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This book delves into the complex dynamics of legitimizing power in fragile states. With five comprehensive chapters, it analyzes the geopolitical, domestic, and international dimensions of fragile states. The unique contribution lies in unraveling specific forms of legitimization linked to various types of state fragility, providing a nuanced understanding. The book distinguishes between temporary crises and chronic fragility, crucial for shaping effective international support strategies. It addresses the challenges and consequences of weak legitimacy on global security, highlighting its impact on aid interventions and systemic stability. The author's analysis emphasizes the diverse nature of political regimes in fragile states, incorporating considerations of hybrid regimes. Additionally, it explores the dynamics of authoritarian enclaves at the sub-state level, revealing their potential national influence. By scrutinizing the decline of trust in democratic systems, the book addresses contemporary challenges, making it a vital resource for understanding and navigating the complexities of fragile states'political landscapes.

Post- Cold War Predictions examines how the international order evolved after the collapse of the Soviet Union (and before the attacks on 9/11) by focusing on the ways we study and understand major powers'security behavior within the evolving multipolar order. Beginning with an overview of Post-Cold War literature, Kassab summarizes and evaluates influential Post-Cold War texts to better understand scholarship's need to predict. First, he discusses the central importance of power in international relations and drives home the central focus of international structures, linking findings to the broader structure-agent problem. He then reinterprets the purpose of theory, preferring explanatory theories to those that aim to predict outcomes. To understand the context by which political ideas were developed and followed as if they were political ideologies, Hanna Samir Kassab makes explicit the links between historicism and historiography, forwarding a new methodology for studying political science: Politicist analysis. Using simple jargon and defining terms where necessary, this succinct and enlightening text is required reading for all those interested in international politics.

A Theory of De Facto States offers a new perspective on the phenomenon of de facto states — political communities that manifest forms of statehood in international politics but lack international legal recognition — zooming in on two prominent examples, Somaliland and Kosovo.Employing a thorough understanding of classical realist theories of international relations, this book provides a fresh critique of the common ways in which existing research tends to identify the ostensible state features of these communities. In contrast to the prevalent portrayals of such features in terms of international legal, discursive, and/or everyday logics, this book argues that de facto states can be most fundamentally characterised as exceptional polities in international relations.Showcasing how the statehood and sovereignty of de facto states is based in international political crises, this book concludes that these entities function as recurring disruptions of any supposed international political order. A Theory of De Facto States will therefore be of interest to researchers of secession, de facto statehood, and International Relations theory alike.

In this book, Studebaker develops a theory of legitimacy to explain the crisis of liberal democracy in established democracies, like the United Kingdom and the United States. In these countries there is deep dissatisfaction with political procedures, yet no credible alternatives have emerged. Without alternatives, the crisis cannot produce revolution. Instead, Studebaker suggests that the disagreements that ordinarily lead to political violence instead proliferate throughout the state and society. As the distinction between legitimacy and ideology blurs, efforts to generate legitimacy instead generate greater inequality, pluralism, and gridlock. As different factions try to save democracy in radically different ways, diverse advocates of democracy get in each other's way and even begin to appear authoritarian to one another. In Legitimacy in Liberal Democracies, Studebaker depicts a legitimacy crisis rife with state capacity problems, in which citizens tell each other many conflicting legitimation stories as they search for ways to live with a dissatisfying political system they cannot replace. The result is a legitimation hydra – a state that is burdened by an excess of narratives, that struggles to take any action at all.

The Identity of Governments in International Law provides a comprehensive account of the international legal regulation of governmental status. It examines the fundamental conceptual aspects of the government of a state in international law, before analysing the law concerning the recognition of governments and the criteria for governmental status under customary international law. It also explores matters concerning the identity of governments in the context of international organizations. Presenting the positive international legal framework concerning the regulation of governmental status, the book engages extensively with historical and contemporary examples, such as the rival governments of Cambodia (1970-75; 1979-89, 1997-98); the recognition of the Taliban (1996-2001; and again beginning in 2021); and the contested identity of Venezuela's president (beginning in 2019). Given the pre-eminence of states in international law and the importance of governments to the representation of states, the systematic examination of practice grounded in solid conceptual foundations renders this book a useful reference point for scholars and practitioners in all fields of international law and beyond.

Bridging the gap between traditional and contemporary research, Andrea Lippi's Legitimacy and Legitimation of Political Authorities presents a comprehensive and systematic analysis of both legitimacy and legitimation as two theoretical concepts, focusing on their respective roles in political systems today.Through its use of empirical evidence and in-depth consideration of the pressing issues on today's political agenda, this book adeptly navigates the political authority crisis, highlighting how the recognition and validity attributed to institutions is significantly in decline. Chapters explore this loss of credibility and trust, and how institutions are seeking to nurture their accreditation through new sources. Lippi incisively illustrates the relationship between statics and dynamics, as well as that between legitimacy and legitimation, and proposes a typology of the latter to be used in empirical research.Adopting a multidisciplinary approach, this timely book will be a vital read for researchers, academics and students in public policy, international politics, public administration and management, and regulation and governance. Policymakers will similarly benefit from the applied nature of the text.

The growing number of states with weak capacity to carry out basic governance functions is leading to unacceptable levels of human suffering. Using Ethiopia as a case study, this book acknowledges the multidimensional nature of state fragility and highlights the non-political factors that drive it.The first part uses institutional theory to explore how weak institutions become a source of state fragility by undermining social cohesion and the broader economic progress of countries. Part two examines the role of entrepreneurship and industrial policy as a means of creating and sustaining economic and political stability, trade policy as a means of increasing incomes and easing tensions, and technology policy as a means of engaging people in entrepreneurship and innovation. The final chapter provides lessons that fragile nations can learn from successful developing countries in Southeast Asia and Latin America.This book will appeal to researchers interested in international business, economic and business policy, international trade, and emerging markets who seek to understand how fragile states can promote sustainable peace and development.

This volume presents the latest developments in the field of political psychology by exploring the psychological processes that underlie political instability and how these can be addressed with psychological interventions. Written by a team of international leading researchers, the book critically re-evaluates the relevance of concepts primarily developed in WEIRD (Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich and Democratic) contexts, for non-WEIRD societies. It focuses particularly on East-Central Europe and South Africa, showing how they enjoy some privileges of WEIRD countries but are also characterized by a troubled history and relative deprivation. Covering psychological concepts such as political trust, conspiracy thinking, authoritarianism, populism, autochthony, social identity and prejudice, the chapters illustrate that psychology has the tools to explain the recurring and shared problems of these societies.This original book is ideal for scholars and students in social psychology, political science and social science. It will also be useful reading for policy makers, political analysts and anyone who wishes to understand their role in creating more stable and more just societies.

Political decisions have the potential to greatly impact our lives. Think of decisions in relation to abortion or climate change, for example. This makes political legitimacy an important normative concern. But what makes political decisions legitimate? Are they legitimate in virtue of having support from the citizens? Democratic conceptions of political legitimacy answer in the affirmative. Such conceptions rightly highlight that legitimate political decision-making must be sensitive to disagreements among the citizens. But what if democratic decisions fail to track what there is most reason to do? What if a democratically elected government fails to take measures necessary to protect its population from threats related to climate change? Peter argues that the legitimacy of political decisions doesn't just depend on respect for the citizens'will; and defends a novel hybrid conception of political legitimacy, called the Epistemic Accountability conception. According to this conception, political legitimacy also depends on how political decision-making responds to evidence for what there is most reason to do. The Grounds of Political Legitimacy starts with an overview of the main ways in which philosophers have thought about political legitimacy, and identifies the epistemic accountability conception as an overlooked alternative. It then develops the epistemic accountability conception of political legitimacy and discusses its implications for legitimate political decision-making. Considering the norms that should govern political debate, it examines the role of experts in politics, and probes the responsibilities of democratically elected political leaders and as well as of citizens.

How can effective and legitimate governance be ensured where state institutions are weak? This is a key question for domestic and international politics. One answer to this question that has received considerable attention in political science, but also among development agencies and international organizations, is virtuous circles of governance. In such circles, effective and legitimate governance are thought to be mutually reinforcing. The idea is that more effective governance leads to more legitimacy and more legitimacy to more effectiveness in governance. In many parts of the world, however, state institutions are weak and citizens perceive governance as ineffective and governance actors lack legitimacy. This places a large question mark behind the idea of virtuous circles of governance. Effective and Legitimate Governance in Areas of Limited Statehood asks: How likely are virtuous circles of governance to evolve in areas of limited statehood? The central claim of this book is that virtuous circles of governance are possible in areas of limited statehood, but more likely to evolve for external and non-state actors than for the state. The state is often part of the governance problem rather than the solution. Based on a new theoretical model for the interplay between effective and legitimate governance, the study provides in-depth empirical evidence for its argument by drawing on innovative qualitative and quantitative data. The case studies of Sub-Saharan Africa, Nigeria, and Afghanistan underline the key argument by considering state, external, and non-state actors. The book offers conceptual innovations, new empirical evidence, and policy recommendations of how to ensure effective and legitimate governance in areas of limited statehood.

Public Management and Governance is the leading text in international public management and governance and an ideal introduction to all aspects of this field. It combines rigorous insight from pre-eminent scholars around the world with a clear structure and supportive, thoughtful, and intuitive pedagogy. This revised and updated fourth edition responds to the significant changes in the external environment, as well as the field itself. It includes six new chapters covering aspects of increasing importance: Public management and governance developments in non-OECD countries Risk and resilience Innovation in public management and governance Digital public management Digital public governance Behavioural approaches to public policy Throughout the new edition, there is a wealth of new content on emergent topics such as collaborative leadership, diversity and inclusion, complexity theory and evidence-informed policy. Each chapter is supplemented with discussion questions, group and individual exercises, case studies and recommendations on further reading; this edition also includes more international cases. This highly respected text is an essential resource for all students on undergraduate and postgraduate courses in public management, public administration, government, and public policy as well as for policymakers and practitioners seeking an up-to-date guide to the field.

The obligations stemming from international law are still predominantly considered, despite important normative and descriptive critiques, as being'based'on (State) consent. To that extent, international law differs from domestic law where consent to the law has long been considered irrelevant to law-making, whether as a criterion of validity or as a ground of legitimacy. In addition to a renewed historical and philosophical interest in (State) consent to international law, including from a democratic theory perspective, the issue has also recently regained in importance in practice. Various specialists of international law and the philosophy of international law have been invited to explore the different questions this raises in what is the first edited volume on consent to international law in English language. The collection addresses three groups of issues: the notions and roles of consent in contemporary international law; its objects and types; and its subjects and institutions.

In The Two Logics of Autocratic Rule, Gerschewski argues that all autocracies must fulfil three conditions to survive: the co-optation of key elites into their inner sanctum, the repression of potential dissent, and popular legitimation. Yet, how these conditions complement each other depends on alternative logics: over-politicization and de-politicization. While the former aims at mobilizing people via inflating a friend-foe distinction, the latter renders the people passive and apathetic, relying instead on performance-driven forms of legitimation. Gerschewski supports this two-logics theory with the empirical analysis of forty-five autocratic regime episodes in East Asia since the end of World War II. In simultaneously synthesizing and extending existing research on non-democracies, this book proposes an innovative way to understand autocratic rule that goes beyond the classic distinction between totalitarian and authoritarian regimes. It will be of interest to scholars and students of comparative politics, political theory, and East Asian politics.

In this book, Hanna Samir Kassab develops a theoretical framework that explains the formulation of power vacuums and examines their impact on the international system.A power vacuum is the fundamental absence of legitimate state authority over a geographic territory, and it is a space free of governance. With no state authority governing a geographical region, opportunistic states and organized criminal and terrorist networks may attempt to control that space. Using a variety of historical examples and centering his analysis on ungoverned spaces rather than great powers, Kassab uncovers neglected areas of great power competition. Part 1 discusses state actors: specifically, the strategic space of the Arctic, the Middle East and Africa, and Afghanistan and Central Asia. Part 2 examines non-state actors, such as terrorist networks and organized criminal networks, and the formulation of paramilitaries.Power Vacuums and Global Politics is the perfect volume for both undergraduate and graduate courses in international relations, security studies, political science, comparative politics, international political economy, and war and peace.

This book updates the recent quantitative and qualitative, empirical and theoretical literature on legitimacy, focusing on how it can be measured in diversified research environments. Highlighting the different measurements and the critique surrounding them, this volume is a coherent and systematic guide to theory on legitimacy. This book is divided into three sections: Theoretical framework Legitimacy and its measures Legitimacy International Within these three parts, individual chapters are expected to provide in-depth analysis of core topics, including development, measurement, and cultural disparities, and collectively represent a comprehensive review of legitimacy in theory and in methodology in the global context. The book is ideal for researchers and graduate criminology and criminal justice students.

Examining the interplay between the domestic, regional and global aspects of the crisis of legitimacy of global governance, this book theoretically questions and empirically analyses the'crises of legitimacy'in global governance with respect to various mechanisms, actors, and issues.It expertly sheds lights on contemporary legitimacy contestations and crises by analysing conceptual, theoretical and empirical aspects of the legitimacy in global governance. The specific issues and case studies collected in this volume survey the evolving nature of legitimacy and legitimization processes in global governance with historical, and theoretical analysis. Perspectives on specific actors and issues provide vital insights for understanding several commonalities and differences of legitimacy crises faced at various global governance mechanisms. Improving the understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of current global governance bodies by showing several legitimacy contestations and crises at global and regional level, this book will be of great interest to scholars of international relations, globalization, international Political Economy, regionalism, and general global governance studies.

This book examines how states justify the domestic use of military force to foreign audiences.By deploying a sociological approach to legitimacy and drawing on conceptual tools which deal directly with the dynamics of justification, it offers a novel framework for understanding the politics of international legitimacy and domestic armed action. The framework is grounded in detailed qualitative analyses of civil wars in Sri Lanka (2006–2009), and Aceh, Indonesia (2003–2005). The book shows that the meaning of legitimacy in a particular context does not flow directly from a menu of relevant rules, norms and ideas. Rather, legitimacy is always politically contested. When states justify fighting at home, the success of their claims is determined by their capacity to appeal to rules and norms but also to frame their action in ways that their audiences find compelling. Therefore, the framework offered in this book draws attention to the crucial but largely neglected role of audiences in the constitution of legitimacy.This book will be of interest to students of security studies, law, human rights and international relations.

The first theory of legitimate opposition in fifty years In political systems defined by legitimate opposition, those who hold power allow their rivals to peacefully challenge and displace them, and those who have lost power do not seek to sabotage the winners. Legitimate opposition came under assault at the American capitol on January 6, 2021, and is menaced by populists and autocrats across the globe. Alexander Kirshner provides the first sustained theory of legitimate opposition since the Cold War. On the orthodox view, democracy is lost when legitimate opposition is subverted. But efforts to reconcile opposition with democracy fail to identify the value of the frequently imperfect, unfair and inegalitarian real-world practice. Marshaling a revisionist reconstruction of opposition's history, Kirshner's book provides a new account of opposition's value fit for the twenty-first century and shows why, given the difficult conditions of political life, legitimate opposition is an achievement worth defending.

How do we prevent the next pandemic? Will governments successfully tackle climate change? Will they find ways to close the gap between the haves and have-nots and to eliminate poverty? Which solution – democratic or authoritarian – will determine the global governance of a f lawed nation-state system?This unique contribution to global studies advances a multidisciplinary theory that the governments of all human societies are the tenuous outcome of the competing solutions to the Imperatives of Order, Welfare, and Legitimacy (OWL). The OWL paradigm provides a common framework to evaluate the contrasting responses of the liberal democratic, Chinese, and Russian solutions to global governance. Underscored is the volume's contention that global governance is the overriding issue confronting nation-states and the diverse and divided peoples of what is now a global society for the first time in the evolution of the species.The volume addresses a wide spectrum of audiences, united in their shared resolve that the democracies prevail in a projected century-long struggle between democratic and authoritarian regimes to determine global governance. Scholars, teachers, students, elected officials, policy analysts, media professionals, and engaged citizens who make self-government work will profit from this visionary and provocative study.

This is an open access title available under the terms of a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 International licence. It is free to read at Oxford Scholarship Online and offered as a free PDF download from OUP and selected open access locations. Global Legitimacy Crises addresses the consequences of legitimacy in global governance, in particular asking: when and how do legitimacy crises affect international organizations and their capacity to rule. The book starts with a new conceptualization of legitimacy crisis that looks at public challenges from a variety of actors. Based on this conceptualization, it applies a mixed-methods approach to identify and examine legitimacy crises, starting with a quantitative analysis of mass media data on challenges of a sample of 32 IOs. It shows that some, but not all organizations have experienced legitimacy crises, spread over several decades from 1985 to 2020. Following this, the book presents a qualitative study to further examine legitimacy crises of two selected case studies: the WTO and the UNFCCC. Whereas earlier research assumed that legitimacy crises have negative consequences, the book introduces a theoretical framework that privileges the activation inherent in a legitimacy crisis. It holds that this activation may not only harm an IO, but could also strengthen it, in terms of its material, institutional, and decision-making capacity. The following statistical analysis shows that whether a crisis has predominantly negative or positive effects depends on a variety of factors. These include the specific audience whose challenges define a certain crisis, and several institutional properties of the targeted organization. The ensuing in-depth analysis of the WTO and the UNFCCC further reveals how legitimacy crises and both positive and negative consequences are interlinked, and that effects of crises are sometimes even visible beyond the organizational borders.

Is the constitution ideally'legal'or'political'?'Written'or'unwritten'? How thick or thin are its principles and guarantees? Where does constitutional fidelity fit among liberal political virtues? What of'restraint'in the conduct of judicial constitutional review, or'originalism'in constitutional interpretation? These are questions raised by lawyers in constitutional-democratic societies throughout the world. In Constitutional Essentials: On the Constitutional Theory of Political Liberalism, Michelman not only raises these questions but explains why these debates persist in modern day constitutional democracies. Through the lens of John Rawls'seminal work Political Liberalism, Michelman responds to the problems governments of constitutional-democratic societies face from deep-lying disagreement among citizens. Rawls'suggested one solution: a'constitution,'one that included a bill of rights-that all, despite other disagreements, could accept. Michelman explains Rawls'proposal, placing it within a duality of functions -'regulatory'and'justificatory'- for which, he says, lawyers in constitutional-democratic societies typically look to their countries'bodies of constitutional law. A close examination of the constitution-centered proposition on political legitimacy, this book will be valuable reading to academics in the fields of politics, philosophy, and law.

Elgar Research Agendas outline the future of research in a given area. Leading scholars are given the space to explore their subject in provocative ways, and map out the potential directions of travel. They are relevant but also visionary.

La oleada de gobiernos de izquierda que caracterizó a América Latina y el Caribe desde finales del siglo XX conformó un mapa geopolítico adverso a los intereses del sector público-privado estadounidense en la región. Para cambiar la correlación de fuerzas ha entrado en escena el lawfare o guerra judicial, un mecanismo aparentemente democrático y ajustado a derecho, por elque socavar el poder, la imagen y las posibilidades de reelección de los líderes de la izquierda. Poco se habla, sin embargo, del origen del lawfare como una estrategia de carácter militar, encuadrada en una guerra de amplio espectro, hoy denominada guerra híbrida, que busca, mediante la combinación de operaciones judiciales, mediáticas, políticas o económicas, la reconfiguración de la geopolítica hemisférica. Si en décadas precedentes los golpesde Estado clásicos sirvieron para impedir que la izquierda gobernante desplegara su agenda política desde las instituciones o, incluso, llegara a ocuparlas, hoy el lawfare ejerce una mismafunción, pero amparándose en la legalidad y manteniendo las apariencias democráticas. Asistimos, entonces, a la paradójica demolición del Estado de derecho en nombre de la ley.Pero esta amenaza no se limita al territorio latinoamericano, que, como tantas otras veces, no ha dejado de ser un laboratorio de pruebas. Una vez confirmada la'eficacia'de esta nueva herramienta del sistema, ¿qué impide aplicarla en otros países? Y hay indicios muy cercanos que apuntan en esta dirección.

This book reassesses performance legitimacy in the context of statebuilding and identifies the paradox between state institution building and state legitimacy by looking at the interplay between state legitimacy and leaders'legitimacy The author reviews the significant weaknesses associated with the current measures of state legitimacy and uses this to demonstrate the incompatibility of these measurements with the reality faced by conflict and post-conflict countries. The author uses the Performance Legitimacy Theory of Transition framework to demonstrate the potential legitimacy paths that post-conflict countries can embark on and proposes a new approach for building state legitimacy in post-conflict countries. The author also introduces new indicators to measure performance legitimacy that also reflect its non-exclusive nature. Essential reading for students and researchers of Peace and Conflict Studies and especially of post-conflict development, peacebuilding, statebuilding, intervention, and democracy promotion. Also accessible to policy makers.

'Legitimation by Constitution'is the phrase, coined by distinguished authors Frank Michelman and Alessandro Ferrara, for a key idea in Rawlsian political liberalism of a reliance on a dualist form of democracy-a subjection of ground-level lawmaking to the constraints of a higher-law constitution that most citizens could find acceptable as a framework for their politics-as a response to the problem of maintaining a liberally just, stable, and oppression-free democratic government in conditions of pluralist visionary conflict. Legitimation by Constitution recalls, collects, and combines a series of exchanges over the years between Michelman and Ferrara, inspired by Rawls'encapsulation of this conception in his proposed liberal principle of legitimacy. From a shared standpoint of sympathetic identification with the political-liberal statement of the problem, for which legitimation by constitution is proposed as a solution, these exchanges consider the perceived difficulties arguably standing in the way of this proposal's fulfillment on terms consistent with political liberalism's defining ideas about political justification. The authors discuss the mysteries of a democratic constituent power; the tensions between government-by-the-people and government-by-consent; the challenges posed to concretization by judicial authorities of national constitutional law; and the magnification of these tensions and challenges under the lenses of ambition towards transnational legal ordering. These discussions engage with other leading contemporary theorists of liberal-democratic constitutionalism including Bruce Ackerman, Ronald Dworkin, and Jürgen Habermas.

Warzones are sometimes described as lawless, but this is rarely the case. Armed insurgents often replace the state as the provider of law and justice in areas under their authority. Based on extensive fieldwork, Rebel Courts offers a compelling and unique insight into the judicial governance of armed groups, a phenomenon never studied comprehensively until now. Using a series of detailed case studies of non-state armed groups in a diverse range of conflict situations, including the FARC (Colombia), Islamic State (Syria and Iraq), Taliban (Afghanistan), Tamil Tigers (Sri Lanka), PKK (Turkey), PYD (Syria), and KRG (Iraq), Rebel Courts argues that it is possible for non-state armed groups to legally establish and operate a system of courts to administer justice. Rules of public international law that regulate the conduct of war can be interpreted as authorising the establishment of rebel courts by armed groups. When operating in a manner consistent with due process, rebel courts demand a certain degree of recognition by international states, institutions, and even other non-state armed groups. With legal analysis enriched by insights from other disciplines, Rebel Courts is a must read for all scholars and professionals interested in law, justice, and the effectiveness of global legal standards in situations of armed conflict.

Die Rede vom'Volk'hat Konjunktur. Seit der Französischen Revolution gilt es als letzter Grund politischer Legitimität. Es ist damit an jene Stelle getreten, die zuvor mit'Gott'besetzt war. Und weil das Volk ebenso wenig greifbar ist, bedarf es einer Stellvertretung auf Erden. Somit kann man ein Verständnis des Politischen heute nur über ein Verständnis der'Logik politischer Repräsentation'erlangen: Keine politische Forderung, kein Urteilsspruch, kein parlamentarischer Beschluss, kurz: kein politischer Akt, kann auf die Behauptung verzichten, den eigentlichen Allgemeinwillen zu artikulieren. Damit wird der politische Streit zum Streit darum, wer mit der Stimme des Volkes spricht - und wer stattdessen nur partikulare Interessen vertritt. Der Band fragt, wo dieses'Volk'zu finden ist und wer mit welchem Recht in seinem Namen handelt.

In fragile states, domestic and international actors sometimes take the momentous step of sharing sovereign authority to provide basic public services and build the rule of law. While sovereignty sharing can help address gaps in governance, it is inherently difficult, risking redundancy, confusion over roles, and feuds between partners when their interests diverge. In Sovereignty Sharing in Fragile States, John D. Ciorciari sheds light on how and why these extraordinary joint ventures are created, designed, and implemented. Based on extensive field research in several countries and more than 150 interviews with senior figures from governments, the UN, donor states, and civil society, Ciorciari discusses when sovereignty sharing may be justified and when it is most likely to achieve its aims. The two, he argues, are closely related: perceived legitimacy and continued political and popular support are keys to success. This book examines a diverse range of sovereignty-sharing arrangements, including hybrid criminal tribunals, joint policing arrangements, and anti-corruption initiatives, in Sierra Leone, Cambodia, Lebanon, Timor-Leste, Guatemala, and Liberia. Ciorciari provides the first comparative assessment of these remarkable attempts to repair ruptures in the rule of law—the heart of a well-governed state.

The reception history of the French Revolution in France and England is well documented among Anglophone scholars; however, the debate over the Revolution in Germany is much less well known. Fichte's Contribution played an important role in this debate. Presented here for the first time in English, Fichte's work provides a distinctive synthesis of Locke's'possessive individualism,'Rousseau's general will, and Kant's moral philosophy. This eclectic blend results in an unusual rights theory that at times veers close to a form of anarchism. Written in 1792–93, just before Fichte moved to Jena to develop his philosophical system in a series of works—above all the Wissenschaftslehre of 1794—the Contribution provides invaluable insight into Fichte's early development. In addition, Fichte's work predates much of Kant's political philosophy, and can shed light on the rich dialogue in German political thought in the 1790s.

Examining the state identity formation and international legitimation of de facto states, this book provides a deeper understanding of the relationship between de facto states, the international state system and international society.The book integrates International Relations theories to construct a framework of normative standing for de facto states, to better understand the social system they inhabit and the stasis in their relationship with international society, demonstrated through detailed case study analysis. Klich appraises the recognition narrative of de facto states in order to analyse their state identities, and constructs a framework for normative standing in an original synthesis of English School, constructivism and legitimacy scholarship. The explanatory utility of that framework is then applied and analysed through detailed fieldwork conducted across an original set of case studies ― Nagorno Karabakh, Somaliland, and the Kurdistan Region of Iraq ― that have varying degrees of international engagement and parent state relationships.It will be of interest to scholars and students of International Relations, International Relations theory, Peace and Conflict studies, Comparative Politics, as well as Middle Eastern studies, East African studies, and Post-Soviet studies.

Domestic terrorist groups, like all violent nonstate actors, compete with governments for their monopoly on violence and their legitimacy in representing the citizenry. Battle for Allegiance shows violence is neither the only nor the most effective way in which nonstate actors and governments work to achieve their goals. As much as nonviolent strategies are a rarely considered piece of the puzzle, the role of the audience is another crucial piece often downplayed in the literature. Many studies emphasize the interactions between the government and the terrorist group at the expense of the constituency, but the constituency is the common cluster for both actors to gain legitimacy and to demand its allegiance. In fact, the competition between the two actors goes far beyond who is superior in terms of military force and tactics. The hardest battles are fought over the allegiance of the citizens. Using a multimethod approach based on exclusive interviews and focus groups from Turkey and large N original data from around the world, Seden Akcinaroglu and Efe Tokdemir present the first systematic empirical analysis of the ways in which terrorist groups, the government, and the citizens relate to each other in a triadic web of action. They study the nonviolent actions of terrorist groups toward their constituencies, the nonviolent actions of governments toward terrorists, and the nonviolent actions of governments toward the terrorist group's constituencies. By investigating the causes, targets, and consequences of accommodative actions, this book sheds light on an important, but generally ignored, aspect of terrorism: interactive nonviolent strategies.

Recruitment is key to a terrorist network's survival strategy. Steady enrollment is needed, not just to fight against perceived injustice, but to keep the network's grand strategy alive. When a weak state fails to protect its territory and implement the rule of law because of corruption or incapacity, it results in the creation of power vacuums. Terrorist networks thrive within power vacuums and opportunistically fill the space where a weak state could not maintain control. This destabilizes the international system and forces great powers to intervene. Historically, interventions are ineffective in combatting terrorism and have actually increased recruitment through regional political destabilization. Further, interventions have drained the capabilities of states, allowing for shifts in the distribution of power, thus changing the international order. Understanding recruitment mechanisms is key to developing strategies to combat recruitment in the short and long term.

Wie nur wenige Politologen in Deutschland hat Prof. Dr. Walter Euchner die demokratietheoretische Dimension der politischen Ideengeschichte zu einem wissenschaftlichen Programm erhoben und so diesen Bereich der Politikwissenschaft insgesamt beeinflußt. Daß sich zu Ehren seines 60. Geburtstages ein Symposium mit dem »Scheitern diktatorischer Legitimationsmustern und der Zukunftsfähigkeit der Demokratie« beschäftigte, aus dem der vorliegende Band hervorgegangen ist, knüpft daher nahtlos an die Erkenntnisinteressen an, die im Zentrum des Werks von Walter Euchner stehen. Ausgehend von der Prämisse, daß das Scheitern rechter und linker Diktaturen im weltweiten Kontext neben einer Fülle von innen- und außenpolitischen Faktoren zum Teil auch aus den diktatorischen Legitimationsmustern selbst zu erklären ist, werden in diesem Band zum ersten Mal in vergleichender Perspektive am Beispiel der Sowjetunion unter Lenin und Stalin, der DDR, der VR Jugoslawiens und Chinas sowie der türkischen Republik unter Atatürk einerseits und des »Dritten Reiches«, der Diktatur Mussolinis, des Ständestaats in Österreich, der autoritären Regime Pilsudskis in Polen, Salazars in Portugal, Perons in Argentinien und Parks in Südkorea andererseits drei Fragen systematisch untersucht: 1. Worin liegt der Unterschied und die Übereinstimmung in den diktatorischen Grundlagen linker und rechter Diktaturen? 2. Warum vermochten es beide Linien und ihre jeweiligen Varianten nicht, eine dauerhafte Herrschaftsordnung zu etablieren? 3. Läuft der Zusammenbruch diktatorischer Systeme auf eine automatische Bestandssicherung der westlichen Demokratien hinaus?

Die dauerhafte Existenz einer Staats- bzw. Herrschaftsgewalt hängt davon ab, ob sie Souveränität und Legitimität für sich beanspruchen kann. Utz Schliesky zeichnet die Entwicklung dieser Zentralbegriffe der Staatslehre und des Staatsrechts seit dem Mittelalter nach und überprüft, inwieweit ihre heutige Fassung geeignet ist, den Herausforderungen durch die europäische Integration und auch durch innerstaatliche Entwicklungen zu genügen. Die in Zeiten des staatsrechtlichen Positivismus und einer anderen Verfassungsordnung am Vorbild des modernen Nationalstaates entwickelten Konzepte für Souveränität und Legitimität sind weder europatauglich noch können sie vielfältige Verzahnungen zwischen Herrschaftsträgern und Gesellschaft erklären. Aus Sicht der überkommenen Konzeptionen der Staats(rechts)lehre lassen sich insoweit nur'Auflösungserscheinungen'konstatieren. Um der pluralistischen Struktur der Herrschaftsgewalten und der Legitimationssubjekte gerecht werden zu können, ist eine Weiterentwicklung der Begriffe'Souveränität'und'Legitimität'erforderlich. Auf der Grundlage der historischen Entwicklung und der praktischen Herausforderungen an Staatslehre und Staatsrecht entwirft Utz Schliesky ein System gemeinsamer Souveränität der im europäischen Mehrebenensystem existenten Herrschaftsgewalten sowie ein normatives Konzept pluraler demokratischer Legitimation.

The forms of liberal government that emerged after World War II are in the midst of a profound crisis. In I Am the People, Partha Chatterjee reconsiders the concept of popular sovereignty in order to explain today's dramatic outburst of movements claiming to speak for “the people.”To uncover the roots of populism, Chatterjee traces the twentieth-century trajectory of the welfare state and neoliberal reforms. Mobilizing ideals of popular sovereignty and the emotional appeal of nationalism, anticolonial movements ushered in a world of nation-states while liberal democracies in Europe guaranteed social rights to their citizens. But as neoliberal techniques shrank the scope of government, politics gave way to technical administration by experts. Once the state could no longer claim an emotional bond with the people, the ruling bloc lost the consent of the governed. To fill the void, a proliferation of populist leaders have mobilized disaffected groups into a battle that they define as the authentic people against entrenched oligarchy.Once politics enters a spiral of competitive populism, Chatterjee cautions, there is no easy return to pristine liberalism. Only a counter-hegemonic social force that challenges global capital and facilitates the equal participation of all peoples in democratic governance can achieve significant transformation. Drawing on thinkers such as Antonio Gramsci, Michel Foucault, and Ernesto Laclau and with a particular focus on the history of populism in India, I Am the People is a sweeping, theoretically rich account of the origins of today's tempests.

La democracia no debe ser la imposición de las mayorías ni de sus representantes, sino el gobierno de todos, entre todos y para todos. Al buscar una democracia de calidad se reconoce que la gestión pública aislada de la participación ciudadana es insuficiente y las actividades de la ciudadanía sin la estructuración de la gobernanza resultarían caóticas. De ahí que la gobernanza sea crucial para elevar la calidad de la democracia, incrementar la participación y que la respuesta gubernamental (responsiveness) ante los deseos ciudadanos sea satisfactoria. La gobernanza radica en la vinculación entre ciudadanos y gobierno a través de iniciativas, cooperación, reciprocidad, transparencia y rendición de cuentas. Para mejorar la gobernanza, y con ella la respuesta gubernamental, son de gran utilidad los indicadores. Los indicadores permiten elaborar índices y establecer evaluaciones a través de graduaciones (rankings). La presente obra explica la reciprocidad entre la calidad de la democracia y de la ciudadanía; las distinciones entre la gobernabilidad, el gobierno abierto y la gobernanza; caracteriza a la gobernanza metropolitana y la respuesta estatal; estipula la naturaleza y componentes de sus indicadores; los aplica a las iniciativas ciudadanas de cultura, iniciativas de ley y a la gobernanza metropolitana con distinción de género. Más allá de los casos analizados, su mayor aporte son las fórmulas modelo para evaluar otros aspectos de la gobernanza y elevar la calidad de la democracia.

WARNING: IMMEDIATE GLOBAL THREAT TO ALL DEMOCRATIC NATIONS BY THE CHINA-RUSSIA AXISAmerica's future has never seemed more uncertain. Our politics are dysfunctional; our cultural cohesion is a thing of the past; our institutions have lost legitimacy; and our identity as Americans seems increasingly subordinate to tribal or ideological identities. Overhanging all these issues is a loss of confidence in democracy itself, both in America and around the world, and the concomitant rise of authoritarianism as a viable model of governance in the eyes of millions. At the center of this story are two nations—Russia and China—that together stand as a profound challenge to the American and Western future, and to the future of democracy and human rights around the globe. As America unravels, China and Russia have taken every opportunity to expand their opportunities and consolidate their gains. If the United States is to prevail in this struggle, our efforts must begin with a better understanding of our determined adversaries in Beijing and Moscow—and of how their successes have emboldened the cause of authoritarianism around the world, to the detriment of free societies and free people.

In these times of globalisation and the denationalisation and questioning of state sovereignty, the question of the legitimacy of the state has become particularly explosive. If power is to be transformed into justified rule through the concept of legitimacy, legitimacy as such requires close examination. In this context, it is not only necessary to ask what the recognition of a legal system is based on, but also how its recognition can be justified. The complexity of the concept of legitimacy suggests that it should be considered from different perspectives and that these perspectives should be combined to form a comprehensive overall picture. The spectrum of disciplines involved in this volume includes ethnology, psychology, law, state theory, political science and philosophy. It is divided into the following thematic blocks: empirical approaches, social science approaches, theoretical approaches and development issues. With contributions by Hermann Amborn, Eva Birkenstock, Sergio Dellavalle, Andreas Funke, Andreas Glöckner, Tobias Herbst, Ulf Kemper, Lando Kirchmair, Anna Katharina Mangold, Andreas Niederberger, Utz Schliesky, Peter Seyferth, Rüdiger Voigt, Claudia Wirsing und Sabrina Zucca-Soest

Why government outsourcing of public powers is making us less freeMany governmental functions today—from the management of prisons and welfare offices to warfare and financial regulation—are outsourced to private entities. Education and health care are funded in part through private philanthropy rather than taxation. Can a privatized government rule legitimately? The Privatized State argues that it cannot.In this boldly provocative book, Chiara Cordelli argues that privatization constitutes a regression to a precivil condition—what philosophers centuries ago called'a state of nature.'Developing a compelling case for the democratic state and its administrative apparatus, she shows how privatization reproduces the very same defects that Enlightenment thinkers attributed to the precivil condition, and which only properly constituted political institutions can overcome—defects such as provisional justice, undue dependence, and unfreedom. Cordelli advocates for constitutional limits on privatization and a more democratic system of public administration, and lays out the central responsibilities of private actors in contexts where governance is already extensively privatized. Charting a way forward, she presents a new conceptual account of political representation and novel philosophical theories of democratic authority and legitimate lawmaking.The Privatized State shows how privatization undermines the very reason political institutions exist in the first place, and advocates for a new way of administering public affairs that is more democratic and just.

A new understanding of political philosophy from one of its leading thinkersWhat is political philosophy? What are its fundamental problems? And how should it be distinguished from moral philosophy? In this book, Charles Larmore redefines the distinctive aims of political philosophy, reformulating in this light the basis of a liberal understanding of politics.Because political life is characterized by deep and enduring conflict between rival interests and differing moral ideals, the core problems of political philosophy are the regulation of conflict and the conditions under which the members of society may thus be made subject to political authority. We cannot assume that reason will lead to unanimity about these matters because individuals hold different moral convictions. Larmore therefore analyzes the concept of reasonable disagreement and investigates the ways we can adjudicate conflicts among people who reasonably disagree about the nature of the human good and the proper basis of political society. Challenging both the classical liberalism of Locke, Kant, and Mill, and more recent theories of political realism proposed by Bernard Williams and others, Larmore argues for a version of political liberalism that is centered on political legitimacy rather than on social justice, and that aims to be well suited to our times rather than universally valid.Forceful and thorough yet concise, What Is Political Philosophy? proposes a new definition of political philosophy and demonstrates the profound implications of that definition. The result is a compelling and distinctive intervention from a major political philosopher.

This book analyses the legitimacy deficits in democratic welfare work using Habermas'theories of communicative action, law and morality. Based on their underlying intersubjective perspectives, legitimacy problems can be identified and corrected, e.g. lack of confidence, dignity, respect, broken expectations, ignorance or mistrust of its administration. In modern societies with their many different contexts, a mutual understanding of facts, norms and expressions has become even more important in order to act constructively in daily life. These needs have increased the tension between the individual and the system, which becomes especially evident when globalised and individualised service users ask for welfare services. Therefore, professionals must develop an ability to understand how these legitimacy problems arise and how they can be dealt with democratically. This book responds to these needs, and will be of interest to students, scholars and practitioners working across democratic welfare, social policy, social work, and sociology.

Revolution and state breakdown are the focus of this important new book that analyzes the most prominent theories of revolution and points to future directions. Covers famous revolutions from history (France, China, Russia) and those in the developing world in addressing such key questions as'why are revolutions so rare?'Revolutions also looks at the state breakdowns in Eastern Europe after 1989, the typical outcomes of revolutions, and the possible future of revolutions. An appendix presents biographical and autobiographical sketches of several of the most prominent students of revolutions.

La cuestión de la legitimidad es sin duda una cuestión extraña. No es fácil saber qué aporta al funciona-miento de unas instituciones que, en principio, cuentan con todos los resortes materiales necesarios para funcionar y son capaces de obtener obediencia por procedimientos'mecánicos'como la policía, los tribunales o el sistema penitenciario. Sin embargo, nunca deja de ponerse encima de la mesa. En los debates de los medios o incluso en nuestras conversaciones cotidianas es frecuente escuchar afirmaciones como'puede que sea legal, pero no es legítimo'o'que lo decida una mayoría no significa automáticamente que sea legítimo'. ¿Qué queremos decir exactamente cuando sostenemos estas cosas? Este libro trata de responder a esta peliaguda cuestión partiendo, como no podía ser de otra manera, de la indagación filosófica. En ella, los autores muestran el camino por el que han ido estableciéndose los principios de legitimidad que, de manera irrenunciable, han de guiar el proyecto de un orden civil republicano. Este recorrido nos conduce hasta las exigencias planteadas por la teoría feminista, que desde sus orígenes ha impugnado la legitimidad del poder patriarcal y ha reivindicado que la universalidad de los principios que identificamos con el progreso de la humanidad lo sea de verdad.

Dieses Buch behandelt Legitimität und Legitimation von und in politischen Systemen als ein Kernthema der Vergleichenden Politikwissenschaft. Damit greift es eine hochaktuelle Debatte auf. Neben der Legitimität politischer Systeme und Ordnungen wird auch Legitimation betrachtet, d.h., die Prozesse, in denen Legitimität erlangt oder mit denen sie erzeugt wird. Der Band vereint konzeptionell, normativ und auch empirisch angelegte Beiträge, die Legitimität und Legitimation politischer Systeme in den Blick nehmen.

Policymakers worry that'ungoverned spaces'pose dangers to security and development. Why do such spaces exist beyond the authority of the state? Earlier scholarship—which addressed this question with a list of domestic failures—overlooked the crucial role that international politics play. In this shrewd book, Melissa M. Lee argues that foreign subversion undermines state authority and promotes ungoverned space. Enemy governments empower insurgents to destabilize the state and create ungoverned territory. This kind of foreign subversion is a powerful instrument of modern statecraft. But though subversion is less visible and less costly than conventional force, it has insidious effects on governance in the target state.To demonstrate the harmful consequences of foreign subversion for state authority, Crippling Leviathan marshals a wealth of evidence and presents in-depth studies of Russia's relations with the post-Soviet states, Malaysian subversion of the Philippines in the 1970s, and Thai subversion of Vietnamese-occupied Cambodia in the 1980s. The evidence presented by Lee is persuasive: foreign subversion weakens the state.She challenges the conventional wisdom on statebuilding, which has long held that conflict promotes the development of strong, territorially consolidated states. Lee argues instead that conflictual international politics prevents state development and degrades state authority. In addition, Crippling Leviathan illuminates the use of subversion as an underappreciated and important feature of modern statecraft. Rather than resort to war, states resort to subversion. Policymakers interested in ameliorating the consequences of ungoverned space must recognize the international roots that sustain weak statehood.

While liberal-democratic states like America, Britain and Australia claim to value freedom of expression and the right to dissent, they have always actually criminalized dissent. This disposition has worsened since 9/11 and the 2008 Great Recession. This ground-breaking study shows that just as dissent involves far more than protest marches, so too liberal-democratic states have expanded the criminalization of dissent. Drawing on political and social theorists like Arendt, Bourdieu and Isin, the book offers a new way of thinking about politics, dissent and its criminalization relationally. Using case studies like the Occupy movement, selective refusal by Israeli soldiers, urban squatters, democratic education and violence by anti-Apartheid activists, the book highlights the many forms dissent takes along with the many ways liberal-democratic states criminalize it. The book highlights the mix of fear and delusion in play when states privilege security to protect an imagined ‘political order'from difference and disagreement.The book makes a major contribution to political theory, legal studies and sociology. Linking legal, political and normative studies in new ways, Watts shows that ultimately liberal-democracies rely more on sovereignty and the capacity for coercion and declarations of legal ‘states of exception'than on liberal-democratic principles. In a time marked by a deepening crisis of democracy, the book argues dissent is increasingly valuable.