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Copyright of Empresa y Humanismo is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Navarra, S.A. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Persona y Derecho is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Navarra, S.A. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How to make sense of post-truth? As the erosion of truth seems to be on the rise in contemporary societies, apparently threatening the deliberative function assigned to their public spheres and the health of democratic systems, it has become a necessity to deal with this controversial phenomenon. This paper provides a genealogy for post-truth, shedding light on its roots. It focus on three different dimensions of "post-truthfulness:" the philosophical dimension, which relates to the long theoretical debate about the possibility of truth, the conclusion of which is largely skeptical about a strong position on universally recognizable truths; the affective dimension, which takes into account the insights provided by contemporary literature on emotions; and the technological dimension, that is, the digital transformation of the public sphere. The convergence of these currents explains the rise of post-truth democracies. However, as the last section tries to demonstrate, a distinction between different types of truth is required, lest post-truth theories end up producing a nostalgia for something that never existed. After all, liberal democracies are themselves skeptical, their relationship with truth being unavoidably complex and ambiguous. Thus, distinguishing between post-truth and post-factualism can be useful for organizing the democratic conversation from a normative and practical standpoint. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1976 and 1982, Spain lived an intense political and media context in the process of transition to democracy. During this period, video-politics broke out and it influenced the way politics were conducted and the leadership of politicians. Throughout those years, two presidents led the process of change: Adolfo Suárez and Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo. Two different leaders: in their way of "doing politics" and in the way in which they used television to connect with society. This paper offers an analysis of, firstly, how both politicians understood their relationship with public television (TVE) and, secondly, what formats they used and the discourse of the television broadcasts that they starred in. To answer these questions, we conducted a thorough review of the existing literature on the topic, the published testimonies of protagonists, the Calvo-Sotelo archive, a content analysis of Televisión Española's archives and the press published during Transition. The findings of this study clearly indicate that TVE marked the evolution of both presidents who, from the beginning, put in place different strategies to match their work from the Executive using public television. On the other hand, the shadow of Suarez and the way in which he had used television during the Transition, did not abandon Calvo-Sotelo whose decisions of media leadership were always aimed at countering the weight of the Suárez's legacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Memoria y Civilizacion is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Navarra, S.A. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This research paper aims to analyse and compare the role of two of the major television networks in international news coverage, Al-Jazeera English and CNN, in relation to one of the most important social movements of the last decade known as the Arab Spring. The study specifically focuses on Egypt during the coup of July 2013, when President-elect Mohamed Morsi was overthrown by the army after weeks of protests. Through a qualitative content analysis based on the framing theory, we will look at the position of both channels regarding a coup emerging from popular uprisings and identify the differences between the two channels. The results show frames matching the definition of conflict (crisis and coup), military power and the legitimacy of democracy. As for divergences, it highlights CNN's stance towards the coup as a necessary evil, while Al-Jazeera English takes a more Islamist approach and prefers to emphasize its democratic legitimacy. The transition to democracy in Egypt is not seen as a linear process of uninterrupted progress, but events such as the coup are seen as slight setbacks in the development of the conflict. These setbacks are a result of the dynamics of power in Egypt, where the military remain in charge above and beyond social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The definition of political participation has moved from an institutional conception (on many occasions restricted to vote and party affiliation) to other broader forms, such as attendance to demonstrations or involvement in social movements. These categories are being overtaken by more flexible and modular latent forms of participation that define new modes of engagement, and become expanded within the usage of the Net. In the present paper, these trends are explored during the mayoral elections for the municipality of Madrid in May of 2015, and focused on the instrumental party "Ahora Madrid" ("Now Madrid"). On the basis of in-depth interviews with 24 citizens who participated in the campaign, it is sought to define the profile of militancy as well as its digital uses, in order to identify practices of participation and digital repertoires of action. In conclusion, it is shown how the Net assumed the new patterns of militancy contributing to its development and renewal in the context of an electoral campaign. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Empresa y Humanismo is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Navarra, S.A. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Empresa y Humanismo is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Navarra, S.A. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The 1970s and 1980s were key years for the consolidation of environmentalism and environmental communication. In Spain, the special political situation during General Franco's military dictatorship conditioned the coverage of environmental issues, as did the transition to democracy. The Albufera Natural Park (Valencia, Spain) was a particularly significant case in this context, since it was involved in one of the first environmental protests to protect a natural area covered by Spanish media. In this paper, we study opinion articles published in the Valencian newspapers Las Provincias and Levante, in order to analyze the evolution of the environmental discourse in Spanish society from the dictatorship to the first years of democracy. Hence, we analyze and compare opinion articles about this natural space in two specific periods: the campaign against the urbanization project for the forest of Devesa del Saler, in the Albufera, from 1973 to 1974; and the reaction of the Valencian press between 1986 and 1990, when Spain was already a democracy and after the area was declared a natural park. Our research uses framing theory to include both quantitative and qualitative analysis. Results show there is an evolution concerning the perception of environmental protection: while it was seen as a citizen vindication of the public space during the dictatorship, in democracy it entered the sphere of policy management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anuario Español de Derecho Internacional is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Navarra, S.A. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Persona y Derecho is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Navarra, S.A. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay addresses the relationship between communication, public opinion, and democracy, which is evident in Athenian democracy. It briefly considers the complexity of the concept of public opinion, and how it was understood as a political phenomenon accepted in general thinking and political action, as a consequence of the democratic dynamism originated by the printing press. After briefly considering some of the most relevant ideas about this relationship throughout the 19th century, this essay discusses the main attitudes that emerged in the face of public opinion after the First World War, from which the most relevant theories about the effects of media on opinion, behaviours, and action begun to be developed. The study takes into account the development of an empirical science of public opinion, linked to scientific opinion surveys. It summarises how the investigation of the effects of the media goes through a stage in which they are considered irrelevant, until some studies - especially the theories of agenda setting and the spiral of silence- recovered the idea of the powerful effects of the media. Finally, the essay addresses the new challenges posed by the disenchantment with democracy, the loss of credibility of the media, and the way of understanding communication, at a time in which digital technology has facilitated the creation of social media, causing a situation described as the post-truth era, in which the global need for information becomes more evident. The new challenges affect the political science, research on public opinion, and the science of communication, which requires a foundation of greater consistency than the current one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Memoria y Civilizacion is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Navarra, S.A. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Memoria y Civilizacion is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Navarra, S.A. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)