition only. We conclude that, for bold carbon tax schemes to be implemented with less conflict, a much more participatory, transparent and equitable design would be necessary than the one experienced in France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to understand a spontaneous movement of social mobilization and protest known as the yellow vests and their unrelenting demand for increased buying power. Design/methodology/approach: A capsule history of France and the universal struggle for a living wage lead to a post-Marxian process of intensified civic action to support the universal aims of well-being and fair play. Findings: The yellow vests appear to be assuming the proportions of an unorthodox labor fraternity, a novel pressure network transcending the usual time-and-money quests of integrated trade unions. Research limitations/implications: Little attention is paid to the changing nature of employment, work itself and labor competitiveness. These require further research. Originality/value: Internal and external factors are identified, combining to explain the lack of discipline and orderly evolution by both animators and demonstrators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comparative research has been rare in social movement studies and scholars who embark on this path are confronted with several analytical and methodological challenges. This paper offers an avenue for developing comparative analytics using 'local spaces of protest' as path for comparison. We first situate this concept vis-à-vis other models available (field, space, arena, networks). We then define the three dimensions of 'spaces of protest': specific aim prompting collective action; particular distribution of political actions along different poles (electoral, protest, concerted and participation) and specific scales of protest (local, societal or/and global/glocal). By invoking critical geography to enhance the definition of place and scales of actions, we propose a systematic set-up for comparison. The last part of the paper shows how this notion allows for the comparison of local social forums (gatherings of activists fighting against neoliberal globalization) in two societies, France and Québec. The data presented have been gathered during extensive fieldwork and semi-structured interviews conducted between 2010 and 2011. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Middle East Yearbook / Ortadoğu Yıllığı is the property of Bilgi Kultur Dernegi (Knowledge & Culture Association) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article addresses the issue and practice of surrogacy in France. Surrogacy contracts are void under French law, and intermediaries, medical personnel, and in some cases, parents can be penalized if they partake in this method of ART. Consequently, the vast majority of French children born of surrogacy result from cross-border practices that their parents undertake. Divided into three parts, this chapter will first explore the French legal framework of surrogacy, then explore the cross-border practices at play and the difficulties they raise for ensuing parents and children once back on French soil, and finally examines diverse social movements and discourse either for or against the legalization of surrogacy in France. It concludes by arguing that before establishing a regulatory framework for surrogacy, the most pressing issue is to protect children born of French parents abroad via surrogacy once the family returns to the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the media are ascribed much power in discussions about far-right politics, to date the communicative dimension of extreme right mobilization received little rigorous scholarly attention. To address this gap, this paper addresses the media practices of the extreme right, offering an empirical study of two emerging social movement organizations of this area: CasaPound Italia in Italy and Les Identitaires in France. Rather than treating them as incidental beneficiaries of media populism, the paper disentangles the various ways in which these groups interact with the mass media, discussing the forms and meaning of their activism in relation to extreme right political culture, and differentiating between inward-oriented and outward-oriented media practices. Based on ethnographic observation and semi-structured interviews with far-right militants, the paper shows that media practices not only try to respond to the demands of the media environment in which the groups are embedded, but also seek to reinforce the groups' internal organization and hierarchy, building collective symbolic imagery, and ensuring ideological consistency among activists and sympathizers. In so doing, the paper offers initial insight on how protest movements of the extreme right consolidate their profile and become recognizable in the public sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Institutional change and diversity have been two major topics of debate in contemporary social sciences. At the core of this debate are actors' skills to manage the institutional frame that defines limits and possibilities for their strategies. This article analyses how social movements produce institutional change and diversity in the organic food market. It contrasts the experiences of Participatory Guarantee Systems created by Nature & Progrès (France) and Ecovida Agroecology Network (Brazil) to reframe the institutional order of the organic market. Results demonstrate that, while the conventional third-party certification remains the dominant institutional frame, there is space for competing schemes. However, the relevance of the alternatives depends both on the characteristics of the institutional order historically shaped in each context, and on the skills social movements possess to face the interests of the dominant actors. In this way, the article demonstrates that, in comparison to Nature & Progrès, Ecovida has been a more skillful movement because of its closer connection with other social movements and state actors, compelling Brazil to produce an institutional frame more open to diversity than that found in France. • Social movements are prominent actors in the social and political construction of alternative organic food markets. • Their repertoires of contention embrace innovative institutional devices such as Participatory Guarantee Systems (PGS). • PGS importance to shape alternative markets depends on the social movements' political-interactional skills. • Nature & Progrès demonstrates limited skills to defy the conventionalization and build alternative markets. • Ecovida is a skillful movement because of its closer connection with other social movements and state actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the migration policy crisis in France to illustrate how social movements contribute to the epistemic construction of 'crises' of European Integration. To tackle politicization, we compare the framing and mobilization choices by grassroots actors in solidarity with asylum-seekers and groups aiming to defend national borders from them. Using original Protest Event data and 21 face-to-face interviews, we find that the construction of the crisis as a policy failure crucially reshaped mobilization on both sides of the conflict. Specifically, direct social actions allowed the two camps to respond to a context perceived as critical, politicizing the crisis in light of the declining trust in representative institutions, while also responding to the growing demand for efficacy and concreteness. The findings offer novel empirical insight on movement–countermovement interactions and contribute to the scholarly debate on the relation between crises and the politicisation of contentious issues in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Yellow Vests movement in France was the most widespread and violent protest movement France has seen since 1968. This research highlights the resemblances and dissimilarities between the Yellow Vests and other Occupy movements. We find similarities in movement origins around suddenly revealed economic issues and relative deprivation. We also find that the Yellow Vests resemble other Occupy movements in terms of a combined strategy of a diffused and countrywide occupation of public spaces alongside weekly mass protest, and a lack of central organization and rejection of leadership. The Yellow Vests, however, differ from other Occupy movements in the extreme violence of the weekly demonstrations. Despite its rejection by the media, violence did not affect widespread public approval. In addition, the Yellow Vests achieved most movement objectives in spite of the lack of effective leadership with whom politicians could negotiate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines experts testifying before U.S. and French courts and legislatures on same-sex marriage debates between 1990 and 2013. Experts provide special weight to political arguments, which I call expert capital. For this reason, social movements and decision-makers solicit them. Yet, because of specific national conditions, this article shows that not all experts have the capacity to use their respective academic and professional resources to impact policymaking. Drawing on 71 in-depth interviews and ethnographic observation in both the U.S. and France, I analyze how progressive and conservative experts have struggled for dominance in their fields. Results show that American progressive experts have achieved a degree of power in their fields as their conservative counterparts turn to resources outside the academic mainstream. In France, progressives have only recently challenged conservatives' dominant position. This power distribution is due to: 1) size and centralization of knowledge regimes; 2) disciplinary and university reactions to research on gender and sexuality; 3) academic and professional organization strength; 4) social acceptance of gay families; and, 5) division among allied experts. These findings show that nationally specific knowledge production fields constrain and enable the ability of experts to provide expert capital to their activist and decision-maker allies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do non-established far-right actors reach visibility in the media? While much research focuses on media visibility of progressive movements and established parties, little is known about the coverage of grassroots far-right mobilization. Inspired by insights from media studies, social movement literature, and scholarship on the far right, the paper suggests that media coverage is a function of the protest strategies of non-established far-right actors. To this end, We use a new dataset measuring political claims made on the websites of CasaPound Italia (CPI) and the Bloc Identitaire (BI), and from newspaper reports in France and Italy. We use logistic regressions to quantify increasing media coverage based on specific characteristics of mobilization (issue ownership, dramatization, confrontation and counter-mobilization). Focusing on two countries with comparable political contexts but major differences in other factors relevant to far-right mobilization (number of migrants, asylum seekers, perceived most important problem, and proximity to elections), we illustrate that news coverage is more likely when CPI and BI mobilize on immigration, engage in street protest, and create public controversy. While broader comparative evidence is needed, the paper offers a novel meso-level perspective on the interplay between far-right mobilization and media attention, and it sets out an innovative method to combine online and offline data for the study of protest in far-right politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the origin of the Catholic League, an urban movement in Nantes, France. Reason for the establishment of the movement; Relation of the municipal elites with the duke of Mercoeur; Impact of the rebellion of the majority of the elites on the city's condition.

The controversy over packing therapy used in psychiatry was studied here to illustrate how leading associations can influence public health policies. The main French associations of parents with autistic children succeeded in obtaining the prohibition of packing, announced by the French Secretary of State to the Ministry of Health in April 2016. Parents and professionals who had observed the positive effects of packing when nothing else worked for their part wondered what could be done for self-harming patients. The political authorities followed the opinion of the main associations of parents with autistic children at the expense of that of professionals. In this paper, the actions and discourse of the associations against packing are explored, as are the arguments of the psychiatrists who defend packing therapy. The different phases in the controversy from the first opposition in 2005 and the role of opinion leaders in associations are analyzed. The strategies to discredit psychiatry and to promote behavioral methods are also studied to understand the shift in the balance of power from professionals to association leaders. The mobilization of the associations prompted some psychiatrists to conduct evidence-based research and to formalize their practice. The controversy over packing, involving political decision-making processes, ethical issues and clinical questions, enables us to illustrate a case of lobbying by associations. • The controversy over packing illustrates how associations can influence public policy. • This controversy involves a political decision, ethical issues and clinical questions. • A shift in the balance of power from professionals to association leaders has been shown. • A case of lobbying by associations has been described. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to present an analysis of the category "social classes" and of the notion of subject in E. P. Thompson, in the face of the critical debate between the historian, the structuralist Marxism and the economicistic Marxism. By exploring events such as the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the URSS in 1956, May 68 in France, and the emergence of the "new" social movements, the article clarifies how Thompson emphasises the ideia of the subject that makes his own story and, in that, introduces categories such as "experience" and "class formation". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Images of the 1968 revolutions" analyzes the relationship between politics, image, and cinema during the events of May '68. It highlights the importance of the Nouvelle Vague and the cinema of the thaw in Eastern European countries in the creation of political cinema in France. It also mentions militant filmmaker groups and the States General of Cinema. The text analyzes the impact of the '68 movement on Mexican, Hungarian, and Czechoslovakian cinema, and mentions key films such as "The Scream," "Canoa. The Tlatelolco Massacre," and "Red Dawn." It also addresses the impact of the Prague Spring on Hungarian and Czechoslovakian cinematography, as well as other films related to subsequent social movements. [Extracted from the article]

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This article reframes the extensive literature on the policing of protests in Paris in Mai ’68 around (i) the concept, borrowed from Critical Security Studies, of the management of (in)security and (ii) Peter Manning’s understanding of the dramaturgical function of policing. In the absence of direct archival evidence about how police felt during May, the article attempts a reconstruction - based on archival and secondary sources - of officers’ experience of insecurity by highlighting the contrast between Mai and customary practice in managing demonstrations as ‘co-productions’ with the services d’ordre of trade unions and political parties. It is argued that the response of rank-and-file officers to Maurice Grimaud’s strategy was widespread insubordination, contrary to the impression given in accounts by Grimaud himself. The role of le Service d’action civique (SAC) as clandestine policing auxiliaries is also discussed. The article concludes that the spread of police ways of knowing protestors into the wider population in the last week of May constituted a form of (in)security governance which worked by allowing ordinary people to feel sufficiently afraid to reaffirm their support of the regime and its frontline functionaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the great drama that was mai-juin 1968, the police were unquestionably a central actor. In particular, they played a pivotal role in transforming what started out as a relatively minor, student-based rebellion into a nationwide movement that brought the Gaullist regime to the brink of collapse. The 2016 Nuit Debout protest movement drew strong comparisons to the 1968 events, with many wondering whether France stood to experience a repeat of those heady days. This article will argue that the inability of Nuit Debout to capture the imagination of the general public in a similar fashion to what happened in 1968 is not solely the result of the exceptional and divergent contexts. Instead, it will contend that this failure is also to be understood through an appreciation of shifting perspectives on France’s anti-police. Such positive developments, it will be argued, have ironically been shaped as a result of the 1968 events and the manner in which they are most commonly remembered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses police brutality during the social movement of May-June 1968 in France. Topics discussed include accusations of police brutality levelled by students and residents; repressive violence against demonstrators; and prominence given to police violence against women demonstrators in the national press.

The 2005 banlieue uprisings were the most important acts of contestation in France since May 1968, yet unlike the earlier student protests, they were largely interpreted as aimless violence rather than political dissent. While the authors of the upheavals remained silent, unable or unwilling to explain their motivations, social scientists and other commentators advanced the most divergent interpretations and made various claims on their behalf. This paper proposes to confront these readings with the analysis of three novels published in the wake of the 2005 riots by Mabrouck Rachedi, Wilfried N’Sondé and Rachid Santaki. Comparing these banlieue narratives with a range of scholarly readings proposed by sociologists will help us construct an alternative interpretative framework in which riots appear to be collective demands for justice, equality and social mobility. The conclusion will assess whether the riots are likely to leave a legacy comparable with May 1968. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is too easy to say of Mai ’68 that the police are incurious while protesters are curious, that administrators are incurious and students are curious. A more honest assessment of these moments, striated as they are with social tensions, would identify at least two modes of enquiry and two sets of questions vying for dominance: the one located on the side of the status quo, the other on the side of change. In what follows, I provide historico-theoretical resources to justify that assessment. I first review Michel Foucault and Jacques Rancière’s theories of the police, identifying the incipient role of curiosity in their accounts both of resistance and of power and the police. I then turn to the Prisons Information Group (GIP), where I trace the clear clash between state curiosity as implemented by police and resistant curiosity as practised by GIP activists. Finally, in light of this clash, I explore implications for interpreting Mai ‘68 and Black Lives Matter as instances of curiosities at war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The uprising of May-June 1968 in France is known for its intense street battles between demonstrators and police. But, despite the intensity of the clashes and the thousands of injuries sustained, it is also known for the relatively small number of deaths; this is perhaps particularly surprising given France’s history of ferocious and lethal state repression in moments of protest and revolution. An examination of the ways in which those deploying the police reacted to profound social and political crisis reveals much about how different individuals and factions conceived of the nature of the status quo in 1968, and their views on whether the established order could be allowed to adapt without threatening its very existence. This was, in short, a struggle between many actors over what constituted order and what constituted disorder. Discussion of the role of Prefect of Police for the Paris region, Maurice Grimaud, is crucial, but it is also important to look at the part played by the Communist Party and the trade unions and the way the various players approached the process of change and, arguably, the process of ‘modernisation’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes and compares the dynamically changing outcomes of anti-sweatshop campaigns in France and Switzerland through a qualitative comparative case study using interviews and analysis of firsthand and secondary data. In both countries, some targeted firms made early concessions and later withdrew from those concessions. To explain these changing outcomes over time, the article develops a perspective that puts emphasis on interaction phases and highlights corporate strategic responses to anti-sweatshop movement demands. Analyzing those responses as driven by legitimacy contests between companies and activists, the study explains why anti-sweatshop movements had significant outcomes early on and shows the mechanisms that allowed firms to withdraw from initial concessions at a later stage. In the course of changing interaction dynamics and contexts, companies developed strategies building on competing sources of legitimacy to circumvent movement demands. The companies thereby compensated for the legitimacy losses inflicted by their withdrawal from earlier concessions and the legitimacy deficits of other solutions. The analysis reveals three strategies firms used to achieve and compensate legitimacy and discusses their contextual combination comparing the two cases: inter-firm cooperation, ethical product labels originating in collaborations with competing social movement actors, and publicly fighting back against campaign makers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]