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There is a consensus within the ethnic return migration literature that ethnic migrants experience difficulty integrating into the ethnic homeland due to (1) state policies that inhibit permanent settlement and upward mobility and (2) social marginalization from the native‐born community. Absent those experiences, one would expect that ethnic migrants would smoothly integrate and be a successful example of nation‐building for the homeland. This paper examines lone soldiers in Israel (immigrants who do not have immediate family in the country) as an example of an immigrant group that is provided with substantial government support for integration and is publicly heralded by Israeli media as model citizens. Based on 52 interviews with former lone soldiers, this paper argues that even in an "extreme case" of state‐ and society‐supported ethnic return, lone soldiers feel marginalized due to their disillusionment with Israeli state politics and linguistic, behavioural and cultural boundaries between themselves and Israelis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses Israel's technologically advanced Iron Dome short‐range missile defence system as a deep empirical case study to examine how affective atmospheres mediate the relationship between state power and the agency of technological objects deployed to govern (in)security. Drawing theoretically from productive tensions between more‐than‐human theories of object‐oriented ontology, actor‐network theory and affect theory, it evaluates Iron Dome as a scintillating 'bright object' with variable capacities and limitations that exceed the sum of its components. Iron Dome both overreaches and contradicts the intentions and governance logics of state elites within a spatio‐temporally distributed array of architectures, infrastructures and practices. Within this milieu, its affective power is ambivalent and capricious, and can both enhance and undermine the atmospheric production of security in ways that exceed both instrumental functionality and human intentions. These findings indicate how a geography of security that attends to the affective dimension of object politics can account for the complex and non‐causal ways in which technologies can either reinforce or inhibit security as an anthropocentric endeavour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the siege of the Gaza Strip, a self‐governing Palestinian territory, since 2007. Research on sieges tends to concentrate on the coping strategies of besieged communities, humanitarian issues associated with the impacts, humanitarian access, and the prioritisation of needs, with little or no attention paid to reconstruction. However, Gaza is unusual as a siege environment within which reconstruction has become a high priority in the aftermath of its three destructive wars with Israel. Following an overview of research on sieges in contemporary warfare and a brief contextualisation of Gaza, this paper examines why reconstruction outcomes have varied over time through the application of a theoretical framework that stipulates the importance of four key factors: time; needs; scarcity; and political context. Based on an analysis of these variables, Gaza was found to be a most‐likely case for reconstruction under siege. Nonetheless, the large‐scale reconstruction necessary to transform Gaza has not been actualised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the National Liberation League (NLL), a Palestinian Arab communist movement which operated in Palestine between the years 1943–1948. The paper examines its short‐lived history in light of the relevant three contexts in which it operated: the local Palestinian national context; the regional context of communist activity in the Middle East and the external‐internationalist context of the Soviet Union. The paper further discusses the activities of the NLL during the period of the 1948 War in Palestine, as well as in the first period of military rule, imposed on the Palestinian citizens of Israel. An analysis of the NLL during the late Mandatory period and the early years of the State of Israel allows a close examination of the ways by which concepts of identity, nationalism, class and ethnicity were conceptualised, debated and contested during times of a national conflict and anti‐imperial struggle and brings to the fore tensions between ideology and practice, nationalism and internationalism. The NLL offers an important opportunity to look into the complex matrix of communist movements that combine anti‐imperial struggles with struggles for national liberation in the context of a national conflict and to examine their dilemmas and what may seem as internal contradictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: The Israeli population, encompassing 9 million citizens, is comprised of diverse communities. The Ministry of Health genetic screening program for reproductive purposes was introduced in 2013. This program is mainly aimed at severe incurable diseases with high rates of infant and childhood morbidity and/or mortality, with a carrier frequency of at least 1:60 and/or a disease frequency of 1 in 15 000 live births. In this paper, we present the results of the national genetic carrier-screening program implementation.Material and Methods: Data acquisition for this study was performed by retrospectively searching Ministry of Health database, which includes the reports of 18 genetic laboratories performing genetic screening tests.Results: During 2015-2017, a total of 919 820 carrier-screening genetic tests were executed. The overall number rose by 14.9% over these years. For about two-thirds of the presented disorders, carrier frequency was within the expected range. A decrease of 57% was noted in the observed number of patients with spinal muscular atrophy born during 2014-2017, compared with the expected rate. Familial dysautonomia, Canavan and Tay-Sachs diseases yielded a very low prevalence.Conclusions: Our results highlight the impact of a national genetic carrier-screening program. Couples at risk of an affected fetus mostly choose to perform preconception or prenatal diagnosis and to act accordingly. Our country has several characteristics enabling us to achieve this success, including considerable rates of endogamy and consanguineous marriages, increased frequency of founder mutations, and high fertility rates. In addition, wide accessibility of the tests and good compliance of the population must be noted. Still, raising the awareness and continuing education of population and caregivers about the importance and efficiency of carrier screening remains an important issue. Finally, expanding the existing tests into a uniform, wide genetic panel seems to be the next goal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why and how does national identity reopen for contestation? Existing theories argue that institutional design, social ties or elite manipulation alter the saliency and nature of national identity. These theories view the ethno‐nation as homogenous and shaped vis‐à‐vis other groups. However, I argue that we should examine the re‐emergence of nationalism as an intra‐national struggle between groups with different saliency and understandings of national identity: new issues can raise the importance of national identity for some members of the group but not others. Moreover, members develop diverging understandings of fundamentals of national identity such as citizenship, borders and the role of religion. To support the theory, the paper utilises original not yet studied archival materials to show that struggle over Jewish settlements in the Occupied Territories led to contestation of the saliency and meaning of Jewish Israeli national identity. Specifically, I analyse letters individuals sent to leading government officials in the early days of the settlements and show that settlement supporters tied the issue to Zionist ethos, injecting new content into Zionist identity. Meanwhile, national identity did not rise in importance or alter in meaning for settlement opposition. The method reveals individual understandings of national identity and points at broader societal divisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to explain policy stalemates that persist despite recognition of their risks and damages, as well as the factors and processes that enable a breakthrough and lead to policy change. The paper seeks to fill a gap in the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) theory by supplementing it with Narrative Analysis (NA). We claim that NA provides a link missing in the ACF that is required for the transformation of 'necessary' conditions-like external and internal shocks to the system-into 'sufficient' conditions for policy persistence or change. We use the ACF to delineate coalition members and their belief systems and policy positions, as well as external, internal, and structural shocks to the system. We rely on NA to analyze the narratives employed in the public arena, which turn conditions necessary both for hurting stalemates and for policy change into sufficient conditions. We illustrate the benefits of combining the two approaches through a study of Israel's water policy during four decades (1970s-2000s) based on government records and on information from interviews with key players. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship emphasizes differences among ethnic groups' internal migration patterns. Yet, with few exceptions, research has focused on the Anglo-American world, neglecting experiences from other regions. This paper is part of a larger research project that studies mobility among the Arab minority in Israel and its driving forces. In this paper we examine patterns of internal migration by analysing the propensity to migrate as well as migrants' individual and social characteristics. First, we survey the theoretical backdrop that is suggested by recent geographic literature on internal migration among ethnic and racial minorities, including native groups. Second, we contextualize the group studied, providing necessary background information on the political, socio-economic and demographic conditions of Arabs in Israel. We briefly discuss attributes that are - or have been - potential hindering factors to Arab mobility in the Jewish state. Finally, we analyse 1995 national census data at the micro scale and provide a basis for future explanations of the phenomenon. We conclude by outlying some future directions in the study of internal migration of minorities in Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are few dozen areas in dispute around the world, where the borders have not been agreed by the involved parties or by the international community. The dispute over the Israeli border is particularly complex as it not only presents disagreement between the opposing sides in play but also in the international arena and within the Israeli political system and society. This paper examines one way in which the State of Israel is trying to define its borders through postage stamps. The argument raised is that Israel issues stamps that deal with disputed territorial areas in accordance with the ideology of the ruling party of a certain period, as well as the respective social consensus surrounding a particular area. Our findings support this argument and find three meta-messages incorporated into the stamps, including the historical connection between the State of Israel and the land of Israel, unified Jerusalem, and the Christian connection to Jerusalem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the latter half of the 20th century, Western medicine moved death from the home to the hospital. As a result, the process of dying seems to have lost its spiritual dimension, and become a matter of prolonging material life by means of medical technology. The novel quandaries that arose led in turn to medico-legal regulation. This paper describes the recent regulation of dying in Israel under its Dying Patient Law, 2005. The Law recognizes advance directives in principle, but limits their effect and form through complex medico-legal artifices. It reflects a culture that places high value on both scientific medicine and the sanctity of life as such, and illustrates a medical culture that pitches battle against death. At the same time, the Law constructs the will of the individual in a medico-legal language that is alien to the lay person. The paper suggests an alternative approach to advance care planning that is patient-centred and addresses the psycho-social needs of the individual in terms of her relational autonomy. From this perspective, advance care planning becomes an opportunity to extract the patient from the medical context and allow her to speak about her approaching death with close ones in her own terms of reference. To this end, there is a need for facilitation of an intimate encounter where patients can speak about their concerns with their loved ones. The paper also presents a methodological approach of attentive listening, which can be applied across diverse cultures and circumstances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses the political nature of reconstruction in Lebanon in the wake of the 33-day war between Hezbollah and Israel in the summer of 2006. It illustrates the extent to which Arab and Gulf States assumed a major role in the reconstruction effort that followed the fighting. A significant competitive dynamic attached itself to the reconstruction of Lebanon, with external actors attempting to protect and defend their favoured constituencies via reconstruction activities. The reconstruction endeavour reflected Lebanon's internal political divisions as well as wider regional competition. Using the metaphors of ‘software’ and ‘hardware’, the study examines how in general many Western states and Western-backed international institutions favoured governance programming (software) while many Arab and Gulf State donors preferred physical reconstruction projects (hardware), often with an emphasis on large-scale, high-visibility infrastructure projects. The paper argues that the latter were able to connect more effectively with the political culture of Lebanon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Israeli–Hezbollah conflict in the summer of 2006, although brief, had a lasting impact on the region and prompted an intense humanitarian response. The conflict raised challenging questions for the United Nations (UN) about how to assist a middle-income yet extremely vulnerable population in a context where global and local relations are highly politicised. This paper focuses on two key questions that emerged from the humanitarian response. First, how can humanitarian agencies, and particularly the UN, improve the protection of civilians, and was what they did in Lebanon enough? Second, how can humanitarian agencies create partnerships with local actors and still remain true to core humanitarian principles when local actors are fiercely divided along confessional lines and influenced by external actors, and when some, such as Hezbollah, are parties to the conflict? This paper argues that despite the importance of protection and partnerships to the humanitarian response, their role in the UN emergency response still falls short. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main concern of this paper is to classify the different methods of measurement of sense of place (which is a very vague concept). The existence and intensity of sense of place is also related to social and cultural variables, such as ethnic and religious background. This paper reviews the different methods of measuring sense of place and classifies them according to different criteria. The study applies a bipolar (positive and negative level of attachment), unidimensional scale which is composed of one component of scaling, using a ‘direct’ technique. The results point to similarities and differences between Israeli-born and immigrant groups. Most of the respondents in both groups had similar patterns of positive feelings towards the place where they live. The differences were smaller than the similarities. The sense of place scale applied in this study has the advantage of being a simple tool that is understandable to all types of respondents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the shaping of health policy in terms of power relations and group interests, as enacted in Israel's IVF policy. A comparison with the principles of IVF provision in other countries (UK, Canada, USA) shows Israel's policy to be substantially more‘liberal’. In order to explain this exception, the policy is initially located within the context of the state's pro-natalist reproductive policy, women's impaired equality and a complex system of healthcare provision. A Parliament Committee discussion on the subject is then analysed in greater detail, revealing three narratives that are used to account for the state's IVF policy: a nationalised narrative of reproductive medicine as a source of international acclaim, a personalised narrative of compassion for anguished women, and a medicalised narrative of experts as being best capable of regulating IVF. All three narratives have merged within the local IVF discourse, enabling the creation and maintenance of consensus among the participating politicians, physicians, consumers and women activists. Of significance is the muted argument regarding the state's interest in enlarging its Jewish population, which dominated other discussions on this topic. I argue that it is the demographic interest which crucially underlies the state's willingness to sustain its costly IVF policy, and that it is this interest which has enabled the various participants– who all shared an interest in unlimited IVF provision– to present a unanimous agreement. State representatives then used this consensus as a firm civil ground for the development and maintenance of Israel's exceptional IVF policy. The paper concludes with several implications regarding women's health and wellbeing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes the profile of the Israel Society for the Prevention of Alcoholism (ISPA), which is a nation-wide, public, non-profit association. It portrays various aspects of ISPA treatment and rehabilitation facilities-the residential treatment center, the rehabilitative hostel and the 'warm home' for homeless alcoholics. It depicts ISPA prevention activities, prevention materials and its usage of the media, and deals with ISPA involvement in policy issues. The paper also addresses the research reality of ISPA and its scientific journal, and refers to the society's structure and its future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Papua New Guinean imaginings of Israel as a potential development partner draw on Christian renderings of the Bible, but they also reflect an understanding of Israel as a modern, technologically advanced nation. As middle-class Papua New Guineans reflect on the failures of national development since gaining independence from Australia, they express ambivalence about the appropriateness of Western models of development for the Papua New Guinean context. However, the influx of Asian investment is also seen as lacking, or even threatening; therefore, Asian models of development alsofail to offer an appealing hope for the future. In this paper, I argue that these racialised understandings of modernity represent a 'post-colonial racial triangle', a discursive field within which the moral implications of development are understood and debated. Within this triangle, Melanesians are thought to have 'culture' and (Christian) 'morality' but lack 'development'. Australians or 'whitemen' are thought to have 'development' and 'morality' but to lack 'culture'. 'Asians' are thought to have 'development' and 'culture' but to lack (Christian) morality. Taking this moral framing of race into account, Israel emerges as a possible aid donor with the credentials to reconcile these three positions as it is seen to be the possessor of 'development', 'culture', and 'morality'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current study investigated labour market integration of Arabs in Israel using Schnell et al.'s () global segregation/integration index (GSI) that assesses minorities' socio‐spatial integration in multi‐ethnic contexts. The merit of this approach lies in being multifaceted and systematically incorporating socio‐spatial spheres. The study also conducted structured interviews with the respondents (n = 142), and employed GPS loggers to track their weekly movements. GSI socio‐spatial indicators emerged significantly associated with integration in the labour market, with movement in space being the prominent. The study signifies the socio‐spatial approach's application to the study of minorities' labour market integration in metropolitan areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to understand evacuation behaviour in a case of spontaneous evacuation. During the Second Lebanon War of 2006, more than one-third of residents in north Israel spontaneously evacuated—the remainder stayed in situ. Using a telephone survey of 665 respondents residing in north Israel, we were able to characterise the behaviour of evacuees and non-evacuees. The main reasons cited for evacuating were fear of injury to self or family, the effect on children, inability to remain in a protective space, and family pressure. The main reasons cited for remaining at home were no suitable alternative, did not perceive a high level of danger, had to go to work, and there is no place like home. There were no significant differences with regard to most socio-demographic characteristics of the population. These findings should aid emergency managers in preparing the population for a future emergency and in engaging in effective dialogue with the population during an emergency on the evacuation option. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociolinguistic research has traditionally examined stylistic variation as a way of understanding how speakers may use language indexically. Quantitatively, research has sought to correlate observed patterns of variation across such external parameters as context or topic with the ways in which speakers linguistically orient themselves to their immediate surroundings or to some other socially-salient reference group. Recently, this approach has been criticized for being too mechanistic. In this paper, I present a new method for examining stylistic variation that addresses this critique, and demonstrate how an attention to speakers' motivations and interactional goals can be reconciled with a quantitative analysis of variation. I illustrate the proposed method with a quantitative examination of systematic patterns of prosodic variation in the speech of a group of Israeli men who are all members of various lesbian and gay political-activist groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the impact of the Al-Aqsa Intifada on tolerance orientations of the Israeli Jewish public. We rely upon five surveys carried out between January 2000 and June 2002 to study in a real-life setting the amount and nature of change in political tolerance due to the conflict and the mechanisms behind it. Building on theory and research on intergroup relations in social psychology and political tolerance in political science, we focus upon threat and ingroup identification as the two primary factors in the social psychological processes resulting from conflict and leading to intolerance. We set the trends and explore mediation and interaction processes in the impact of this round of conflict on political tolerance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of the relationship between nationalism and localism have brought evidence that these orientations might maintain either relations of opposition or congruence. By conceiving of localism mainly as a strategy, this paper argues that localism can be used alternately as an anchor of nationalist narrative or as an alternative to nationalism by the exact same community. This argument is illustrated by the case of Sakhnin, an Arab-Palestinian town in Israel. Local pride in Sakhnin has developed around two separate foci: a nationalist heroic narrative of martyrdom and the success of the local football team. These two foci developed in complete isolation, since the first is embedded in a Palestinian nationalist narrative while the latter is oriented toward the Israeli Jewish public. An ethnographic study follows the construction of these separate spheres and a survey conducted among 174 men in the town confirms that involvement in the football sphere correlates with both local pride and integrative orientations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines one of the problems that faces decision makers in their efforts to move benefit recipients from welfare to work. On the basis of Israeli evidence, the thorny issues of poverty traps and disincentives to work are examined. The findings indicate that very significant poverty traps exist in the basic income maintenance programme in the Israeli social security system. However, unlike the case in many other welfare states, these poverty traps are not a result of the interaction between the benefit and taxation systems but rather are a result of anomalies within the Income Support programme itself. Specifically, the existence of an income ceiling, that is taken into account when calculating the benefit provided to Income Support recipients in work, virtually cancels out arty disregards that exist in the programme. This income ceiling is a consequence of the determination of Treasury officials, who took part in the policy-formulating process, to prevent the many low-wage earners in the Israel workforce from being eligible to receive benefits. The poverty traps that are a result of the income ceiling effectively undermine any effort to encourage the movement from welfare to work among Income Support recipients. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the internal stratification of Palestinian elites in the West Bank and Gaza Strip under Israeli occupation. Our general aim is to clarify the extent to which social and political subordination to outside rule influences the development of indigenous elites in stateless societies. In contrast to nation-state societies, such elites may be horizontally stratified into a wider range of institutional settings, and vertically stratified by anti-occupation activism alongside the attainment of occupational prestige. In addition,context-specific determinants of their stratification patterns, such as refugee status, regionality, and country in which educational credentials were acquired, should be considered. A secondary content analysis of interviews conducted by the Palestinian Panorama centre with 249 elite members reveals that the vertical stratification of Palestinian elites along occupational attainment and anti-occupation activism constitutes two quite independent status dimensions. A multinomial logit regression shows that, horizontally, elite groups are embedded in four distinct types of institutional activity, further demonstrating the multi-faceted formation of Palestinian elites.Contextual resources, such as refugee versus non-refugee status, regionality, and the acquiring of Western credentials, have differential effects on the vertical and horizontal stratification of Palestinian elites. The implications of these findings for further research on elite formation in the post-Oslo Palestinian society and in other stateless societies are discussed in conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relationships between state organizations, big business corporations, non-governmental interest groups and institutional elites in a relatively unexamined site: the Israeli political-economic system. Relationships between the numerous participants in state policy-making are examined through research on policy forums in the economic domain. Policy forums are defined as institutional settings for encounters between state and non-state organizations, through their elites; importantly, these encounters establish exchange relation- ships among the participants in economic policy-making processes. This article homes in on one important dimension of these relationships: the network structure of ties within and among policy forums. Interlocking data serve as indicators of the ties among the participants in policy forums. As the research presented here illustrates, the significance of policy forum networks rests not in their formal functions, but rather in their structure and with the elite persons who sit on their boards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Memory of historical events is necessarily collective, but it acquires personal characteristics that are of the same nature as individual memory in general. This idea is illustrated through memories of an Israeli child, struggling to get to grips with the ungraspable Holocaust. The mnemonic construction of the Holocaust is then connected to the ethos of military strength in Israeli society, which ethos undertakes to transform the historical marking of the Jews as victims, sacrificed by the nations on the altar of ethnic power. Following the mythical suggestions of the story of the binding of Isaac, the narrative of Jewish national renewal builds upon the unconscious theme of victim conversion, from Isaac to the lamb. This is where the Palestinians enter the unconscious Israeli narrative, occupying, as it were, the place of the lamb and allowing the movement of the Jew away from the position of the sacrificed. The theme of sacrifice conversion marks itself in historical events such as the Naqba and the recent attack on Gaza. The paper examines the manner in which these themes feed into personal memory systems and reconstructs the workings of memory through the entire historical cycle. Finally, the paper contextualizes the unconscious themes in a particular political reality, as well as in an ethical construction of the Jewish Israeli subject. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract The paper analyses the data collected in 10 schools in Israel which have incorporated ICT in unique ways and have succeeded in devising innovative classroom pedagogies and changes in teachers and students roles and outcomes. The major research questions addressed are: What levels of innovation were observed in the participant schools, and in which domains? How did the level of innovation in the various domains vary among and within schools? What correlation patterns among levels of innovation in the various domains can be identified? The data were analysed by mean of the innovation analysis schema developed for characterising ICT-based educational innovations. The findings indicate that most schools were in a transition stage towards fully innovative pedagogical implementation; school activities were effected differentially by ICT, thus creating ‘islands of innovation’; these islands however, have the potential to pull forward other areas of activity and people in the school; the domains most affected by ICT were the school's digital space, the didactic solutions implemented and the students' roles and outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]