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The article discusses the name change of the journal "Twentieth Century British History" to "Modern British History" and the reasons behind this change. The journal aims to broaden its scope beyond the 1990s and reflect its openness to work on the recent past. It also explores the challenges of defining "modernity" and "Britishness" in the field of modern British history, emphasizing the need to consider transnational contexts and expand methodologies and approaches. The article further examines the impact of digitization on historical research, highlighting both the opportunities and limitations it presents. It also addresses the importance of embracing digital methodologies and acknowledges the impact of working conditions and inequalities in higher education on the field of history. The issue of the journal includes various commentaries, roundtables, and reflections on the field, as well as showcasing the journal's initiatives and award-winning articles. The authors express gratitude to contributors and emphasize the significance of peer review in sustaining the vitality and robustness of the field. [Extracted from the article]

But Norton does much more: by exploring Troeltsch in context, he reveals a level of nuance in Troeltsch and his like-minded colleagues that has seldom been appreciated. This is telling: despite the weight Norton places on Troeltsch's writing on freedom, it may well be that Troeltsch was more a pragmatist than a committed democrat. Troeltsch may not have been quite the democrat Norton might have wished for, but he was a realist and a compromiser, and could see the humanity of the enemy, and that alone makes him worth reading. [Extracted from the article]

Universal manhood suffrage — the right to an equal vote for all adult males, regardless of racial, economic or literacy conditions, as adopted by some Spanish American countries in the 1850s, at a time when very few countries in the Western world had done so — is the subject of this article. It considers in more detail the experience of New Granada (Colombia), with some comparative references, especially to Argentina and Mexico, in the wider context of the 1848 European revolutions. It offers a novel contribution to the wider historiography of suffrage while also contributing to a growing literature that seeks to decentre the history of democracy. Additionally, in as much as issues related to suffrage were central to the process of constitution-making, what we detail here has some bearing on the renewed interest in constitutional history. While this is above all an engagement with history, it is hoped that its findings will have relevance to theoretical discussions among social scientists on the expansion of suffrage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critics frequently accuse China of acting as a patron for autocratic states. But does Chinese engagement actually increase the stability of authoritarian clients? This article demonstrates that Chinese bilateral interactions have little effect on the longevity of autocratic regimes. Analyses of different forms of Chinese bilateral engagement between 1993 and 2008-including state visits, arms trading, aid projects, economic cooperation, and trade dependence-show that only export dependence on China may increase the likelihood of survival for autocratic regimes while doing little to stabilize their democratic counterparts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conventional wisdom has it that political parties have incentives to respond to public opinion. It is also conventional wisdom that in open economies, policymakers must also 'respond' to markets. Research on representation has provided ample evidence in support of the first claim. Research on the political economy of globalization has not, however, provided evidence for the second. This article examines the effects of globalization on how parties respond to voters. We argue that while elections motivate parties to respond to public sentiment, economic interdependence distracts political elites from their electorates and toward market actors, reducing party responsiveness to the mean voter. Evidence from a pair of distinct data sources spanning elections in twenty advanced capitalist democracies from the 1970s to 2010 shows that while parties have incentives to respond to left-right shifts in the mean voter position, they only do so when the national economy is sufficiently sheltered from the world economy. These findings have implications for party strategies, for representation, and for the broader effects of market integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though democracies by and large share the perception of Iran as a threat to peace and security, they disagree over the appropriate policy response. This paper examines why some democracies prefer accommodation while others plead for confrontation. Using a new data set on democracies' policies toward Iran in the 2000s, we assess the impact of power positions, commercial interests, and domestic political cultures while controlling for government ideology. While we find little support for any impact of power positions, 'cultures of dealing with deviance,' that is, the discourses and practices of dealing with violations of norms domestically as institutionalized in a society's criminal law and justice system, have a substantial and statistically significant effect on state policies. Finally, we find qualified support for commercial liberalism: Whereas high levels of total trade do not have the expected effect of making states more accommodationist, high levels of trade in strategic goods such as oil do. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]