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Federal courts, like Congress and the presidency, are important forums for resolving the political, economic, and social conflicts that characterize American society. From the beginnings of the republic, when federal courts handed down decisions that strengthened the national government, to many of today's most hotly debated issues -- affirmative action, war powers, racial redistricting, and abortion -- federal judges have been at the storm center of numerous controversies. The American constitutional system of separate institutions sharing power inevitably produces tension between Congress and the courts. Conflicts between Congress and federal courts are common when the elective branches are called to account by decisions of the nonelective judicial branch, composed of judges with lifetime tenure. The purposes of this report are to examine the Congress-court connection along several discrete, but overlapping, dimensions. First, the constitutional authority of Congress and the judiciary is summarized briefly. Second, the report highlights the court's role as legislative-executive "umpire" and federal-state "referee" in our constitutional system. Third, the report discusses the court's part in statutory interpretation as well as the diverse ways Congress may "check and balance" the judiciary. Fourth, the paper reviews several current controversies associated with the judicial nominations process. Fifth, the state of play with respect to the so-called "nuclear" or "constitutional" option for ending judicial filibusters is discussed along with the compromise that so far has averted use of this procedural maneuver in the Senate. Finally, the report closes with several observations about the judicial nominations process. This report will not be updated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos' efforts to reach an agreement with leftist narcoguerrillas to end a 50-year conflict. It is opined that Colombians for the first time appear optimistic about reaching a negotiated peace settlement with guerrillas and soldiers. Since the announcement of the justice plan, the guerrilla commander has raised questions about the justice agreement and the six-month deadline, stirring public skepticism.

The article focuses on the Navy's Medium Landing Ship (LSM) program, which aims to procure a class of 18 to 35 amphibious ships to support the Marine Corps in implementing the Expeditionary Advanced Base Operations (EABO) concept. It discusses the topics include the Navy's budget requests, the EABO concept's relevance to potential conflict scenarios with China, and the potential impact of Congress's decisions on the program.

The article provides background on issues relating to peacekeeping/stabilization, reconstruction and conflict transitions in the U.S. It discusses the evolving perceptions of post-conflict needs, the proposals for new civilian forces, and the creation of civilian reconstruction and stabilization capabilities. It highlights congressional and executive actions on the issues including the Lugar-Biden legislation, and the State Department Office of the Coordinator for Reconstruction and Stabilization (S/CRS) start-up and early congressional mandate.

The article examines the citizens' views on the issues of transitional justice, land reform, and reparations in South Sudan. Topics include the problem of land grabbing that was worsened by the 2013 and 2016 civil wars, the need to adhere to the Revitalised Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the country, and the support to communal rather than individual compensation for lost property.

The article offers information on the current market conditions for investment and trade for Zambia as of January 2010. An overview of the country's openness to foreign investment, transparency of the regulatory system and free trade zones and ports is presented. It offers information on government policies on conversion and transfer and performance requirements. Other topics discussed include legal framework for dispute settlement, labor conditions, social, government and foreign relations.

The article describes the market conditions for investment in Uruguay as of January 2010. An overview of the country's openness to foreign investment, transparency of the regulatory system, free trade zones and ports is presented. It offers information on government policies on conversion and transfer, and performance requirements. Also noted is the legal framework on expropriation and compensation, dispute settlement and protection of property rights, among others.

Presents political and economic forecasts in Colombia for 2001 to 2002. Government focus on the peace process and economy improvement; Implication of United States assistance for the improvement of military capacity; Securement of foreign loans to narrow current-account deficit.

The article focuses on the international deployment of the U.S. Armed Forces to address military conflict, potential conflict, or peacetime purposes in other countries from 1798 to 2014. Topics include the instances based on the number of forces, purpose, and extent of hostilities, military engagements that are considered undeclared wars such as the Undeclared Naval War with France from 1798 to 1800, and U.S. Marine or Navy actions to protect Americans or promote U.S. interests.

The article focuses on the political, security and humanitarian crisis being faced by the Central African Republic (CAR) as of May 14, 2014. Responses of the U.S. policy to the situation in CAR include aid for conflict mitigation and peace building, public diplomacy and support to African and French troops that have deployed in CAR.

The article provides a foreign investment overview of Cyprus recent as of second quarter 2013, which include information on investment openness, transparency of the regulatory system, and dispute settlement.

The article provides information on Jamaica's foreign investment which includes the openness to foreign investment, transparency of the regulatory system and the dispute settlement.

The article provides information on the condition of Israel's foreign investment with regards to the country's openness to foreign investment, transparency of the regulatory system and dispute settlement.

The article discusses the provisions of the proposed Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) that deal with dispute settlement and governance of the agreement. It cites the possible consideration of the existence or characteristics of a secretariat for the proposed TPP. It also highlights the procedures with regard to investor-state dispute resolution and the options provided by previous U.S. free trade agreements (FTA) and an early agreement to resolve disputes arising under the agreement.

There has been a recent increase in the level of drug trafficking-related violence within and between the drug trafficking organizations in Mexico. This violence has generated concern among U.S. policy makers that the violence in Mexico might spill over into the United States. Currently, U.S. federal officials deny that the recent increase in drug trafficking-related violence in Mexico has resulted in a spillover into the United States, but they acknowledge that the prospect is a serious concern. The most recent threat assessment indicates that the Mexican drug trafficking organizations pose the greatest drug trafficking threat to the United States, and this threat is driven partly by U.S. demand for drugs. Mexican drug trafficking organizations are the major suppliers and key producers of most illegal drugs smuggled into the United States across the Southwest border (SWB). The nature of the conflict between the Mexican drug trafficking organizations in Mexico has manifested itself, in part, as a struggle for control of these smuggling routes into the United States. Further, in an illegal marketplace-such as that of illicit drugs-where prices and profits are elevated due to the risks of operating outside the law, violence or the threat of violence becomes the primary means for settling disputes. When assessing the potential implications of the increased violence in Mexico, one of the central concerns for Congress is the potential for what has been termed "spillover" violence-an increase in drug trafficking-related violence in United States. While the interagency community has defined spillover violence as violence targeted primarily at civilians and government entities- excluding trafficker-on-trafficker violence-other experts and scholars have recognized trafficker-on-trafficker violence as central to spillover. When defining and analyzing changes in drug trafficking-related violence within the United States to determine whether there has been (or may be in the future) any spillover violence, critical elements include who may be implicated in the violence (both perpetrators and victims), what type of violence may arise, when violence may appear, and where violence may occur (both along the SWB and in the nation's interior). Currently, no comprehensive, publicly available data exist that can definitively answer the question of whether there has been a significant spillover of drug trafficking-related violence into the United States. Although anecdotal reports have been mixed, U.S. government officials maintain that there has not yet been a significant spillover. In an examination of data that could provide insight into whether there has been a significant spillover in drug trafficking-related violence from Mexico into the United States, CRS analyzed violent crime data from the Federal Bureau of Investigation's Uniform Crime Report program. The data, however, do not allow analysts to determine what proportion of the violent crime rate is related to drug trafficking or, even more specifically, what proportion of drug trafficking-related violent crimes can be attributed to spillover violence. In conclusion, because the trends in the overall violent crime rate may not be indicative of trends in drug trafficking-related violent crimes, CRS is unable to draw definitive claims about trends in drug trafficking-related violence spilling over from Mexico into the United States. This report will be updated as circumstances warrant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the political conflict on the constitutional structure of separation of powers under the U.S. Constitution. It outlines the consequences encountered by the federal government on the constitutional structure of separation of powers which is also considered as the source of conflict. It notes that the U.S. Constitution provides several mechanisms that enhance the conflict and limit the ability of any faction from gaining coordinated control of the functions of government.

The State Department?s Office of the Coordinator for Reconstruction and Stabilization (S/CRS) was established in 2004 to address longstanding concerns, both within Congress and the broader foreign policy community, over the perceived lack of the appropriate capabilities and processes to deal with transitions from conflict to stability. These capabilities and procedures include adequate planning mechanisms for stabilization and reconstruction operations, efficient interagency coordination structures and procedures in carrying out such tasks, and appropriate civilian personnel for many of the non-military tasks required. Effectively distributing resources among the various executive branch actors, maintaining clear lines of authority and jurisdiction, and balancing short- and long-term objectives are major challenges for designing, planning, and conducting post-conflict operations, as is fielding the appropriate civilian personnel. In his January 23, 2007, State of the Union address, President Bush called for Congress to work with his Administration ?to design and establish a volunteer Civilian Reserve Corps.? Included in the Administration?s February 4, 2008, budget request for FY2009 is a $248.6 million Civilian Stabilization Initiative that seeks to establish that corps. Since July 2004, S/CRS has worked to establish the basic concepts, mechanisms, and capabilities necessary to carry out such operations. Working with a staff of about 73 individuals from the State Department, other executive branch agencies, and on contract as of early January 2007, S/CRS has taken steps to monitor and plan for potential conflicts, to develop the first phase of a rapid-response crisis management capability, to improve interagency and international coordination, to develop interagency training exercises, and to help State Department regional bureaus develop concepts and proposals for preventive action. The issues for the second session of the 110th Congress include whether to provide a permanent authorization for that office, and whether to authorize and fund the Administration?s Civilian Stabilization Initiative (CSI), presented with the annual budget request in February 2008. The CSI would establish a three-part, 4,250-person civilian response corps (CRS) that would include (1) an active force of 250 State Department employees, (2) a 2,000-member standby force, and (3) a 2,000-member civilian reserve of non-federal government personnel. In 2008, Congress has made some progress on these matters. On March 5, the House passed the Reconstruction and Stabilization Civilian Management Act of 2008, H.R. 1084, which would codify the establishment of S/CRS and authorize the CRC. Provisions of this bill are included in the FY2009 National Defense Authorization Bill, H.R. 5658, as passed by the House in June. Also in June 2008, Congress appropriated $75 million for the CSI in the Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2008 (H.R. 4642, P.L. 110-252). This legislation waives the need for the program to be authorized in order for the money to be spent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Facing a September 13, 2000 deadline for concluding a comprehensive IsraeliPalestinian agreement on all permanent status issues, President Bill Clinton convened a trilateral summit with Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak and Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) Chairman Yasser Arafat at Camp David on July 11, 2000. The summit, which lasted until July 24, 2000, did not produce an agreement. The relative calm that prevailed in the West Bank and Gaza Strip after the Palestinian Central Council (PCC) decided to delay the declaration of Palestinian statehood on September 10, 2000, evidently masked a deep-seated frustration that many Palestinians felt toward the peace process. This frustration erupted after Likud party head Ariel Sharon led a tour of al-Haram ash-Sharif/Temple Mount on September 28, 2000, which Palestinians and many observers viewed as provocative. The ensuing protests sparked massive clashes involving Palestinian civilians, the Fatah Tanzeem, the Palestinian Authority (PA) police force, Israeli civilians (both Jewish and Arab), and the Israeli police and army. In turn, these clashes have created widespread disillusionment and outrage within the Israeli and Palestinian communities regarding the other's commitment to the peace process. As of January 10, 2001, 362 people were killed in these clashes, 306 of whom were Palestinians, 43 of whom were Israeli Jews, and 13 of whom were Israeli Arabs. In addition to this heavy toll of casualties, the Palestinian uprising has also had dramatic economic repercussions. Israel's policy of employing "internal" and "external" closures has wreaked havoc on the fragile Palestinian economy. In turn, Israel has also suffered economically through a loss of tourism revenues and a possible long-term decline in foreign investment. Also, Arab states have donated large sums of money and amounts of humanitarian goods in order to support the intifadah. As a result of the widespread conviction in the Arab world that United States foreign policy is biased toward Israel, a grassroots boycott of U.S. goods has swept the region. The violence has also spread to Israel's border with Lebanon, triggering fear of a wider conflagration with Lebanon and Syria. Taking advantage of the chaos caused by demonstrations and clashes, Hizballah-a leading Lebanese Shi'ite organization- in a well-planned attack, captured three Israeli soldiers in the disputed Sheba'a Farms region. Hizballah has announced that it wants to exchange the soldiers for Lebanese and other Arab political prisoners currently held in Israeli jails. At this point, it appears that Hizballah is uninterested in opening up a full-fledged second front with Israel. Beyond Lebanon, the uprising has had significant implications, and has drawn widespread Arab and Islamic support for the Palestinian position. Members of 106th Congress responded to the al-Aqsa Intifadah by introducing bills that supported Israel's actions, encouraged the U.S. Administration to oppose any anti-Israel resolutions in the United Nations, called upon Palestinians to negotiate a resolution, and proposed cutting foreign assistance to the Palestinians if they did not stop the uprising. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article emphasizes the need for U.S. managers to intervene in mitigating conflict and stress arising from a disruptive or bad humor in the workplace. Comments from Ed, Muzio, chief executive officer at employment solutions provider Group Harmonics Inc., on office humor are included. Also included are suggestions from David Maxfield, vice president of research at corporate traning innovator VitalSmarts, on how to deal with such conflict.

The World Trade Organization (WTO) went into effect in 1995, replacing the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) which had been in existence since 1948. Under the WTO, the governments of the 136 member countries agree on a set of rules and principles for trade, negotiate periodically to reduce trade barriers, and participate in the dispute settlement procedure. Economists believe that, over the past 50 years, the more predictable environment for trade as well as the reduction in trade barriers has contributed to unprecedented economic prosperity for the majority of countries. On the other hand, trade liberalization under the WTO has resulted in economic costs to those whose jobs have been adversely affected, although they are relatively few compared to total employment in the United States. The WTO is of interest to the Congress for several reasons. First, H.J.Res. 90 (withdrawing the approval of the United States from the Agreement establishing the World Trade Organization) was introduced March 6, 2000. Second, the Congress will likely vote on permanent normal trade relations (NTR) for China in connection with China's accession to the WTO. One criticism of the WTO is that ''international bureaucrats'' at the WTO can override laws enacted in the United States, thus violating U.S. national sovereignty. WTO supporters point out that all major decisions at the WTO are made by representatives of the member countries, most of whom are democratically elected. Moreover, supporters maintain that WTO rules specifically recognize that each country will determine its own laws, regulations and standards. WTO critics would like labor standards included in the WTO, which is opposed by some U.S. supporters and most developing countries. Generally, both supporters and critics agree on the desirability of raising foreign labor standards, but disagree on the best way to achieve this goal and on the implication of lower foreign labor standards on U.S. import-competing products and U.S. jobs. In environmental and food safety issues, critics charge that the WTO's dispute settlement procedure can (and has) adversely affected environmental and health laws. Supporters counter that the dispute settlement process only requires that domestic measures be implemented in a non-trade-restrictive way and do not discriminate among trading partners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]