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The paper focuses on the relationship between the Fascist regime and the administrative justice. Once identified in the “invention” of exclusive jurisdiction (over individual matters) a “revolutionary” act of the early Fascism, the paper faces the problem of the administrative litigation over public debt. The issue is treated starting from the transformation of the jurisdiction of merit in the matter of public debt into exclusive jurisdiction: a special attention is paid to the two opposite theses of the “left-wing fascism” and the Italian Constitutional Court. Subsequently, the reflection shifts to the Fascist laws that have limited or excluded since 1923 the appeal against certain administrative acts, also referring to the reactions of the doctrine of the time. A particular case concerns the vice of excess of power which, in the Fascist period, was rationalized and also took on a different meaning from the original one foreseen by the law of 1889. After the fall of Fascism, a final look is turned to the two elusive techniques of the appeal to the administrative judge represented by the laws-measure and the so called “theft of jurisdiction”

Herbert Marcuse is one of the most influential thinkers of our time. Born in Berlin, Marcuse studied philosophy with Husserl and Heidegger at the Universities of Freiburg and Berlin. Marcuse's critical social theory ingeniously fuses phenomenology, Freudian thought and Marxist theory; and provides a solid ground for his reputation as the most crucial figure inspiring the social activism and New Left politics of the 1960s and 1970s. The largely unpublished work collected in this volume makes clear the continuing relevance of Marcuse's thought to contemporary issues. The texts published here, dealing with concerns during the period 1942-1951, exhibit penetrating critiques of technology and analyses of the ways that modern technology produces novel forms of society and culture with new modes of social control. The material collected in Technology, War and Facism provides exemplary attempts to link theory with practice, to develop ideas that can be used to grasp and transform existing social reality.Technology, War and Fascism is the first of six volumes of Herbert Marcuse's Collected Papers to be edited by Douglas Kellner. Each volume is a collection of previously un-published or uncollected essays, unfinished manuscripts and letters by one of the greatest thinkers of our time.

The paper focuses on the issue of the impact of the Fascist regime’s own language on the activity of the administrative judge. After recalling the problem of the context in which the language of the administrative judge is framed, the investigation highlights some possible “symptoms” of a “sensibility” to be assessed on the level of stylistic and expressive formulas. If, in some cases, this language has been the subject of a particular criticism and attack, in others cases it is possible to highlight how a certain assonance emerges indirectly with the typical speech of the regime. In this perspective, it can be recognized that the linguistic “charm” of the regime, while not affecting the independence of judgment of the administrative judge, had a certain impact on the style of some decisions of the Italian Council of State. An analysis conducted on some paradigmatic cases is able to identify, with regard to a part of the jurisprudence developed after the Thirties, a real “climax” on the linguistic and expressive level.

This paper presents a new, interdisciplinary method to adequately interpret Elfriede Jelinek’s texts, integrating contemporary historical theories of fascism, national-socialism and the Austrian victim myth into the exemplary literary analysis., In dieser Studie wird eine neue, interdisziplinäre Methode zur Interpretation von Elfriede Jelineks literarischen Texten angeboten, die fundiertes zeithistorisches Wissen über Faschismus, Nationalsozialismus und Opfermythos in die exemplarische Textanalyse miteinbezieht.

This book interrogates rising fascism in America. It spotlights the major facets of fascism that increasingly characterize contemporary US politics, in relation to political authoritarianism, the rise of anti-intellectualism, the mainstreaming of conspiracy theories, the glorification of political street violence and state violence, rising white supremacy, and the militarization of US political discourse. Alongside this, Giroux and DiMaggio show how the assault on critical education and pedagogy is central to the fascist program. They stress the importance of reprioritizing education as a public good to combating fascist politics and ideology and draw links between fascism and the banning of books in schools, whitewashing history, and punishing policies aimed at Black, Brown, and transgender youth. They challenge the commonly embraced notion that Trumpism is primarily a function of economic insecurity within his support base, documenting how support for the former president primarily centered on reactionary socio-cultural values and white supremacy. They also show how white supremacist values are central to the Trump base defending the January 6th insurrection, despite academics, journalists, and political officials in both major parties ignoring the threat of rising white nationalism.

Confronting the Nation brings together twelve of celebrated historian George L. Mosse's most important essays to explore competing forms of European nationalism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Mosse coins the term “civic religion” to describe how nationalism, especially in Germany and France, simultaneously inspired and disciplined the populace through the use of rituals and symbols. The definition of citizenship shaped by this nationalism, however, frequently excluded Jews, who were stereotyped as outsiders who sought to undermine the national community. With keen attention to liberal forms of nationalism, Mosse examines the clash of aspirational visions of an inclusive nation against cultural registers of nativist political ideologies. Mosse considers a broad range of topics, from Nazi book burnings to Americans'search for unifying national symbols during the Great Depression, exploring how the development of particular modes of art, architecture, and mass movements served nationalist agendas by dictating who was included in the image of the nation. These essays retain their significance today in their examination of the cultural and social implications of contemporary nationalism. A new critical introduction by Shulamit Volkov, professor emerita of history at Tel Aviv University, situates Mosse's analysis within its historiographical context.

#1 SUNDAY TIMES BESTSELLER • A “fantastic” (Mark Ruffalo), fiercely argued takedown of neoliberalism that not only defines this slippery concept but connects it to the climate crisis, poverty, and fascism—and shows us how to fight back.“Incisive, illuminating, eye-opening—an unsparing anatomy of the great ideological beast stalking our times, often whispered about and yet never so clearly in view.”—David Wallace-Wells, author of The Uninhabitable EarthNeoliberalism is the dominant ideology of our time. It shapes us in countless ways, yet most of us struggle to articulate what it is. Worse, we have been persuaded to accept this extreme creed as a kind of natural law. In Invisible Doctrine, journalist George Monbiot and filmmaker Peter Hutchison shatter this myth. They show how a fringe philosophy in the 1930s—championing competition as the defining feature of humankind—was systematically hijacked by a group of wealthy elites, determined to guard their fortunes and power. Think tanks, corporations, the media, university departments and politicians were all deployed to promote the idea that people are consumers, rather than citizens.One of the most pernicious effects has been to make our various crises—from climate disasters to economic crashes, from the degradation of public services to rampant child poverty—seem unrelated. In fact, they have all been exacerbated by the “invisible doctrine,” which subordinates democracy to the power of money. Monbiot and Hutchison connect the dots—and trace a direct line from neoliberalism to fascism, which preys on people's hopelessness and desperation.Speaking out against the fairy tale of capitalism and populist conspiracy theories, Monbiot and Hutchison lay the groundwork for a new politics, one based on truly participatory democracy and “private sufficiency, public luxury”: an inspiring vision that could help bring the neoliberal era to an end.

American democracy is in danger. How do we protect it from authoritarian reactionary Christianity? On January 6, 2021, hundreds of Americans stormed the Capitol to prevent the certification of their political opponent's election. At the forefront were Christians claiming to act in the name of Jesus Christ and his supposed representative on earth, Donald Trump. How can this have happened? David P. Gushee tackles the question in this timely work of Christian political ethics. Gushee calls us to preserve democratic norms, including constitutional government, the rule of law, and equal rights for all, even as many Christians take a reactionary and antidemocratic stance. Surveying global politics and modern history, he analyzes how Christians have discarded their commitment to democracy and bought into authoritarianism. He urges us to fight back by reviving our hard-won traditions of congregational democracy, dissident Black Christian politics, and covenantal theology. Defending Democracy from Its Christian Enemies makes a robust case for a renewed commitment to democracy on the part of Christians—not by succumbing to secular liberalism, but by drawing on our own best traditions. Any concerned Christian will leave its pages with eyes wide open to the dangers of our current form of political engagement. Readers will gain insight into what democracy is truly meant to be and why Christians once supported it wholeheartedly—and should do so again.

Today, an international new right has coalesced. Variously described as nativist, right-populist, alt-right, and neofascist, far-right movements in many countries have achieved electoral victories that not long ago seemed highly improbable. They have also developed a new cultural politics. Adapting tactics from the left, the new right has moved from decorum to transgression; from conservative propriety to the frank sexualization of political figures and positions; from appealing to the conscious normalcy of the “silent majority” to recasting itself as a protest movement of and for the aggrieved. These movements share a mandate for robust nationalism, yet they also cultivate a striking international solidarity. Who is the subject of this ethnonationalism? Many new right movements have in fact intensified or laid bare long-standing tendencies, but this volume seeks to address aspects of their cultural politics that raise new and urgent questions. How should we assess the new right's disconcerting appropriations of strategies of minoritarian resistance? How can we practice critique in the face of adversaries who claim to practice a critique of their own? How do apparently post-normative versions of nationalism give rise to heightened forms of militarism, incarceration, censorship, and inequality? How should we understand the temporality of ethnonationalism, which combines a romance with archaic tradition, an ethos of disruption driven by tech futurism frequently tinged with accelerationist pathos, and a kitschy nostalgia for a hazily defined recent past, when things were “greater” than they are now? Surveying nationalisms from Argentina, Brazil, France, Germany, India, Israel-Palestine, the United Kingdom, and the United States, Reaction Formations gives a critical account of contemporary ethnonationalist cultural politics, while drawing out counterstrategies for anti-fascist resistance.Contributors: Tyler Blakeney, Chiara Bottici, Joshua Branciforte, Gisela Catanzaro, Melinda Cooper, Julian Göpffarth, Ramsey McGlazer, Benjamin Noys, Bruno Perreau, Rahul Rao, Shaul Setter, and M. Ty

Benito Mussolini, Adolf Hitler, Engelbert Dollfuß, Francisco Franco, die Militärdiktatoren Japans, Ante Pavelić, Ion Antonescu, António Salazar und andere galten als Faschisten. Waren sie alle Proponenten desselben Faschismus – oder ist der Begriff zu einem mitunter falsch verwendeten Etikett verkommen? Die faschistische Herrschaft in Italien begründete ein politisches Modell, das für Europa bis 1945 – und darüber hinaus – prägend war. Aber war Faschismus gleich Faschismus? Der absolute Totalitarismus des Nationalsozialismus unterschied sich von der autoritären Dollfuß-Schuschnigg-Diktatur. Wenn einerseits die militärische Expansionspolitik der'Achsenmächte'Deutschland, Italien und Japan ein zentrales Merkmal des Faschismus war, können Dollfuß und Franco dann als Faschisten gelten? Wenn andererseits die Unterdrückung universeller Grundrechte den Wesenskern des Faschismus darstellt, was unterscheidet ihn von anderen repressiven Systemen wie den Diktaturen Stalins und Maos? Und was bedeutet es, wenn im 21. Jahrhundert Trump und Putin unter Faschismusverdacht geraten? Anton Pelinka dekonstruiert den Begriff anhand historischer Beispiele und geht der Frage nach, ob es eine allgemeine Faschismusneigung gibt, die immer wieder politische Beben und weltweite Katastrophen auslösen kann.

For fascism, myth was reality—or was realer than the real. Fascist notions of the leader, the nation, power, and violence were steeped in mythic imagery and the fantasy of transcending history. A mythologized primordial past would inspire the heroic overthrow of a debased present to achieve a violently redeemed future. What is distinctive about fascist mythology, and how does this aspect of fascism help explain its perils in the past and present?Federico Finchelstein draws on a striking combination of thinkers—Jorge Luis Borges, Sigmund Freud, and Carl Schmitt—to consider fascism as a form of political mythmaking. He shows that Borges's literary and critical work and Freud's psychoanalytic writing both emphasize the mythical and unconscious dimensions of fascist politics. Finchelstein considers their ideas of the self, violence, and the sacred as well as the relationship between the victims of fascist violence and the ideological myths of its perpetrators. He draws on Freud and Borges to analyze the work of a variety of Latin American and European fascist intellectuals, with particular attention to Schmitt's political theology. Contrasting their approaches to the logic of unreason, Finchelstein probes the limits of the dichotomy between myth and reason and shows the centrality of this opposition to understanding the ideology of fascism.At a moment when forces redolent of fascism cast a shadow over world affairs, this book provides a timely historical and critical analysis of the dangers of myth in modern politics.

'Captivating, emphatic and deeply inspiring, Sexual Revolution lifted me greatly by envisioning the possibilities of our moment'V (formerly Eve Ensler)'Brilliant; vital; revolutionary'Kate Manne_________________This is a story about how modern masculinity is killing the world, and how feminism can save it. It's a story about sex and power and trauma and resistance and persistence.Sex and gender are changing, and the world is changing with them. In this time of crisis, we are also witnessing a productive transformation: a revolutionary change in how we define gender, sex, consent and whose bodies matter.This sexual revolution is a threat to the social and economic order. It undermines the existing power structures and weakens the authority of institutions from the waged workplace to the nuclear family. No wonder the far right is fighting back so hard.Told with Laurie Penny's trademark urgency and candour, Sexual Revolution is a hand-grenade of a book: both a manifesto for social change and a story of how feminism can save us.

This interdisciplinary volume revisits Adorno's lesser-known work, Minima Moralia, and makes the case for its application to the most urgent concerns of the 21st century. Contributing authors situate Adorno at the heart of contemporary debates on the ecological crisis, the changing nature of work, the idea of utopia, and the rise of fascism. Exploring the role of critical pedagogy in shaping responses to fascistic regimes, alongside discussions of extractive economies and the need for leisure under increasingly precarious working conditions, this volume makes new connections between Minima Moralia and critical theory today. Another line of focus is the aphoristic style of Minima Moralia and its connection to Adorno's wider commitment to small and minor literary forms, which enable capitalist critique to be both subversive and poetic. This critique is further located in Adorno's discussion of a utopia that is reliant on complete rejection of the totalising system of capitalism. The distinctive feature of such a utopia for Adorno is dependent upon individual suffering and subsequent survival, an argument this book connects to the mutually constitutive relationship between ecological destruction and right-wing authoritarianism. These timely readings of Adorno's Minima Moralia teach us to adapt through our survival, and to pursue a utopia based on his central ideas. In the process, opening up theoretical spaces and collapsing the physical borders between us in the spirit of Adorno's lifelong project.

This fourth volume in Christian Fuchs's Media, Communication and Society book series outlines the theoretical foundations of digital fascism and presents case studies of how fascism is communicated online. Digital Fascism presents and engages with theoretical approaches and empirical studies that allow us to understand how fascism, right-wing authoritarianism, xenophobia, and nationalism are communicated on the Internet. The book builds on theoretical foundations from key theorists such as Theodor W. Adorno, Franz L. Neumann, Erich Fromm, Herbert Marcuse, Wilhelm Reich, Leo Löwenthal, Moishe Postone, Günther Anders, M. N. Roy, and Henry Giroux. The book draws on a range of case studies, including Nazi-celebrations of Hitler's birthday on Twitter, the ‘red scare 2.0'directed against Jeremy Corbyn, and political communication online (Donald Trump, Boris Johnson, the Austrian presidential election). These case studies analyse right-wing communication online and on social media. Fuchs argues for the safeguarding of the democratic public sphere and that slowing down and decommodifying the logic of the media can advance and renew debate culture in the age of digital authoritarianism, fake news, echo chambers, and filter bubbles. Each chapter focuses on a particular dimension of digital fascism or a critical theorist whose work helps us to illuminate how fascism and digital fascism work, making this book an essential reading for both undergraduate and postgraduate students of media and communication studies, sociology, politics, and political economy as well as anyone who wants to understand what digital fascism is and how it works.

The world faces a climate crisis and an ascendant far right. Are these trends related? How does the far right think about the environment, and what openings does the coming crisis present for them? This incisive new book traces the long history of far-right environmentalism and explores how it is adapting to the contemporary world. It argues that the extreme right, after years of denying the reality of climate change, are now showing serious signs of reversing their strategy. A new generation of far-right activists has realized that impending environmental catastrophe represents their best chance yet for a return to relevance. In reality, however, their noxious blend of conspiracy, hatred and violence is no solution at all: it is the ‘eco-socialism of fools'. Only a real commitment to climate justice can save us and stop the far right in its tracks. No-one interested in the struggle against right-wing extremism and the crusade for climate justice can afford to miss this trenchant critique of burgeoning ecofascism.

This book posits a new theory of fascism as a radical political community of experience.The author engages with a range of thinkers both critical of and inspiring fascism including Walter Benjamin, Albert Camus, Ernst Jünger, Carl Schmitt, Friedrich Nietzsche and Martin Heidegger.This book will be of interest to scholars of the history of political thought, fascism and Nazism.

This book examines fascist ideology in seven leaders of parties and movements in the interwar period.It makes use of the conceptual morphological approach, focused on core and adjacent concepts, as well as on the interlinkages between them. With such an approach, the book seeks to offer an innovative perspective on fascism and arrive at a conceptual configuration of fascist ideology, capable of highlighting its main concepts and combinations. Furthermore, it examines the major texts of seven leaders from Germany, Italy, the UK, Portugal, Spain, France and Romania – Adolf Hitler, Benito Mussolini, Oswald Mosley, Rolão Preto, Primo de Rivera, Marcel Déat, and Corneliu Codreanu. With the conceptual approach, the book reasserts the possibility of finding a definition of generic fascism at the same time as depicting the ideological varieties espoused by each leader.This title will be of interest to students and scholars of fascism, extremism and the far right.

Why We Fight is a collection of essays written in the midst of the largest resurgence of the far-right in fifty years, and the explosion of antifascist, antiracist, and revolutionary organizing that has risen to fight it. The essays unpack the moment we live in, confronting the apocalyptic feelings brought on by nationalism, climate collapse, and the crisis of capitalism, but also delivering the clear message that a new world is possible through the struggles communities are leveraging today. Burley reminds us what we're fighting for not simply what we're fighting against.

O nacismu a fašismu ročně vychází desítky publikací, ale kniha, jež by se věnovala teorii fašismu v diachronní perspektivě a kritické analýze jednotlivých historiografických proudů fascist studies dosud česky nebyla vydána. Rozbor fenoménu fašismu je veden v komparativní a širší kulturní perspektivě a vůči tradičním interpretacím politických, hospodářských a sociálních dějin se vymezuje kriticky. Autor ukazuje původ a definice utopické ideologie založené na myšlence znovuzrození národa/rasy a sleduje její vývoj od počátků v Itálii 20. let až do současných neonacistických a post-fašistických podob.

Susan Sontag meets Hanif Abdurraqib in this fascinating exploration of the unexpected connections between how we consume images and the insidious nature of Fascism.Images come at us quickly, often without context. A photograph of Syrian children suffering in the wake of a chemical attack segues into a stranger's pristine Instagram selfie. Before we can react to either, a new meme induces a laugh and a share. While such constant give and take might seem innocent, even entertaining, this barrage of content numbs our ability to examine critically how the world, broken down into images, affects us. Images without context isolate us, turning everything we experience into mere transactions. It is exactly this alienation that leaves us vulnerable to fascism—a reactionary politics that is destroying not only our lives and our nations, but also the planet's very ability to sustain human civilization. Who gets to control the media we consume? Can we intervene, or at least mitigate the influence of constant content? Mixing personal anecdotes with historical and political criticism, Image Control explores art, social media, photography, and other visual mediums to understand how our culture and our actions are manipulated, all the while building toward the idea that if fascism emerges as aesthetics, then so too can anti-fascism. Learning how to ethically engage with the world around us is the first line of defense we have against the forces threatening to tear that world apart.

Feminism as the bulwark against fascismIn this exciting, innovative work, Polish feminist philosopher Ewa Majewska proposes a specifically feminist politics of antifascism. Mixing theoretical discussion with engaging reflections on personal experiences, Majewska proposes what she calls “counterpublics of the common” and “weak resistance,” offering an alternative to heroic forms of subjectivity produced by neoliberal capitalism and contemporary fascism.

The Fascist Revolution is the culmination of George L. Mosse's groundbreaking work on fascism. Originally published posthumously in 1999, the volume covers a broad spectrum of topics related to cultural interpretations of fascism from its origins through the twentieth century. In a series of magisterial turns, Mosse examines fascism's role in the French Revolution, its relationship with nationalism and racism, its use by intellectuals to foment insurrection, and more as a means to define and understand it as a popular phenomenon on its own terms. This new edition features a critical introduction by Roger Griffin, professor emeritus of modern history at Oxford Brookes University, contextualizing Mosse's research as fascism makes a global resurgence.

This book provides a broad-ranging analysis of the global resurgence of right-wing forces in the twenty-first century. These parties, organisations and social movements represent a break from right-wing forces in interwar political history in Europe and the United States, and the right-wing dictatorships in Latin America. The book reflects on the most appropriate conceptual categories to account for this phenomenon and whether terms such as populism, fascism, authoritarianism or conservatism can explain the new manifestations of the right. The book also explores this through a range of national case studies written by country specialists, focusing on Austria, Italy, Spain, Argentina, Brazil, Ecuador and the United States of America.Providing a much-needed global perspective, this book will be of considerable interest to students and scholars of populism, fascism, right-wing extremism and conservatism.

Der Begriff „Faschismus“ scheint zu einem Allerweltsbegriff geworden zu sein: Ausgehend von Mussolinis „Faschisten“, übernommen von den Nationalsozialisten unter Hitler, findet er sich heute in nahezu allen politischen Auseinandersetzungen: Trump, Putin, Orbán, Bolsonaro, in Deutschland Höcke, die AfD. Während einige argumentierten, dem Wort „Faschismus“ fehle es an jeglicher charakteristischen, begrifflichen Bedeutung, liefern andere ausführliche Definitionen seiner –vermeintlich oder tatsächlich – wesentlichen Merkmale. Es handelt sich zweifelsohne um einen Begriff, dessen genaue Bestimmung eine einzigartige Herausforderung darstellt. Roger Griffin, einer der führenden Experten auf dem Gebiet der Faschismusforschung, analysiert mit einzigartiger begrifflicher Klarheit und zugleich sehr lesbar die Ideologie des Faschismus. Er untersucht Ursprung und Entwicklung des Faschismus als politisches Konzept von seinen historischen Anfängen im Italien der 1920er-Jahre bis hin zur Gegenwart – und leitet uns durch das verworrene Labyrinth an Debatten über Natur, Bedeutung und Definitionen des Faschismus. Mit Kompetenz und Präzision beleuchtet Griffin die faschistische Dynamik als utopische Ideologie von nationaler und zugleich ‚rassischer‘ Wiedergeburt. Dabei untersucht er insbesondere auch die Wandelbarkeit des Faschismus über den Zweiten Weltkrieg hinaus und ermöglicht so ein Verständnis faschistischer Elemente in gegenwärtigen politischen Phänomenen wie der griechischen Goldenen Morgenröte, Marine Le Pens Rassemblement National oder der Partei Alternative für Deutschland. Nicht nur für Studierende der politischen Theorie, der Ideengeschichte und der Neuesten Geschichte Deutschlands, Europas und der Welt ist dieser kompakte und fesselnde Band von großem Interesse, sondern auch für alle, die angesichts des vieldiskutierten Ansteigens faschistischer politischer Aktivitäten in Sorge sind. Roger Griffins Einsichten in die Faschismusforschung werden dabei erstmalig in deutscher Sprache zugänglich gemacht. In einem hochaktuellen Nachwort widmet sich Fabian Virchow, Professor für Politikwissenschaften und Experte für Rechtsextremismus und Neonazismus, der Frage, inwieweit sich der Faschismusbegriff auch auf die gegenwärtige Partei Alternative für Deutschland anwenden lässt.

Concerns over the rise of fascism have been preoccupied with the Trump presidency and the Brexit vote in the UK, yet, globally, we are witnessing a turn towards anti-democratic and illiberal forces. From the tragic denouement of the Egyptian Revolution to the consolidation of the so-called Gujarat Model in India under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the consolidation of the power of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, to the recent election of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, fascist ideology, aesthetics and fascist personalities appear across the globe. Spectres of Fascism makes a significant contribution to the unfolding discussion on whether what we are witnessing today is best understood as a return to classic twentieth-century ‘fascism,'or some species of what has been called ‘post-fascism.'Applying a uniquely global perspective, it combines analyses of historical contexts, theoretical approaches and contemporary geopolitics.

The first and only guide to turning your 21st century democracy into a fascist paradise.Democracy is difficult, flawed and unstable. It involves barely distinguishable political parties taking part in lengthy, overcomplicated and expensive decision-making processes. Trying to engage so many people with political issues seems to lead only to complexity and disagreement. So why bother? Doesn't fascism guarantee a more effective and efficient management of the state?In this short, bitingly ironic mixture of On Tyranny and The Psychopath Test, Italian political activist Michela Murgia explores the logic that is attracting increasing numbers of voters to right-wing populism. Far from its origins in the 20th century, fascism is once again on the rise in an age of increased connectivity and globalism. Murgia shows how many of the elements of our society that we might think would combat closed-mindedness and xenophobia actually fan the flames. Closing with a'fascistometer'to measure the reader's own authoritarian inclinations, How to be a Fascist is a refreshingly direct, polemical book that asks us to confront the fascisim in our governments, in our societies, and in our own political leanings.

Across Europe and the world, far right parties have been enjoying greater electoral success than at any time since 1945. Right-wing street movements draw huge supporters and terrorist attacks on Jews and Muslims proliferate. It sometimes seems we are returning to the age of fascism. To explain this disturbing trend, David Renton surveys the history of fascism in Europe from its pre-war origins to the present day, examining Marxist responses to fascism in the age of Hitler and Mussolini, the writings of Trotsky and Gramsci and contemporary theorists. Renton theorises that fascism was driven by the chaotic and unstable balance between reactionary ambitions and the mass character of its support. This approach will arm a new generation of anti-fascists to resist those who seek to re-enact fascism. Rewritten and revised for the twentieth anniversary of its first publication, Renton's classic book synthesises the Marxist theory of fascism and updates it for our own times.

In this book, João Nunes de Almeida rethinks the relationship between crisis and fascism in today's liberal democratic societies. Arguing that fascism has adapted to a post-modern idea of endless crisis, Almeida challenges one of the strongest liberal myths in western politics, namely that fascism and liberal democracy have different roots. Fascism, in Almeida's view, is at the center of the very production of social relations in western capitalist societies, and is the result of the very desire to be saved from crisis underlying liberal democracy. It draws on stormy examples from Portugal's contemporary history, with a particular focus on its fascist past and revolution, to explore affinities between crisis and fascism in other spatial and historical contexts. João Nunes de Almeida concludes that refusing to be saved from crisis becomes the refusal of any form of fascism in a more global context.

This book evaluates the current and future state of fascism studies, reflecting on the first hundred years of fascism and looking ahead to a new era in which fascism studies increasingly faces fresh questions concerning its relevance and the potential reappearance of fascism. This wide-ranging work celebrates Roger Griffin's contributions to fascism studies – in conceptual and definitional terms, but also in advancing our understanding of fascism – which have informed related research in a number of fields and directions since the 1990s. Bringing together three ‘generations'of fascism scholars, the book offers a combination of broad conceptual essays and contributions focusing on particular themes and facets of fascism. The book features chapters, which, although diverse in their approaches, explore Griffin's work while also engaging critically with other schools of thought. As such, it identifies new avenues of research in fascism studies, placing Griffin's work within the context of new and emerging voices in the field.

Who makes the Fash is a compelling analysis of the relationships between art and fascism. Originating from the desire of conceptualising an antifascist artistic practice, this book investigates fascism in Italy and its relationships with futurism and neoliberalism. When seen in a historical context, the aesthetic appeal of the “new”, glamorous fascism is unmasked as a media-sponsored strategy of smoke and mirrors, functional to the preservation of a racist and patriarchal capitalism disguised as anti-systemic and innovative; from CasaPound, to the 5 Star Movement in Italy, to Elon Musk (hopefully soon in space). What role can the arts have in this scenario? The assumption that this field is a stronghold of the left can not be held true anymore: if as artists we want to counter the making of fascist hegemony, we must embrace a responsibility that goes beyond our practice. This book offers an accessible historical overview, political analysis and a passionate call to radicalise the politics and practices of arts and culture around an outspokenly antifascist praxis.

This groundbreaking book explores the interpretative potential and analytical capacity of the concept ‘fascist warfare'. Was there a specific type of war waged by fascist states? The concept encompasses not only the practice of violence at the front, but also war culture, the relationship between war and the fascist project, and the construction of the national community. Starting with the legacy of the First World War and using a transnational approach, this collection presents case studies of fascist regimes at war, spanning Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, Francoist Spain, Croatia, and Imperial Japan. Themes include the idea of rapid warfare as a symbol of fascism, total war, the role of modern technology, the transfer of war cultures between regimes, anti-partisan warfare as a key feature, and the contingent nature and limits of fascist warfare.

The first book since Christchurch to trace the massacre's fascist roots and what it represents. The massacre of more than fifty worshippers at mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand, shocked the world. The murders were not random. They expressed a particular ideology, one that the alleged perpetrator described as ‘fascism'. But what does fascism mean today — and what kind of threat does it pose? Jeff Sparrow traces the history of the far right, showing how fascists have adapted to the new politics of the twenty-first century. He argues that the mosque killer represents a frightening new phenomenon — decentralised right-wing terrorism that recruits by committing atrocities, feeding on itself and spreading from country to country. Burgeoning in dark places online, contemporary fascism exults in violence and picks its targets strategically. Today, it is Muslims; tomorrow, it will be Jews or gays or Asians. Even the widespread despair generated by climate change is being harvested to weaponise young men with the politics of hate. With imitative massacres already occurring around the world, Christchurch must be a wake-up call. This book makes a compelling, urgent case for a new response to an old menace.

First Published in 1992. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company. We can define war as organised fighting between groups of individuals belonging to the same species but occupying distinct territories, thus distinguishing war from fights between isolated individuals as well as from struggles between groups living intermingled within the same territory, which can be classified as rebellions, revolutions, riots and so on.The articles included in this volume were written in the 1970s and 1980s and published in very diverse journals and proceedings of conferences, in one case only in German.

Central to this book is the assertion that fascist regimes similar in ideology and style to Mussolini's in Italy have arisen and will continue to arise in the underdeveloped world. The author views fascism as a definite response—authoritarian corporatist nationalism—to certain problems common to late-developing nations, not as an aberration that ca

Ever since the shocking revelations of the fascist ties of Martin Heidegger and Paul de Man, postmodernism has been haunted by the specter of a compromised past. In this intellectual genealogy of the postmodern spirit, Richard Wolin shows that postmodernism's infatuation with fascism has been extensive and widespread. He questions postmodernism's claim to have inherited the mantle of the Left, suggesting instead that it has long been enamored with the opposite end of the political spectrum. Wolin reveals how, during in the 1930s, C. G. Jung, Hans-Georg Gadamer, Georges Bataille, and Maurice Blanchot were seduced by fascism's promise of political regeneration and how this misapprehension affected the intellectual core of their work. The result is a compelling and unsettling reinterpretation of the history of modern thought. In a new preface, Wolin revisits this illiberal intellectual lineage in light of the contemporary resurgence of political authoritarianism.

A lo largo del siglo xx, los fascismos asolaron Europa y las dictaduras se multiplicaron en buena parte de América Latina. Hoy, en pleno siglo xxi, aquella bestia que creímos desterrada para siempre no solo ha resurgido, sino que, saltando fronteras, acecha esta vez el mundo entero. Se ha nutrido de las desigualdades traídas por una crisis interminable, ha crecido cada vez que los poderosos se han sentido fuertes y se han desligado de toda atadura democrática. La imposición aplastante de las políticas neoliberales le ha dado nuevo aliento, resucitado el espíritu de antaño, engendrado los neofascismos de hoy. ¿Qué diferencias cabe señalar entre las formaciones e ideologías fascistas y la ultraderecha actual? ¿Estamos transitando, aun con diferentes acentos y modulaciones, el mismo camino funesto que tomó Europa décadas atrás? ¿Hay paralelismos entre las prácticas de algunos gobiernos en América y las que parecen afianzarse en Europa? Los interrogantes se agolpan, pero hay una cuestión que determinará nuestro futuro: ¿cómo derrotar a la bestia de una vez por todas? Hoy, como ayer, es imprescindible instruirse, organizarse y resistir, pero más necesaria todavía es la elaboración de propuestas alternativas para no repetir la barbarie.

Providing an innovative conceptualization to extremist political movements founded upon'world-historic'populations and vanguard party organizations, Vanguardism sets out a new path in investigating the intellectual and historical influences that created extremist politics, the totalitarian movements and regimes of the twentieth century, and a framework for interpreting extremism in the present. Expanding its view across the turbulent intellectual currents of the nineteenth century, Philip W. Gray illustrates how these ideas shaped the shared ideational and organizational structures that would develop into Leninism, Fascism, and Nazism in the early twentieth century. Moving beyond the Second World War, the book explicates how vanguardism did not vanish with the war's conclusion, but was modified throughout the period of national liberation movements and Western extremist groups over the ensuing decades. Concluding in the present with an eye to the future, Gray presents a framework for comprehending the extremist movement of today, and how organizational shifts can give us clues to the forms of totalitarian politics of tomorrow.Original and provocative, Vanguardism will become essential reading for everyone looking to understand totalitarianism and extremist politics of our time.

This definitive contribution to social science literature describes German's general theory of authoritarianism in modem society, and applies it to authoritarian movements and regimes likely to merge out of the social mobilization of the middle and lower classes. Germani analyzes the nature, conditions, and determinants of authoritarianism in the context of Latin American political and social developments and compares it to European fascist movements.

Through dozens of diverse and timely political essays and analyses, this book addresses the most pressing problems of our contemporary world. Instead of the tired, detached academic inquiry that permeates from institutions of higher education, these pages contain writings that have been produced by political organizers and revolutionaries throughout the course of their daily activity in social, economic, and political movements. The 2017 Hampton Reader includes the most popular essays from The Hampton Institute: A Working-Class Think Tank. The Hampton Institute is an intellectual and political organization that seeks to develop the working class into a self-conscious class-for-itself capable of fundamentally changing the nature of society. The essays herein are the products of a collective of organic intellectuals united by the task of clarifying our political moment, sparking a revival in working-class intellectualism, and pushing the revolutionary struggles of our day forward.

What is fascism and what is populism? What are their connections in history and theory, and how should we address their significant differences? What does it mean when pundits call Donald Trump a fascist, or label as populist politicians who span left and right such as Hugo Chávez, Juan Perón, Rodrigo Duterte, and Marine Le Pen? Federico Finchelstein, one of the leading scholars of fascist and populist ideologies, synthesizes their history in order to answer these questions and offer a thoughtful perspective on how we might apply the concepts today. While they belong to the same history and are often conflated, fascism and populism actually represent distinct political trajectories. Drawing on an expansive record of transnational fascism and postwar populist movements, Finchelstein gives us insightful new ways to think about the state of democracy and political culture on a global scale. This new edition includes an updated preface that brings the book up to date, midway through the Trump presidency and the election of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil.

The “inspiring,” little-known history of the Jewish vigilantes of the 43 Group, who fought fascism in Britain following World War II (Guardian). Returning to civilian life, at the close of the Second World War, a group of Jewish veterans discovered that, for all their effort and sacrifice, their fight was not yet done. Creeping back onto the streets were Britain's homegrown fascists, directed from the shadows by Sir Oswald Mosley. Horrified that the authorities refused to act, forty-three Jewish ex-servicemen and women resolved to take matters into their own hands. In 1946, they founded the 43 Group and let it be known that they were willing to stop the far-right resurgence by any means necessary. Their numbers quickly swelled. Joining the battle-hardened ex-servicemen in smashing up fascist meetings were younger Jews, including hairdresser Vidal Sassoon, and gentiles as well, some of whom volunteered to infiltrate fascist organizations. The Group published its own newspaper, conducted covert operations, and was able to muster a powerful force of hundreds of fighters who quickly turned fascist street meetings into mass brawls. The struggle peaked in the summer of 1947 with the Battle of Ridley Road, where thousands descended on the Hackney market to participate in weekly riots. The history of the 43 Group is not just a gripping story of a forgotten moment in Britain's post-war history; it is also a timely lesson in how to confront fascism—and how to win.

How have digital tools and networks transformed the far right's strategies and transnational prospects? This volume presents a unique critical survey of the online and offline tactics, symbols and platforms that are strategically remixed by contemporary far-right groups in Europe and the US. It features thirteen accessible essays by an international range of expert scholars, policy advisors and activists who offer informed answers to a number of urgent practical and theoretical questions: How and why has the internet emboldened extreme nationalisms? What counter-cultural approaches should civil societies develop in response?

Capitalism is based on a false logic in which all facts and ideas are reduced to a consideration of their ‘feasibility'within the capitalist system. Thus, all mainstream economic and political theories, including those such as Marxism which are supposed to offer an alternative vision, have been stunted and utopian ideas are completely side-lined. In order to constantly work out the feasible, you have to hang on to pseudo-factual concepts: nationalism; a constant drive for efficiency; the idea of nation/state; corporatism; managed markets; business ethics; governance etc. Capitalism is reduced to the management of the economy by states that fight each other and marvel at the independence of finance. All this, the book argues, is akin, intellectually, economically, politically, and unfortunately individually, to fascism. The Fascist Nature of Neoliberalism offers a brief, provocative analysis of this issue with special reference to the most visible executioners of its will: the much-misunderstood managerial class. This group simply happens to hold power, and hence visibility, but they do what everybody else does, and would do, all the time. This is because capitalism is an intellectual outlook that thoroughly directs individual actions through fascist and non-fascist repression. This book argues that the only way to escape capitalism is to recover individual intellectual and sentimental emancipation from capitalism itself in order to produce radical solutions.This volume is of great importance to those who study and are interested in political economy, economic theory and philosophy, as well as fascism and neoliberalism.

Examining the under-theorized relationship between revolution and fascism, this book outlines a politics of resistance to these forms of domination. Through an examination of the psychic conditions created by integrated world capitalism, as well as by the revolutionary projects that oppose this form of financial and social organization, Anthony Faramelli identifies the limits of revolutionary thinking. In doing so he argues that revolutionary projects inevitably reproduce the same organization of life and structures of control as capitalism.Following its analysis of revolution and fascism, this book argues for a way out of our current political stasis through the development of a philosophically informed practice of resistance termed'assemblage politics'. Drawing on the resistant philosophies developed by Deleuze and Guattari, Howard Caygill's defiant philosophy, and the Zapatista insurgents, the form of resistance proposed is marked by a structural fluidity that allows it to avoid being captured by capitalism's repressive structures. Enabling a better understanding of the current social-political landscape, and providing a fuller context of the political necessity to move away from notions of revolution, this book is relevant to those interested in postcolonial theory and Latin American politics, political philosophy and the growing field of resistance studies.

The word ‘fascism'sometimes appears to have become a catch-all term of abuse, applicable to anyone on the political right, from Hitler to Donald Trump and from Putin to Thatcher. While some argue that it lacks any distinctive conceptual meaning at all, others have supplied highly elaborate definitions of its ‘essential'features. It is therefore a concept that presents unique challenges for any student of political theory or history. In this accessible book, Roger Griffin, one of the world's leading authorities on fascism, brings welcome clarity to this controversial ideology. He examines its origins and development as a political concept, from its historical beginnings in 1920s Italy up to the present day, and guides students through the confusing maze of debates surrounding the nature, definition and meaning of fascism. Elucidating with skill and precision its dynamic as a utopian ideology of national/racial rebirth, Griffin goes on to examine its post-Second World War mutations and its relevance to understanding contemporary right-wing political phenomena, ranging from Marine Le Pen to Golden Dawn. This concise and engaging volume will be of great interest to all students of political theory, the history of political thought, and modern history.