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This article presents a study, discusses the trends in fertility of Mexican Americans. The present paper will examine trends in Mexican American fertility in comparison to Anglo American fertility from 1950 to 1970 in the southwestern states. Attention will be devoted primarily to cumulative fertility rather than current fertility since the former measure is the only one available for all the time periods and areas studied. The principal obstacle to investigation of the dynamics of the Mexican American population is the inconsistency in definition and identification of the population over a substantial time span. The Mexican American population has been variously defined operationally by race in the 1930 Census, by Spanish mother tongue in the 1940 Census, by Spanish surname in the 1950 and 1960 Censuses, and by questions on origin or descent in the November 1969 Current Population Survey. Information compiled in the 1970 Census will allow tabulations of data according to varying combinations of mother tongue, Spanish surname and Spanish origin or descent. At the time this paper went to press, the materials published from the 1970 Census relating to the Mexican American population consisted only of data for the population of Spanish language or Spanish surname.

The article presents the authors' reply to the criticism of their paper "Notes on the Color of the Volunteer Army," published in the December 1969 issue of the journal "Social Science Quarterly." In their paper they argued that a predominantly black army would probably not result from the shift to an all volunteer military system (AVMS). They also argued that the shift to the AVMS might actually have detrimental effects on the employment prospects of African Americans and other disadvantaged groups. The criticism of the demand side of their analysis is based on an implausible assumption that if conscription is abolished, it seems likely that the price of human capital will rise relative to the price of nonhuman capital and labor. What is dubious is the additional implicit assumption that the wages of human capital will also rise relative to the wages of unskilled labor. In fact the opposite assumption seems far more plausible. If one takes the remuneration of officers as indicative of the salaries paid to educated or skilled military employees, and the salaries paid to low ranking enlisted men as indicative of pay scales for unskilled military labor, it can be argued that the salaries of officers currently approximate the free market more closely than the wages of low ranking enlisted personnel.

The article focuses on issues related to voter registration and voting in the U.S. Of the decisions the potential voter must make, one may indeed be whether to participate in the presidential election. More often, however, the potential voter must decide whether to vote in mayoral, city council, or other local elections. Though these latter races are far more common than the selection of a president, the great bulk of electoral research has used presidential elections as the focal point. And this overemphasis is substantially magnified in voting behavior texts, which consistently disregard elections below the national level. This lack of attention to local elections would not constitute a serious problem if it could be convincingly demonstrated that one can generalize from the national to the local level. There are strong reason to believe that the findings of national studies are often inapplicable to local voting behavior. This paper focuses on one area of significant difference between national and municipal voting, the influence of registration on turnout.

The article focuses on the relationship between city characteristics and racial violence in the U.S. Previous research examining the impact of city characteristics on racial violence has generally failed to support most commonly asserted hypotheses, and/or has not systematically treated complex theories requiring multivariate controls. These ambiguous findings strengthen earlier explanations which deemphasize intercity differences in the condition of blacks and attribute primary importance to societal determinants, notably institutionalized deprivation of blacks and white racism. Although the emphasis is perhaps warranted, it is easy to overemphasize deprivation and racism as societal causes when such factors can be conceptualized as varying by cities. An unresolved issue, which can only be verbally addressed in this paper, concerns qualitative variations in racial violence. Those incidents occurring early in this century were characterized by white attacks on blacks and set against the background of black competition in the white labor markets of the North.

The article discusses the parameters of presidential politics in the U.S. This paper analyzes data that have been by-and-large neglected, the State of the Union Messages. The 26 Messages delivered by former U.S. Presidents Harry S. Truman, Dwight D. Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy, and Lyndon B. Johnson from 1946 through 1969 have been studied by means of a computer content analysis. Since the unit of analysis is the sentence, there are approximately 7,500 data points drawn from a 24 year time period. This data set is certainly comprehensive enough to sustain analysis. The State of the Union Messages are exceedingly useful vantage points because they are important statements of administration policy. Another point about the State of the Union Messages is that they are comparable from one year to the next. They come in January after the president and his aides have completed the intensive policy review that is occasioned by the State of the Union Message, Budget, and Annual Economic Message.

The article presents a paper that offers an alternative explanation for the purported inability to make better use of the expanded productive capability which provides the base for an "affluent" life style. It is suggested that inability to understand the ethical questions raised by a high rate of economic growth and failure to make the institutional adjustments that would humanize the contemporary economic process derive in part from neglected but critical developments in economic thought and social philosophy. Now according to those who are critical of the life style of affluent America, it is obvious that economic activity as carried out in contemporary society does not achieve that ideal terminus which, according to the philosophic presuppositions of classical economics, ought to be the end result of such activity. As a matter of historical fact, the economy seems to have been forced into a developmental path which permits economic activity to escape its proper subordination to the "good life" of man. Theologically, one might argue that this tendency for economic activity to degenerate into a process which degrades man is but part of that tragic train of events which entered human history as the consequence of sin.

The article discusses issues related to subjective powerlessness in the U.S. The paper focuses on changes since 1952 in citizen efficacy or feelings of control over government for various sub-groups in the U.S. population such as blacks, blue collar workers, Southerners, Jews, young and old people. As with most issues in the study of social change, there is widespread disagreement on trends in citizen efficacy for industrial societies such as the U.S. Most theory predicts trends in objective powerlessness, rather than subjective powerlessness, although it is possible that trends in objective powerlessness do not match trends in subjective powerlessness. Within the U.S. at each point of observation, powerlessness does not vary much by stratum, except when education and race are used as indicators. And within the white population, some of the differences are heavily explained by educational differentials. It therefore seems fair to conclude that white subordinate interest groups are not oriented toward government as a result of what would seem to be objective powerlessness but more on the basis of their educational achievement.

The article presents a paper that examines the pretrial detention institution. The data were gathered from a pretrial institution located in a north-eastern metropolitan region of the U.S. From June 1970 through May 1971 information was obtained through observations of the daily life in jail as well as interviews and conversations with various persons involved. The focus is on patterns of and reactions to infractions of jail regulations. The jail has a legal system of its own. It has its own set of rules for guiding behavior and its own mechanism for handling trouble when it arises. Infractions of these rules reflect regularized cycles of life within the institution. It is in this sense that it becomes useful to approach the criminal justice system as a series of interlocking legal levels. Each level constitutes a society apart. Individuals are confronted with one legal system in the courtroom. They face another when spending time in jail awaiting trial. This "non-systemic" aspect of the criminal justice system is often noted when discussing its workings.

The article presents a paper that addresses the ways in which black citizens from 15 large American cities broadly assess the performance of their local economies and municipal administrations. These findings about black perceptions are part of a much larger study using a rather unique set of data and reflect the critical impact of five aspects of institutional urban life--police practices, welfare policies, employment, retail merchandising, and public education. The initial purpose of the research was to detect critical political differences between "riot" and "non-riot" cities, a task which was aborted in the spring of 1968 when three of the five "non-riot" cities experienced some of the most severe civil disorders of the entire 1960's period. The findings indicate that it is possible to uncover connections between political regimes, the behavior of municipal delivery systems, and citizen responses of confidence or despair in local political regimes. The crucial point is that the actions of city officials and delivery system personnel have substantial consequences for local residents.

The article discusses the variations in the buying habits of different consumer groups in the U.S. Consumer buying habits will constitute the core of any changes in the conditions of distribution. It would obviously be inadvisable to attempt to embrace the entire field of consumer buying habits in a short paper, so these remarks will be confined to consumer variations which affect their buying habits, with particular emphasis on retail trading areas. The fact that different types of customers have widely different buying habits will quickly be discovered in any retail trading area analysis. This fact is recognized by all retailers, but its effects upon the extent of areas of trade influence are not so self-evident. Consequently, in order to select his clientele, the progressive merchant will usually break down the total population of his trading area into subdivisions of one or more of the following groups: occupation, social status, education, wealth and income, size of family, type of residence, religion, race and nationality, age and sex, and location.

The article highlights the concept of political economy coined by well-known socio-economist Horace Greeley. Historians of economic thought, in customarily appointing Henry C. Carey dean of the American School, have generally neglected the high spokesman of discontent, Horace Greeley, founder and editor of the "New York Tribune." Horace Greeley's life and political economy stand out as clearer expressions of a young America in its middle period transition. Greeley was an awakened figure of his time. Never the totally eccentric dreamer he is frequently considered, he found himself aware that narrow parochialisms were breaking up, and he aimed to conform society to the changes under way. He saw his country as the great chance for righting wrongs- and he wished to make it a proving ground for social experimentation. Thus, he devoted his life and his paper to teaching the people to seek freedom by building a wealthy nation in which resources should be correctly utilized and special privileges should be destroyed.

The article discusses Bimetallic controversy of fifty years ago. Bimetallism thrilled people as perhaps no other controversy of the day. It was at its height in the years preceding the discovery of the Rand in 1886, a discovery which before the end of the century had robbed it of all but academic interest. In Great Britain itself it became a lively issue owing to the sharp and prolonged fall in the gold price of silver and other commodities after 1872. It gave a minister of the government Alfred Marshall the opportunity to expound before the Gold and Silver Commission of 1887-8 and the House of Commons Committee on Indian Currency (1899) not only his plan of Symmetallism, i.e., of paper based on a composite of gold and silver; but his whole theory of money and credit. In the United States, which had a great silver-producing interest, it drew from William Jennings Bryan, the democratic candidate for the American presidency in 1896, the famous challenge "Shall mankind be crucified on a cross of gold?" But all Europe was interested; and it is on the Continent that the story begins and develops.

The article discusses several books on sociology. "Workmen's Compensation and Automobile Liability Insurance in Virginia," by Charles N. Halvey and William H. Wandel is a study of the actuarial problems of two types of casualty insurance, one already widely adopted and the other much discussed as a means of control for the prevalent losses through automobile accidents. Walter Noble Burns' "The Robinhood of El Dorado," is a scintillating study of California gold-rush days and features the activities of Joaquin Murietta, the legendary Captain Kidd of that country. Written in easy journalistic style, it is readily readable and informative. A few historical inaccuracies have crept in-such as the reference to Stephen Field as the chief justice of the United States Supreme Court--but they, by no means, destroy the value of the volume. "Economics," by Frank Tracy Canton is an elementary textbook intended for a semester course. "Essays on Research in the Social Sciences," consists of a series of papers presented in a general seminar conducted by the Committee on Training of the Brookings Institution during 1930 and 1931.

The article focuses on the condition of farm labor in American agriculture. The Congressional decision to allow Public Law 78--the Mexican Bracero Program--to lapse resulted in a dramatic shift in public policy. The new policy course is to deny admission to foreign agricultural workers in areas where unemployed domestic workers are available, or under circumstances which would have an adverse effect upon domestic farm wage levels. Dire predictions were made early in 1965 that many crops would rot in the fields and that consumer prices would soar as a result of what the president of the nation's largest farm organization, the American Farm Bureau Federation, termed as a government-created labor shortage which has increased farm costs and made it impossible to harvest a normal crop." This paper contends such charges are not in accord with the fads. For years the real labor situation in American agriculture has been one in which human resources have been squandered. The foreign-labor importation program only served to aggravate an already serious national manpower problem.

The article examines U.S. House appropriations subcommittee that seeks to suggest some of the variables, which influence these budgetary decisions. The data on which this paper is based were gathered from the hearings, reports, and the Congressional Record concerned with this subcommittee, for fiscal years 1960, 1961, and 1962. The record of the subcommittee that heard supplemental appropriations requests for these agencies augmented the written record of the regular subcommittee. The following variables appear to be particularly important in explaining subcommittee decisions: (1) congressmen's policy preferences and the extent to which agency budgets are viewed as "cuttable"; (2) congressmen's constituents and agencies' clienteles; (3) the confidence which subcommittee members have in the agency's administrators; (4) an effective presentation of requests, and especially the ability of the agency to quantify its activities; and (5) strategies which the agencies use, and the conditions under which they are used.

The article focuses on the sociometric relations among American courts. Sociometric relations basically refer to the relations of attraction and repulsion which exist among persons or among social entities. In this regard, courts differ in the extent to which other courts cite them approvingly, and they differ in the extent to which they themselves cite other courts approvingly. Likewise courts differ in the extent to which they are cited disapprovingly by other courts, and in the extent to which they themselves cite other courts disapprovingly. It is the purpose of this paper to indicate some of these differences and to account at least partially for their existence. The courts analyzed consist of all the courts of the forty-eight state jurisdictions and the one federal jurisdiction whose cases are covered in the 1955-1959 "Shepard's Citations." This is a multivolumed set of books which indicates how each case covered has been treated by subsequent cases. The data indicate that except for the federal jurisdiction none of the eight court groupings was critical of anybody but itself. It also indicates that there are no significant differences between the court groupings with regard to the extent to which each is disparaged by the others.

The article focuses on the voting behavior of freshmen Congressmen of the United States. The writers on Congress have commented on the special position occupied by the freshman Senator or Representative. The freshman Congressman, they suggest, is baffled and handicapped by the rules of procedure, more subject to the social lobby, forbidden by powerful custom from speaking freely, easily controllable through party discipline by the apportionment of committee assignments, and so forth. There have been suggestions that the first-term Representative may be more subject to party discipline, but no systematic analysis has been employed to verify or disprove the proposition. That some practicing politicians believe such a difference does exist. This paper is an attempt to determine whether freshman status had a significant influence upon voting in the House of Representatives on major policy questions during the Eighty-third and Eighty-fourth Congresses.

The article focuses on the participation of businessmen in the higher echelons of the United States government. Their participation in the higher echelons of the United States government has been receiving much notice in recent years. During the 1952 Presidential campaign Dwight D. Eisenhower promised to bring to the costly operations of government to the help of business and professional examiners who can speak for the Chief Executive with expert knowledge. This he has proceeded to do in the almost pathetic belief that the Executive branch of the government can be run along the neat organizational lines of a modern corporation, with himself as chairman of the board. At the same time, systematic investigation of the participation of businessmen in government has led to questions about the effects of this trend. It is the purpose of this paper to show how these questions may be answered, in part, by examining the participation of businessmen in posts connected with the conduct of foreign relations. First it will be shown to what extent the proportion of businessmen in these posts has increased under the Eisenhower administration. Second, this change will be examined in terms of its implications for the conduct of foreign relations.

This article presents information on the history of cases in the U.S. Supreme Court. In Niemotko v. State of Maryland, the Court reversed a conviction, which had been based on a disorderly-conduct statute, noting that a permit system, for speeches in a public park, in the absence of definite standards, constitutes prior restraint on freedom of speech, press, and religion. This liberal approach was somewhat modified in U.S. v. Rabinowitz. Here the defendant was arrested with a proper warrant and the police then searched the one-room office and secured evidence. This the Court upheld as reasonable, since the room was open to the public, was under the control of the accused, and the search did not extend beyond this room used for unlawful purposes. Congress in 1954 passed an Immunity Act providing that whenever in the judgment of the United States Attorney the testimony of any witness or the production of books, papers, or other evidence by any witness in any case before any grand jury or court in the United States involving any interference with, or endangering of, the national security is necessary to the public interest, the District Attorney, upon the approval of the Attorney General, may make application to the Court for an order to the witness to testify.

This article comments on some of the conclusions drawn by Riley E. Baker in respect to significant causative factors in the economic development of the Great Plains area. The economy of, and the techniques employed within, an area are a part of the aggregate economy, not isolated from it. This situation derives largely from the composite of technological developments associated with improved transportation and increased tendencies toward both individual producer and area specialization. The network of interrelationships is not an easy one to explain. Nevertheless, this difficulty does not warrant simplification merely for ease of explanation. Some passages in Baker's paper explicitly, and others by implication, indicate that he leans toward undue simplification, intentional or otherwise. There has appeared a tendency in recent years to interpret the implications of a vastly expanding technological front in terms of the impacts of a few selected techniques lifted from their functional relationships within the integrated whole. This tendency is probably the inevitable result of preliminary observations of the influences of wide technological advances upon the entire structure of an economy.

It is the purpose of this paper to discuss certain selected topics which illustrate how the tendency to approach the study of American institutions in terms of the British system has given rise to errors in judgment, to a mistaken emphasis, and to the distortion of facts. In the U.S. the investigating committee with its extensive hearings and its sifting of evidence has done much to correct shortcomings and failures in the administrative branch and has paved the way for the adoption of reform legislation. Although select committees were the most important instrumentality used in Great Britain for inquiry purposes in the nineteenth century, they have today almost completely ceased to be of any political importance. The tendency of the British Cabinet to treat "every serious criticism of the work of the Departments as an attack upon itself, to be resisted with the whole strength of its majority," has caused parliamentary discussions to become stereo-typed debates between opposing armies under rigid party discipline rather than informative and critical analyses of present-day conditions. The advantages of the English cabinet system over the American presidential system have frequently been pointed out. However, the major problem of government today is how to maintain an effective control over the administrative machine.

The article reports that the enforcement of wartime statutes in the U.S. relating to newspapers and periodicals provides no more objective means for determining the meaning of free press than does the record of legislative and judicial encroachment on free speech. There was the same tendency for the courts to accept the demands of the super-patriots as sound law, for the judges and postal executives to view certain activities as bad and through a process of rationalization find legal justification for prohibiting them. The Trading With the Enemy Act made it unlawful to print or circulate in any foreign language on matter respecting the Government of the United States or other governments in the war, their policies, conduct of the war unless these were first filed with the postmaster at the point of mailing a true translation of such matter. The President could at his discretion license foreign language papers and free them from the translation requirement. Any printed matter not conforming to the act was declared non-mailable.

The article reports on the origin and history of cigarettes. There are several legends concerning the origin of the modern cigarette. There *are legends to the effect that the cigarette was invented by the Turks and that cigarette smoking was common in Turkey, Russia, and the Levant where British travelers encountered the habit and carried it to England and thence to the United States. But regardless of the many legends, it would seem that the modern cigarette--that is, tobacco enclosed in a paper tube--is a Spanish adoption of the Latin American original. It is a diminutive of "cigar" which in turn is derived from the Spanish cigarro, itself a diminutive, meaning "little garden." In Spain almost every family had its little garden of tobacco. According to a French authority cigarettes were smoked for a long time in France but it was not until 1864 that they were manufactured commercially. The extensive advertising campaigns engaged in by the tobacco "trusts" greatly aided in popularizing the cigarette, not only in the United States but also throughout the world.

The article focuses on minimum requirements for the good life. In 1937, in a lecture in Denton, Stuart Chase made the rather startling statement that the United States cannot afford to let the average family live on less than $2400 per year income. His main discussion centered around the fact that there is a high correlation between crime and disease on the one hand and low income on the other. The speaker proceeded to show that it would be cheaper to pay the minimum income suggested, than to pay for the enormous amount of crime and disease that prevails. A scientific study along the line has been carried on in San Francisco by the Heller Committee for Research in Social Economics. This committee has worked out wartime budgets for three income levels, based on "frozen" price levels which are 20% higher than the pre-war prices of 1939-40. This paper is concerned only with the lowest of the three income levels, that of a family of a wage earner. The family consists of a man, wife, boy of 13, and girl of 8. These budgets are designed to show items and quantities necessary to maintain a standard of health and decency for the specific family types.

This paper examines top institutional leadership in both the public and private sectors of society-industry; communications, transportation, and utilities; banking; insurance; law; civic and cultural affairs; government; foundations; education; the military; personal wealth; and political finance. The purposes are to develop a systematic definition of a national, institutional elite; to measure the concentration of authority in top institutional positions; to examine the extent of interlocking and specialization among institutional elites, and to describe the pattern of recruitment to top institutional positions. The study data do not really permit any inferences about interaction, communication, informal association or mutuality of interest, among the institutional elites. But it is believed that debate over the concentration of power in the U.S. will be better informed by continuing attempts to systematically define institutional elites, to measure the real extent of interlocking and specialization, and to examine the actual paths of recruitment to top institutional positions.

This article presents a study, which discusses definite income differences between Mexican Americans and Anglos. Among males 14 years of age and older in 1959, for example, Mexican American income as a percent of Anglo income varied from a high of 73 percent in California to a low of 49 percent in Texas. By 1969 some progress had been made, but Mexican American income still varied between 81 percent if Anglo income in Arizona and California to 65 percent in Texas. Necessarily, part of the difference between Mexican American and Anglo income is due to educational and occupational differences, since on he whole Mexican Americans show much lower levels of educational attainment and are more concentrated in the manual occupations, particularly those requiring few skills. To what extent then are income differences between Mexican American and Anglos males due to educational and occupational differences, and to what extent are they due to minority status? The central purpose of this paper is to examine the cost of being a Mexican American male worker after taking into consideration the differentials in occupation and education.

This article discusses the origins of Mexican American subordination in Texas. Although there has been a frequent recognition that a full understanding of the social position of Mexican Americans in the United States requires an historical dimension, comparatively little work of this type has been published; and among the papers and books in which some attempt is made to account for the contemporary position of the Mexican Americans in terms of their unique historical background, few have been guided by an explicit theory or conceptual scheme. In the course of this test no effort is made to adduce new historical evidence. The intention here, rather, is to employ well-known secondary materials to provide tentative answers to two guiding questions: First, does Donald L. Noel's theory afford a comprehensive interpretation of the events culminating in the subordination of the Mexican Americans? Second, does the application of Noel's ideas to an historical process other than the development of black slavery in the United States-the initial testing ground for the theory-suggest ways to modify and increase the theory's explanatory flower? Students of the development of the relations among the Spanish speaking and English speaking peoples of North America have long recognized the importance of the separate elements of Noel's theory.

The article discusses intelligence and student political activism. A positive correlation between intellectual ability and leftist ideology is an empirically well-established generalization. Almost all of the research on this interesting topic has utilized college students. In reviewing the literature on American student political behavior, sociologist Seymour Martin Lip set suggests that this correlation between intelligence and leftist ideology may be spurious. This study compares a sample of student political activists at the University of Minnesota with the general student population of which they are a part The original universe of activists consisted of all elected officers of all the student political organizations on the main campus of the University over a span of ten academic years, 1955-56 through 1963-64. Intelligence is one of a number of important social science concepts that elude precise definition. This paper makes no attempt to resolve the definitional problem but defines intelligence operationally in terms of standard measures of intellectual ability.

The article focuses on activities of grass roots political activists in the U.S. During this study, the nature of political activity variable was operationalized by asking each respondent to indicate whether or not further political ambition, being close to influential people, or making business contacts was an important reason why the respondent ran for the office of precinct committee-man. Then each respondent was asked which activities he performed as committeeman were most important. The data utilized in this paper were collected over a two-year period in five communities in three states. The interview schedule concentrated upon variables used in, but not tied together by, existing studies of characteristics relevant to the recruitment and activities of precinct committeemen. In general, findings indicated that precinct committeemen tend to be motivated to run for office not because they are self-stimulated but because they are pushed across an activist threshold, to exhibit low rather than high levels of political ambition, to orient themselves more to the campaign than to the organization, and to engage more often in party-aiding than in personal-aiding activities. These findings are consistent with the literature on the recruitment and activities of grass roots political activists.

The article focuses on population commission's report in the U.S. The report of the commission and the papers accompanying it constitute a remarkable document and suggestions that could, if expanded and fully translated into policy, bring a nearly optimum demographic state into being. While discussion of population questions in both quantitative and qualitative terms has commanded attention in America since even before the nation's founding, treatment of demographic matter has been circumscribed by particular premises and objectives which have never, at least until recently, been transformed into an approach that is systematic. With the disappearance of the frontier in the 1890's, attention was directed to conservation of resources and possible shortages of agricultural land and critical minerals. Congressional concern was directed less to problems of this sort, however, than to control of immigration, demand for which issued not from fear of excessive population growth but from concern about increasing ethnic and cultural heterogeneity, labor's fear of excessive competition from immigrant workers, and so on.

The article presents the author's opinions on the book "The Vantage Point: Perspectives of the Presidency, 1963-1969," by former U.S. President Lyndon Baines Johnson. Reviews of Johnson's book tend to resemble reviews of the Johnson Administration: disappointment based on ridiculously high expectations. Already reviews are stressing how Johnson lied, as though lying is something politicians don't do, and as though memoirs are something somehow different from politics. Reviews compare the book with the Pentagon Papers and come away still more indignant, as though private deliberations of presidents ought not to have been different from the public reports of deliberations, or as though final decisions should reveal all of the calculations back of them and all of the alternatives rejected prior to reaching the final decision. These disappointments are more than a mere literary device. Most of the reviewers and president watchers probably sincerely did expect more from Johnson, and went on expecting it late into his administration, especially where domestic politics were concerned.

In this article the author presents an empirical discussion of urban terrorism in the U.S. According to the author the purpose of this paper is twofold, first, to point out some of the problems in collecting data on urban terrorism and, second, to propose a theoretical perspective of terrorism somewhat different from the customary revolutionary or counter-insurgency model. Among the most frequently cited indicators of urban terrorism in the U.S. is the rising number of bombing incidents and threats combined with the sensational discovery of various bomb plots and caches. The authors remark that since explosive bombs require more effort in acquisition of materials, preparation and detonation than incendiaries, their greater frequency in densely populated areas suggests that explicit terror bombings as distinguished from vandal-type arson are more prevalent in an urban environment. While urban areas provide the concentrations of symbolic victims necessary for mass anxiety, unless the terrorist is very well organized into hierarchical cells and can demonstrate an escalating omnipresence, has access to resupply from a secure or liberated zone and is operating in conjunction with regular insurgent forces, any attempt at social paralysis is doomed.

The article presents an ecological analysis of urban mortality rates in the U.S. According to the authors much of the work taking account of the health factors has been done in a comparative perspective with the general conclusion being that improved health conditions and services and not pure economic factors have been the main influence in lowering mortality in the developing nations. The purpose of this paper is to examine the ecological correlates of neighborhood mortality levels in a large urban center. The focus is upon the identification of the relative contribution of demographic, environmental, and social organizational variables to the explanation of differences in urban subarea death rates. The authors take as their starting point the works of those social scientists who have clearly demonstrated the relationship of ecological phenomena to differential urban mortality. Past studies have shown the importance of a large number of specific variables in explaining differential aggregate community mortality levels. These specific variables may be grouped into three gross categories, such as demographic, environmental, and social organizational.

The article presents the profiles of the differential statuses of the major ethnic and racial elements of the population of the United States with reference to a convenient norm and in comparison with each other. It also provides, a basis for conjecture about the relative salience of the different statuses for different populations, a special case of consistency analysis. The focus on racial problems has recently diverted attention from the substantial immigrant population in the U.S. In absolute terms the foreign-born population is still quite large. Admission of refugees around World War II and displaced persons under the Act of 1948 undoubtedly changed the characteristics of European migrants. These historical events are reflected in the Russian and German samples, for example, but census data do not permit us to disentangle their influence on the composition of the subsamples. In this paper, the author reports as a whole for African Americans, Mexican Americans, selected foreign born of significant numbers and for the native born of like foreign parentage.

The article presents a estimate of the quantitative impact of the foreign born labor force on the U.S. commodity production over 1869-1929. In order to demonstrate the importance of immigration, the author has constructed estimates of per capita commodity output in the absence of foreign born labor. A broader measure could be defined to include the output produced by foreign born laborers and their children. This more broadly defined measure would give a greater weight to the quantitative impact of immigration and would extend this impact later into the twentieth century. The measure used in this paper, foreign born labor, indicates the economy's dependence on an exogenous labor force, most of whose basic rearing costs have been met before entering the United States. Estimates are made of employment in the commodity producing sectors of agriculture, manufacturing, mining, and construction for the total labor force and for foreign born labor. A commodity output series is estimated, by sector, for 1869-1929. Average labor productivity for each commodity producing sector is constructed for the total labor force. The product of average labor productivity of the total labor force and immigrant employment, by sector, is taken to yield estimates of commodity output produced by the foreign born labor force.

This paper has summarized a study of presidential prestige and has, through the systematic comparison of historians of differing political per- suasions, examined patterns of relationship between prestige and two dimensions of perceived presidential attitude. These patterns indicate that presidential prestige or greatness is associated with different characteristics of perceived presidential attitude among liberal and conservative historians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his conclusion, Downes states that "cities experiencing hostile out- bursts have a very distinctive set of social, economic, and even political structural characteristics."19 It is true that Downes expresses reservations about his analysis, cautioning the reader that"… this analysis represents a preliminary examination of the information we have collected,"20 and adds that he intends to undertake more extensive analysis of his data.21 By coincidence, our work involves more sophisticated analysis of data related to some of the variables which Downes studied. Furthermore, while Downes treats variables which characterize city populations in toto, and deduces from these the conditions of nonwhite persons in the cities, our study employs direct measures of characteristics of the nonwhite population and of differentials between the white and nonwhite groups. Of course, our study examines just a few socioeconomic variables, using only one bit of demographic data, and is thus less broad in scope than Downes'. Nevertheless, the results using these variables cast doubt on some of Downes' conclusions. Thus, contrary to Downes' conclusion, we find that the per cent of the population in SMSA's that is Negro does not appear to be related to the occurrence or intensity of civil disturbances. Where Downes finds low educational levels to be related to outbreaks of violence, our results are equivocal on this score. In the study most closely related to Downes (Study I), we are in partial agreement on the role of education; however, when an intensity index is used or where white-nonwhite differentials are studied, no clear relationship is observed, Furthermore, where Downes concludes from per capita income data for entire city populations that income levels are inversely related to occurrence and intensity of disturbances, we find almost the reverse to be true when nonwhite income levels are studied. When white-nonwhite income differentials are used, the results are again equivocal. Using crowding as a surrogate for housing quality we find no relationship between housing quality and the disturbances, where Downes concludes that this characteristic may be important. On the other hand, we find that home ownership, which may be a kind of proxy for community stability, is related to the disturbances in both their existence and severity. In fact, in this case the white-nonwhite differential becomes important. Finally, it is important to emphasize that our results do not go very far in "explaining" the causes of the disturbances. As Cohen has said, "One of the major errors in both the white and Negro communities has been seeking a single answer to a complex of problems. Integration, for example, has now given way to a theory of upgrading the slums. Status frustration has `lost ground to economic frustration. These are false dichotomies. The racial problem is a complex of many problems which have accumulated over the years."22 Relatively simple deprivation models of the type discussed in Downes' paper may shed light on some of the roots of urban discontent, but are over simplifications. In a way, their failure indicates the existing lack of understanding of these complex and urgent problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents response of the author on comments made by Lewis E. Hill on the papers "Toward a Reconciliation of Institutional Economics and Its Critics" and "Beyond the Market Economy Building Institutions That Work," by Clarence E. Ayres that were published in the March 1970 issue of the periodical "Social Science Quarterly." Under appropriate arrangements for doing things, that is, under an appropriate institutional structure, the propensity to truck and barter naturally entails the creation of markets, which are themselves arrangements for effecting exchange. In the U.S., the institutional structure is such that markets permeate most of the economy. For example, in August 1970, nearly 84 per cent of total civilian employment was in the private sector, all of which consists of regulated and more or less unregulated markets. Thus, employing scholar Robert L. Heilbroner's system of classification, the economy of the U.S. would be appropriately designated as essentially a market system, as the author did in his introduction to Ayres' classic. "Institutionalism and Economic Development." But Ayres objects to him, that the U.S. economy is an industrial economy. Unfortunately, his is not intended to be a cross-classification, which, if correct, would be a suitable complement rather than a substitute for the one that the author employed, since Ayres says prefatorily, and the author flatly denies that the U.S. economy is a market economy.

The article presents information on the paper titled "Ten Years of Supreme Court Voting," written by C. Herman Pritchett. Methodologically, Pritchett's work in this period was trail blazing. Social scientist Glendon A. Schubert suggests two main contributions of that work: "First, Pritchett conceptualized the U.S. Supreme Court as a small decision-making group, whose voting and opinion behavior could best be explained in terms of imputed differences in the attitudes of individual justices toward the recurrent issues of public policy that characterize cases that reach the court for decision. Second, Pritchett based his analysis upon quantitative measurement of a large sample of data." Although Pritchett subsequently placed less emphasis on the method of data display employed in the article, it continues to be a major research tool for studying judges' voting. To avoid elaborating the case, "Ten Years of Supreme Court Voting" is representative of the journal "The Southwestern Social Science Quarterly" persistent publication of public law research. At the same time, the article is a pivotal step in developing the behavioral, quantitative approach that has become prominent not only in public law research but in political science in general.

The article focuses on issues related to the publication of the journal "Southwestern Social Science Quarterly," for the period from June 1944-March 1945. The journal has published 22 papers, 30 reviews of books and a number of brief notes on books not given full length reviews. Seven papers dealt with current situations in the Southwestern area of the U.S. Sixteen articles were written by people whose professional relations were largely within the same region.

The article presents response of the author on comments made by Lewis E. Hill on the papers "Toward a Reconciliation of Institutional Economics and Its Critics" by Coldwell Daniel and "Beyond the Market Economy Building Institutions That Work" that were published in the March 1970 issue of the periodical "Social Science Quarterly." Hill's Comment on the exchange between Daniel and the author is perfectly right in pointing out that he gave no reasons for insisting that theirs is an industrial economy rather than a market economy, as Daniel has declared. If it is not too late, the author would like to repair that omission. In various important senses theirs is of course a market economy. Obviously buying and selling go on almost everywhere and almost all the time; and scholar Karl Polanyi was quite right in pointing out that ours is the only economy in history in which buying and selling have been as general and as significant as they are today throughout the Western world--or at least throughout the free world. The question is: significant of what? Many writers have maintained that freedom to buy and sell is the quintessence of freedom, and that people who do not enjoy this freedom are not free. This may be true. But it is not the whole story. In particular it is not the whole story of economic development. Such freedom --the market may have been a necessary condition but not the determinant of the modern Western economy.

The article presents comments on the paper "Notes on the Color of the Volunteer Army," published in the December 1969 issue of the journal "Social Science Quarterly," written by William Freithaler Ford and Robert Tollison. Ford and Tollison concluded that the assertion that an "all black" army will emerge from the abolition of the draft is implausible. The purpose of this comment is to show that, if their analysis is carried far enough, it implies that a "blacker" army, far from being an unlikely outcome, is to be expected as one consequence of substituting the free market for conscription. On the demand side, Ford and Tollison argue that abolition of the draft will raise the cost of "labor" to the armed forces and induce substitution of capital for labor. Increased utilization of capital will increase the military's demand for skilled labor relative to that for unskilled labor, and, since whites make up relatively more of the more skilled portions of the labor force, increase the relative demand for whites. On the supply side, the writers argue that a greater proportion of draft-age Whites are currently volunteering than African Americans.