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Using the discriminatory character of Israeli politics as our point of departure, this paper argues that for large numbers of Palestinian Israeli citizens, new realistic terms of collective engagement are attractive and possible. Based on analytical Marxism and writings about realist normative political theory, we contend that politicians can advance strategies that establishing foundations for resolving the minority's trap. Meanwhile, constructing identities is always delimited by the capacity of politicians to meet material needs and preserve certain distinct elements of the old "trapped identity". This framework guides elaboration of the recent political discourse and strategies of the Israeli Knesset members Ayman Odeh and Mansour Abbas. While Odeh is a radical realist, Abbas is a realistic realist, excluding arguments based on values that the Israeli state cannot accept. Nonetheless, Abbas' project is not only fragile but has also demanded the substantial political and moral sacrifice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to shed new light on the international dimension of monetary power by exploring currency policy as a systematic tool of settler colonialism. The latter is defined as a mode of domination whereby an exogenous hegemonic power aims to displace and dispossess the native society in order to establish a new permanent homeland. These arguments are developed by exploring the case of Israeli currency circulation in the occupied Palestinian territories. To this purpose, the heterodox critique of the classical theory of money is employed to provide a fresh geopolitical reading of the origins, evolution, implications, and continued viability of a so-called 'settler currency.' It is found that Israel's settler colonial project has been expedited by the enforced shekelization of the oPt, in that the latter not only acts as a barrier to industrialization and economic liberation in line with other hegemonic institutions, but also offers a sophisticated tool for coercion that directly assists the hegemon's political ends. It follows that a settler colonial currency represents a multifaceted vehicle that facilitates the settler state's reproduction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is published as part of the Geografiska Annaler: Series B, Human Geography special issue 'Palestinian Futures Anticipation, Imagination, Embodiments', edited by Mikko Joronen, Helga Tawil-Souri, Merav Amir & Mark Griffiths. The almost 100 Israeli checkpoints that are located inside the West Bank and on its 'border' with Israel play a particularly important role in the architecture of occupation. They represent key political technologies that are used to monitor, discipline and/or selectively limit the mobility of Palestinians. In this paper, I analyse the ways in which the design of the newly relaunched Checkpoint 300 in Bethlehem represents a certain specific 'checkpoint future', materialized in the continued 'evolution' of Checkpoint 300, its machines and 'façade of legitimacy': a future in which the Israeli military regime controlling the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) is kept in place and the checkpoints and their inherent violence are increasingly normalized. Furthermore, I argue that this 'checkpoint future' does not lead to a less violent or arbitrary checkpoint regime. This remaining presence of violence should not be framed as a failure, instead, the continued presence of violence, analysed here as experienced and expressed in the arbitrary functioning of the checkpoint machines, as well as the 'legitimised façade' of Checkpoint 300 are intrinsically bound and an expression of the same violent future: a future with an enduring Israeli military regime in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is published as part of the Geografiska Annaler: Series B, Human Geography special issue "Palestinian Futures Anticipation, Imagination, Embodiments", edited by Mikko Joronen, Helga Tawil-Souri, Merav Amir & Mark Griffiths. The 2005 Israeli Disengagement from the Gaza Strip has left this region in a political and legal limbo. No longer strictly and fully complying with the definition of an occupied territory, the Strip, which has been under siege from 2007, cannot similarly be considered as fully independent. This paper argues that the Israeli control of Gaza is predicated on relegating this control to the past. Accordingly, it offers 'post-occupation' as a conceptual framework for deciphering Israel's modalities of power over the Strip, claiming that rather than signifying a clear break from a now defunct occupation, post-occupation demarcates the persistence of Israeli domination. By rendering Gaza to the status of a post-occupation Israel can infer that Gaza's future has already arrived, and relinquish its responsibilities towards the Strip and its residents through a fabrication of Palestinian political agency, while holding the Palestinian futures captive. The post-occupation condition therefore confounds normative narrations of time, while disrupting the distinction between past, present and future. This examination of the Disengagement and the siege as operating in tandem reveals that Israel substituted a burdensome and costly occupation with a more parsimonious spatial containment of Gaza, which allowed it to retain its grasp of Palestinian futurity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is published as part of the Geografiska Annaler: Series B, Human Geography special issue "Palestinian Futures Anticipation, Imagination, Embodiments", edited by Mikko Joronen, Helga Tawil-Souri, Merav Amir & Mark Griffiths. ABSTRACT In this paper, I examine the activities of internally displaced Palestinians as performative resistance against the settler-colonial dispossession. Since 1948, when close to 800,000 Palestinians were displaced from their homes in the process of establishing the state of Israel, return has been a key political objective of the displaced. By concentrating on the recent activities organized by internally displaced Palestinians, I scrutinize the power of performative practices in challenging present conditions of continuing displacement. Based on interviews, participatory observation, and published source material, I show how the return activities concentrating on the lost villages do not only commemorate the past but also utilize it in performative claim-making in achieving the desired future. I make the argument that the performative dimensions of claiming work to undermine the settler-colonial reality by issuing a call for a right to belong and for a more just future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Christian theologians have grappled for centuries with the fact that they are not Jews, yet embedded in Jewish history. Situated in the context of a Jewish-centric State that has been welcomed by a majority of evangelicals worldwide as fulfilment of biblical prophecy (and supported by their financial, spiritual, and political investment), Palestinian evangelicals are an anomaly. While they share an evangelical commitment, they have a complex and difficult relationship with the Israeli state. This paper argues that the population of Palestinian evangelicals is most productively explored through a combined interdisciplinary approach of Theology and Anthropology: it reveals the historical theologies that have shaped Palestinian evangelical engagement with the Israeli state and their global faith family. The article argues that theologically engaged Anthropology can aid in uncovering the power relationships within a transnational religious movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an overview of settler-colonial imaginaries of water and how they have cast the area of Sahl al-Battuf as the imagined site of a reservoir and a critical junction for the realisation of the Israeli National Water Carrier. Focusing on the events surrounding the construction of this project, I show how Palestinians inside Israel, at that time living under Israeli military rule, engaged with the state to protest and negotiate their claims over land and water. The findings reveal how settler-colonial imaginaries produce uneven waterscapes and have an enduring impact on Palestinian environmental imaginaries. Narrating and analysing water histories from below allows for a better exploration of indigenous opposition and reclamation of their water use and management. Palestinian struggles for water and land reveal how such mobilisation was shaped by the state's relationship with its estranged Palestinian populations in the midst of citizenship claims, and therefore show how such resource struggles were being constituted through water as a vessel for making claims of recognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an analysis of the micro-geography of the village of Lifta, Jerusalem, and the history of one particular home there, applying the archaeology of the address methodology. A new terminology of fragmented settler colonialism is used, in combination with the contact zone concept, to help better understand planning situations ‘after colonial times’. Introducing macro and micro scales of contact zones, the formal texts of the Lifta Regeneration Plan 6036 and the ensuing legal appeals submitted to the Israeli court are analyzed. By also studying the informal contact zone at the micro (address) level, the paradoxical relations between the Mizrahi and the Palestinians are exposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does granting certificates of ‘business clean of Arab workers’to owners of shops, stores, and Jewish businesses who prove they are not employing Arab workers shape identity? Identity development involves making sense of, and coming to terms with, the social world one inhabits, recognizing choices and making decisions within contexts, and finding a sense of unity within one's self while claiming a place in the world. Since there is no objective, ahistoric, universal trans-cultural identity, views of identity must be historically and culturally situated. This paper explores identity issues among members of the Palestinian Arab minority in Israel. While there is a body of literature exploring this subject, we will offer a different perspective by contextualizing the political and economic contexts that form an essential foundation for understanding identity formation among this minority group. We argue that, as a genre of settler colonialism, ‘pure settlement colonies’ involve the conquering not only of land, but of labor as well, excluding the natives from the economy. Such an exclusion from the economy is significant for its cultural, social, and ideological consequences, and therefore is especially significant in identity formation discussed in the paper. We briefly review existing approaches to the study of identity among Palestinian Arabs in Israel, and illustrate our theoretical contextual framework. Finally, we present and discuss findings from a new study of identity among Palestinian Arab college students in Israel through the lens of this framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to exemplify a ‘grass-roots’ change based on Dewey's experimental progressive education model employed in the ‘Bridge over the Valley’ bilingual school, a Palestinian-Arab and Jewish school in Israel. In order to identify the progressive ‘approach' underlying this change, the ‘method' that guided the implementation of a bilingual school, it's evaluation and then its dissemination to other schools, we used a qualitative case study method to understand whether John Dewey’s theory of education for peace was able to effect change in Palestinian-Arab and Jewish school education in Israel. The case findings describes the use of the progressive approach of education for peace in the ‘Bridge over the Valley’ bilingual school, as it is expressed in the school’s pedagogy, the implementation of the progressive method and in the accompanying discourse. Reciprocal teacher–child relations are considered an important factor to create fertile conditions for learning. The case findings contribute to our introduction of democratic education in a spatial reality. Underlying this approach stood a pedagogical method and conceptualization for conflict resolution and the opening of a space for empowering dialog for co-existence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper falls within the paradigm of postcolonial, interdisciplinary and cross-cultural study. It discusses the assimilative/integrative policies that shape the history curriculum for 1948-Palestinian Arabs as a minority ethnic group in Israel and promotes emancipatory measures for the history curriculum, within the postcolonial multi-ethnic minority/majority context. This paper challenges mono-ethnic thinking concerning history teaching and marginalized voices. It proposes recommendations for ethnographers, educators and policy makers to produce a history curriculum that acts as a vehicle for peaceful coexistence between the 1948-Palestinian Arabs in Israel and the Jews in Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the Palestinians in Israel are undergoing a deep crisis of masculinity that is at once a reaction to, and a reflection of, their collective situation. Notwithstanding some important benefits that accrue to them as citizens, they are subjected to structural violence, which includes policing, racism, and discrimination. Their socio-economic conditions are poor, and their sense of identity and cultural vitality are on the defense. The paper describes several coexisting scripts of hegemonic masculinity and their inbuilt tensions and reads the seemingly inward-turned wave of violence as emanating from blocked paths to masculine performance. Despite the abundant literature on Palestinian women, the discussion of Palestinians as a national collective tends to be blind to the double role of gender, and particularly of masculinity, as a model of and model for the production of cultural meaning. Masculinity therefore is an apt site for a critical reading of the situation of Israeli Palestinians, whence to view the vulnerable side of what is usually considered the hub of power and control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes and reflects on the author's detention as a prominent Palestinian geographer in an Israeli prison for 23 days by the Israeli Security Police (Shin Bet) in July 2006, and the nightmare of abuse, debasement and physical coercion, amounting to torture, he was subjected to during this ordeal. The author argues that the detention was political, punishment for the way he has 'done the geography of Palestine' and has documented Israeli erasure of the Palestinians from the land. It was centered on extracting imagined 'usable' information from him about his contacts, especially in the field of geography in the Middle East. The paper develops a geographic analysis of the micro-space of detention, and places reflections in a framework that looks at the use of torture as a means to extract 'intelligence,' at the current mounting intimidation of academics in the wake of 9/11, and at McCarthyism redux and the '"disciplining" of the disciplines.' It also looks at recent material describing analogous practices by the US army in interrogating detainees at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq. The paper provides rich empirical first-hand documentation in the form of a thick description of abuse practices suffered by the author inside an Israel prison near Haifa (known as Al Jalama), such as sleep deprivation, environmental manipulation and mortification of the body by handcuffing, chaining and other practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the causes and impact of the rise in the number of Palestinian-Arab Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in Israel in the last two decades. It provides a multi-level model that combines economic, political and cultural factors to explain the shifts in Palestinian-Arab political mobilization in Israel and as a result to the rise of a complex network of Arab NGOs. The paper demonstrates the way in which the civil institutions and their intensive involvement in public social affairs generate social capital that has internal as well as external political impact. Arab civil society institutions, which operate mainly separately from civil institutions of the Jewish majority, assist in the empowerment and the development of Arab society. They provide services in different fields, such as education, health, and planning. They also advocate and lobby for the rights of the Arab citizens inside Israel and internationally. Arab civil society institutions also provide information necessary for political mobilization, identity formation, and cultural preservation. In this framework the paper claims that they play a counter-hegemonic role vis-à-vis the Israeli state. However, the paper also claims that the broad advocacy and lobbying activity of Arab civil institutions did not manage to fully democratize Israeli policies towards Arab society, demonstrating the centrality of state identity and power structure when it comes to democratization processes. On a different level, the paper reveals that, although the Palestinian-Arab NGOs network has managed to lead to a liberalization process within Arab society, this process is partial and selective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper claims that nationalizing states adopt political, economic and cultural policies that hollow out the citizenship of national minorities, rendering them devoid of substantive meaning, since these minorities, often by their mere existence, tend to challenge the basic vision of the state. To demonstrate these claims, this paper examines the relationship between the Israeli state and its Arab-Palestinian minority. Based on analysing recent political, economic and cultural policies, which make multidimensional analytical frameworks necessary in explaining nationalizing states-minority relations, the paper demonstrates that, in opposite to the liberalization thesis, common in certain Israeli academic circles, the Israeli state has emphasized its nationalizing character rendering the citizenship of the Arab-Palestinian community devoid of substantial meaning. The nationalizing policies of the Israeli state have led to the intensification of Arab demands for a comprehensive transformation in the structure and policies of the Israeli state, thereby feeding the conflict between the state and its minority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers issues related to integration in education, specifically those related to the integration of ethnic/religious populations in conflict. The case study we will use is the educating together of Catholic and Protestant children and Palestinian and Jewish children in two troubled societies, Northern Ireland and Israel, where children are normally kept segregated within the education system. Using a multi-theoretical approach the paper presents data collected in a parallel study of principals, policy makers and stakeholders in the two contexts. Whilst there are striking similarities between integrated education in Northern Ireland and Israel there are also clear differences around the management of pupil diversity which are critically teased out in the paper. It is argued that a cross-fertilization of theoretical perspectives is necessary both to analyse integrated school settings and to support those involved in these ventures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on contradictory expressions of memory and belonging of Jews and Palestinians in Israel. It examines the conflicts over planning procedures, which engage such contradictory memories, and belonging at the national and local scales of planning. It explores how the dynamics of power relations can operate differently at each level and can result in planning resolutions, which link in different ways to the constructions of memory and belonging of Jews and Palestinians. The paper begins with an overview of the expressions of belonging and commemoration at the national scale of planning; in the agenda of the Council for the Restoration and Preservation of Historic Sites (CRPHS) in Israel and the rhetoric of the government National Master Plan of Israel (TAMA/35). It challenges this rhetoric in two local planning events: 'the road and the graveyard' and the 'new Jewish neighbourhood and the old Palestinian village'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I examine how Arab-Palestinians who teach Arabic in Jewish schools appropriate performative identity strategies through passing as hybrid to gain inclusion into the schools. The paradox is that although these teachers are recruited specifically because they are Arabs, they are expected by teachers and students to conceal their Arabness. I argue that because of the ethno-national bright boundaries in Israel, which do not encourage integration but hybridization into roles defined by the state, Arabs cannot and mostly do not want to pass as Israeli-Jews but as good Arabs who do not reside beyond the binarism Jew/Arab but are in-betweens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The centrality of major life domains (work, family community leisure and religion) have not, to date, been studied among Arabs in Israel. This paper examines life domains centrality of 909 Jews and 286 Arabs (or Palestinians that have Israeli citizenship), who work in the Israeli labor market. The findings reveal significant differences in the importance of all life domains. Work centrality, as well as the importance of religion and community is significantly higher among Arabs than among Jews. Among Jews, the importance of family and leisure are significantly higher than among Arabs. A hierarchical regression analysis indicates that demographic variables have a low ability to explain the differences in the centrality of life domains among Jews and Arabs. The findings can be explained by cultural differences, the high degree of segregation, occupational discrimination, and mainly by the regional Palestinian/Arab-Israeli conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws lessons from the role played by the black church in creating support for the US civil rights movement in relation to the struggle to involve the Palestinian and the Israeli people directly in the peacemaking efforts to resolve their tragic conflict. The civil rights struggle in both the US and South Africa eventually engaged large segments of the public in both productive debate and campaigning. The corresponding impetus now is to create a major Palestinian–Israeli public negotiating congress that can involve ordinary citizens on both sides in the peacemaking efforts. The Minds of Peace Experiment, a small-scale Palestinian–Israeli public negotiating assembly, is designed to demonstrate the peacemaking power of a subsequent major congress. The exercise, which has been conducted around the US, Canada, and the Middle East, succeeded in creating peacemaking coalitions that are based on commitment to promote the culture of peace. The question is: how can you transform this peacemaking effect into a mass movement? The American black church movement as well as the South African mass mobilization can offer important indications of effective strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An observer of the debates conducted amongst Palestinian intellectuals over the one-state solution in Palestine/Israel, will have perceived a surge of interest in these discussions in recent years. This article investigates the reasons for the mounting interest, and attempts to introduce a number of distinctions and parameters into the debate in order to create some order within it – an increasingly imperative task if these discussions are to proceed in a constructive manner. In the first section of the paper, the author seeks to ascertain the source of the impetus for a revival of the one-state solution (OSS); the article also outlines a typology of the arguments commonly evoked in favor of the OSS, exploring its allure for Palestinians. The second section aims to determine what, if the OSS is indeed ‘the solution,’ is the problem that it purports to solve, and in what sense it constitutes a solution to that problem. In this section, the author claims that many of the arguments deployed in support of the OSS are misplaced and do not truly represent an answer to the actual problems facing the Palestinians. The author's main line of reasoning is that the existing criticisms of the Oslo Accords and its perceived failure should not inexorably lead the Palestinians to abandon the two-state solution (TSS) and adopt the OSS, as this solution is not necessarily more just (although it might be), nor is it incontrovertibly more realizable. The third section argues that support of the OSS nevertheless represents a compelling option for the Palestinians, but for reasons other than those usually put forward by its advocates. Its value lies not in the disputable fact that it is a better ‘solution’, but rather in that it provides the means for altering present relations between Palestinians and the Israeli state, empowering Palestinians and supplying them with tools for their struggle. Understood in this way – as a means rather than a final solution – the OSS has the potential to change the fundamental parameters of the problem, reformulating the present by perceiving it through the prism of an imagined future. The evocation of the OSS shifts the Palestinian position from a struggle unto death against the Israelis to a master-slave dialectics with them. This shift turns Palestinian weakness into strength, puts limits on Israeli power, and furnishes the Palestinians with a plan and agenda for struggle, which they currently lack. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper quantifies the roles of ethnicity, gender and location in rural income inequality in Israel. Between 10 and 16% of rural income inequality is explained by the Jewish-Arab divide. Schooling and household size, which are respectively much lower and higher among the rural Arab population, also explain significant fractions of income inequality. Location and gender of the household head explain much smaller fractions. Education-enhancing policies directed at the lower end of the schooling distribution, and at Arab municipalities in particular, are recommended to reduce per capita income inequality in rural Israel and narrow the Jewish-Arab gap. This could contribute to reducing the tension between the Jewish majority and the Arab minority in Israel, and to creating a better atmosphere for their neighborly coexistence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper, based on interviews, follows something of the process by which a group of Palestinian social workers came to 'stand tall' as Palestinian citizens of Israel. The process began with their acute discomfort both with blending into Jewish Israeli society and with being singled out for exclusion or harsh treatment as Palestinians. These feelings set in motion a process of self empowerment that was marked first by resistance and protest and then by the simultaneous embracing of and reflection on their identity as Palestinian citizens of Israel. Parallels are drawn between the historical development of the identity of the Palestinian collective in Israel that has been charted in the literature and the identity development of individual Palestinians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this work is to offer a critique of partition, not on the basis of its impact on the relations between the sides to the dispute, but on its implications for majority-minority relations inside the (non-homogeneous) state. Using the Israeli-Palestinian example, the paper argues that the dynamics of partition idealize the notion of a homogeneous nation-state and, consequently, marginalize minorities and accentuate internal political divisions. Specifically, Israeli policymakers' 'demographic trade-off' between territorial compromise and a 'Jewish state' underscores some of the recent national tensions within Israel over the citizenship status of the minority Palestinians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article moves beyond the discussion of police racism to a broader account of the militaristic racism of policing in Israel. The highly permeable boundaries between the military, society and the political conflict all affect how violence against women is policed. Focusing on case studies of police officers' perceptions of abused Palestinian Israeli women — members of an ethnic and indigenous minority — this paper considers key features of the policing of violence against women in a militaristic context and during a continuous political conflict. Police officers' philosophies and actions in law enforcement concerning violence against women are critically scrutinised. The findings indicate that while some aspects of cultural difference between the indigenous ethnic group and the majority are relevant to policing, focusing predominantly on the ‘cultural characteristics’ or ‘ethnic traditions or rituals’ of the policed population and denying the effect of the political conflict between Israel and the Palestinians as a factor in the militarisation of policing can reinforce rather than ameliorate ethnic prejudice, racism and discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports on a rather small cross-sectional study conducted with students studying in an integrated bilingual Palestinian-Jewish school and with similar age students studying in standard segregated Palestinian-Jewish schools in Israel. The interviews performed allow us to become acquainted with the children's conceptions of issues regarding their own Jewish and Palestinian cultural identity as these are shaped through the interaction in school and the larger communal context and how they envision the conflict and their present and future relations with the ‘other’. The study was conceived as a first step towards a longitudinal study on the long-term influence of bilingual education on students, their cultural identities and their perceptions of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. All in all we believe our study contributes valuable information on the potential of bilingual education to shape identities in conflict-ridden environments and the possibility of healing through these educational efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]