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This paper critically explores how women anti-mining activists conceptualize development, in the context of living with and resisting large-scale resource extraction in Cajamarca, Peru. I contend that participatory photography provides an opportunity to contest hegemonic development narratives and the notions of 'lack', 'poverty' and 'progress' that are bound up with such narratives, enabling participants to simultaneously evoke both hoped-for alternative futures and nostalgic renditions of a threatened present. Moving beyond an explicit and immediate focus on the socially and environmentally destructive nature of large-scale mining, I explore how the women instead document productive Andean livelihoods and everyday ways of life, capturing the ways in which hoped-for futures are enacted in the present. The women activists articulate their resistance through photography, identifying and celebrating practices of hope in their everyday lives and communities and providing an emotive counter-narrative to extractive-led neoliberal development discourses. The paper reveals that participatory photography approaches generate critical insight into the emotion-suffused ways in which development is understood by grassroots activists in contexts of extractivism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the case of Barents Pride, an event organized collaboratively by Russian and Norwegian LGBT+ activists located close to the Norwegian–Russian border. The idea of the Pride is to bring LGBT+ people and activists from Russia, where state pressure limits possibilities of organizing prides, to Norway and to express solidarity across borders. We use this case to investigate pitfalls and promises of queer transnational solidarities, to contest notions of center/periphery, the North/South–East/West division and to analyze how sexuality simultaneously enforces and destabilizes these dichotomies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how working-class activists challenged and overcame political fear narratives during the anti-water charges campaign in Ireland (2014–2016), with specific focus on the ‘sinister’ narrative, an attempt by the government and its supporters to frame working-class protestors as violent, irrational and extremist. Rather than subscribing to the position that political fear is ubiquitous or the reflection of a general societal malaise, this paper follows Jeffries’ argument that political fear is mediated, contested and contradicted. While political fear operates most effectively when targeting expectations for normal living, it is these same expectations that offer fertile ground for opposing fear threats. Drawing on interviews from activists, this paper shows how the ‘normal living’ becomes a key context in which ‘deviance framing’ around class and gender can be reappropriated/reframed by activists, particularly through the deployment of counter spectacles and through the reframing of what constitutes legitimate emotional responses to government-initiated fear threats. Finally, while political fear can have an individualising effect, this paper demonstrates how subjective and individual acts of transgression are mediated through a collective and community lens as the crucial element in overcoming political fear. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the effect of party primaries on women's chances of winning a leadership contest in eight Western parliamentary countries since 1985. By doing so, we revisit an ongoing debate about a possible trade-off between the democratic values of 'inclusion' of party members and 'representation' of excluded groups that this type of selection method may involve. Using an original data set consisting of 608 candidates who participated in 168 leadership mixed-gender contests at the national or regional level, we show that female candidates perform worse under party primaries. This finding holds even after controlling for the type of candidate competing. We therefore sustain the argument that this leadership selection mechanism, in its current format, involves a trade-off between 'inclusion' and 'representation'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing consensus suggests that urban scholarship can benefit from engaging with knowledge in multiple sites in and beyond the academy, for instance with activism central to politics in cities worldwide. This paper explores narratives of urban politics produced with activists to reflect on how we account for knowledge and practice in theorising the urban as political terrain. Research conducted with activists in a community-based ‘Civic’ organisation in Cape Town, South Africa highlights the everyday toil that shapes resistance and its politics, the frictions and engagements behind protest headlines. In opening up theorisations of activism and revolution to the knowledge practices of movements, the paper argues we may more cogently take account of the strategic and intimate politics that characterise contemporary activism, and reshape notions of ‘revolution’, urban politics and research practice in contemporary cities, a project broadly relevant in the Global South and North. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do mainstream opposition parties sometimes fail to adopt policy positions that are attractive to the wider electorate? In this paper, I construct a game-theoretic model between the party leader, the party’s MPs, and the party organization to illustrate how opposition parties’ platform adjustments depend on the party leader’s risk assessment of being deposed and MPs’ re-election incentives. The model predicts that a party leader is most likely to adhere to the activists’ position when MPs’ re-election probabilities depend greatly on activists’ campaign effort, and when MPs’ benefits of re-election are high. Platform adjustments are only possible when the reverse is true. These results have important implications on electoral competitiveness and strategies of parties in majoritarian versus proportional electoral systems. Namely, I expect that opposition parties in majoritarian systems are less able to adjust their platforms than those in proportional systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peter Green (Salford) and Charles Jenkinson (Leeds) were Anglo-Catholic parsons who devotedly worked in northern England either side of the Second World War. Are they models for today? Green prioritized 'intentional evangelism'. Jenkinson was a Christian socialist and Modernist who 'meddled in politics' as a city councillor: his priority was housing reform. Green remained a parish priest; Jenkinson moved into new town development. Despite their shortcomings, each cleric distinctively represents a relevant kind of priesthood: the parish missionary sharing the archbishops' commitment to 'mission-shaped' church (Green), and the activist intent on building the kingdom by transforming his parishioners' built environment (Jenkinson). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the chronology of change in the Spanish prison system, especially during the transition from the Francoist dictatorship (1975–1982). It indicates how the incarcerated population had come to reflect Francoism's management of social change (including via an increasing use of preventive detention). By the early 1970s, political activists represented a minority of those incarcerated, although a minority that had grown steadily again from the late 1960s. The article discusses relations between the different groups of inmate, the rapidly-deteriorating conditions inside the gaols, and the emergence in the early transition period (1976) of prison protests (COPEL) led by common prisoners whose main objective was inclusion in the gaol amnesty then being proposed as part of the exit strategy from dictatorship. The article analyzes the reactive rather than proactive response to COPEL of Spain's transitional governments, composed of reformist Francoists, and the eventual outcome in a prison reform law in 1979. The article assesses the law's limited practical effect inside the gaols, because of severe budgetary restrictions combined with Spain's rising prison population – the latter mirroring developments across Western democracies generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After white landowners evicted black sharecroppers in late 1960 for registering to vote, activists in Fayette and Haywood Counties organized 'Tent Cities' in a bid to focus national media attention on their plight. Over the decade, it developed into a wide-reaching campaign for desegregation in public accommodations and education, welfare reform, voting rights, and sustained community improvement measures. This little-known episode significantly advances scholarly understanding of rural civil rights activism. Notably this story reveals complex dualities including: a local grassroots movement bolstered by a national framework of organizations and social networks; leadership on national, state and local levels; collaboration despite tensions along race, age, class and gender lines; coexistence of nonviolent strategies and armed self-defense; and varied initiatives demonstrating activists' focus on local needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article explores diasporic activist memory narration on social media. We analyze the multimodal content and comments on the Instagram account "Armenians in Lebanon" (AiL), Instagram's affordances, and interview data with their social media manager to understand how memory is narrated, how specific audiences respond to it, and how Instagram as a platform shapes it. We found three temporally non-linear memory activist narratives—"Survival," "Suffering," and "Never Forget." These narratives leverage Instagram's affordances of visuality, scalability, and interactivity and combine social media branding practices with framing to recount the past so as to serve the diaspora Armenians' present and future needs of genocide recognition and reparations. In the narrative, Armenians are positioned as both continually suffering because of, and thriving despite of Turkey, as well as committed to extending their quest for genocide recognition into the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Party switching among legislative candidates has important implications for accountability and representation in democratizing countries. We argue that party switching is influenced by campaign costs tied to the clientelistic politics that persist in many such countries. Candidates who are expected to personally pay for their campaigns, including handouts for voters, will seek to affiliate with parties that can lower those costs through personal inducements and organizational support. Campaign costs also drive candidate selection among party leaders, as they seek to recruit candidates who can finance their own campaigns. We corroborate these expectations with an original survey and embedded choice experiment conducted among parliamentary candidates in Zambia. The conjoint analysis shows that candidates prefer larger parties that offer particularistic benefits. The survey further reveals that parties select for business owners as candidates—the very candidates most likely to defect from one party to another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump secured their respective party's 2016 nominations only after raucous, spirited debates among delegates at the start of each party convention. Groups and their preferred candidates behaved consistently with the policy demanders view of parties, which identifies parties as comprised of coalitions of groups with strong policy preferences that negotiate with one another for influence in the party decision-making and policy process. Using the 2016 Convention Delegate Study, the longest standing survey of Democratic and Republican Party activists, we examine intra-party groups as new delegates are folded into the framework along with returning delegates. We assess how the theory of parties as comprised of policy-demander groups works in a context of high external party polarization. The competition between these groups to recast their party in its preferred image in the absence of a standard party bearer for either party holds important implications for Democrats and Republicans in future presidential and congressional elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In March 2018, the Irish government confirmed that a referendum would be held on 25 May, allowing for the Irish public to vote on the legalisation of abortion. The same month, Together for Yes – the national civil society campaign advocating for a 'Yes' vote in the referendum – was launched. This article draws upon findings from 27 in-depth interviews conducted in December 2019 and January 2020 with Irish abortion activists, to explore the moral and emotional construction of abortion within the 'Yes' campaign. This research suggests that the 'Yes' campaign, which secured 66% of the votes cast in the referendum, framed abortion as a negative affective object and constructed the moral permissibility of abortion along rather conservative lines. Data from the first year of abortion provision in the Republic of Ireland reveals that abortion seekers still face huge obstacles in accessing services in the State. The legislation introduced in January 2019 allows abortion on request only until 12 weeks, whilst issues remain in relation to the refusal of care. This article, therefore, concludes that by framing abortion in conservative terms, the pro-choice campaign has not yet succeeded in destigmatising abortion in Ireland – an issue now translated into limited legislation and inadequate provision of services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Factory occupations are rare and sporadic events which shed light on the processes associated with the collective mobilization of workers' power. This article utilizes Kelly's agential and Atzeni's structural explanations of worker mobilization to examine two disputes which took place during Britain's long experience of deindustrialization: the occupations of Caterpillar's tractor factory in Uddingston, Scotland, during 1987 and Vestas' wind turbine plant on the Isle of Wight during 2009. Each occupation shared the context of multinational divestment and collective workforce grievance based on a common perception that their plant was economically viable and vital to the local economy. However, contrasting sources of leadership mobilized this sentiment in each case: union stewards from within Caterpillar, socialist activists from outside at Vestas. The article concludes that an effective explanation of occupations must synthesize structural and agential factors, emphasizing the coalescing role of activist networks and workers' perceptions of their labour's social utility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When studying digital protest, researchers generally focus on the linguistic content produced by activists and supporters. The images associated with this content, however, are not given equal attention. This study will attempt to assess the role that images play in the narratives of activists who are not addressing issues explicitly tied to the physical body. I analyze the digital content of two social movements: 'The Occupy Wall Street Movement' and 'The Swan Queen Movement'. Discourse analysis, both linguistic and visual, of the social media content (Tumblr specifically) from the movements reveals that these images serve the purposes of embodiment. This contradicts much of the literature on the Internet and embodiment, which posits that the Internet better serves the purposes of disembodiment and disconnection from consistent identity practices. I argue that this work sheds light on how activists are re-defining what it means to be embodied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While considerable scholarly attention has focused on analysing the role and impact of new media during the Arab Spring uprisings of 2010–2011, comparatively little research has been devoted to examining how online activism has changed in response to the regime stabilisation measures undertaken by the governments which survived the unrest. Characterising the de-liberalisation policies of post–Arab Spring states as 'authoritarian downgrading', this article considers how the growing involvement of authoritarian regimes in online spaces is impacting activists' use of new media technologies. Adopting Bahrain as a case study, we present the results of a survey of Bahraini political activists conducted in 2017 and consider whether activists' perceptions of their online safety and security are impacting their use of new media through behaviours such as self-censorship, the adoption of pseudonyms and the preferencing of direct messaging apps over Arab Spring-era social media platforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a case study of a group of Neapolitan political activists incarcerated in Naples after the 1848 Revolution, this article aims to rescue the Italian convicts' experience from its subsidiary status, presenting the prisons as a site of struggle and in particular highlighting the international, European dimension of political imprisonment in the nineteenth century. I argue that together with the exiled, political prisoners also acted as transnational actors of the Risorgimento; they aroused the interest of both public opinion and the world of diplomacy and were perceived as a humanitarian cause. Neapolitan political prisoners became spokespersons of their national and political cause abroad, had a clear agency and exploited European public opinion. This study will thus explore the dynamics of the Risorgimento from a transnational perspective, as well as in relation to British and French imperialistic policies in the Mediterranean, the international de-legitimization of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, and more generally in terms of foreign humanitarian interventions in the nineteenth century and the role of political prisoners. The Neapolitan dungeons were not significantly different from those of other European states; however, they became the target of international diplomacy showing how Naples was considered somewhat in between European and non-European states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the fight for equality, outgroup allies have played a critical role. Despite this, little is known about what motivates these individuals and keeps them committed long term. The current research applies Omoto and Snyder's (1995) volunteerism model to better understand the experiences of White ally activists. White individuals (N = 355) involved in racial justice work completed an online survey assessing antecedents (helping personality, motivations, social support), experiences (satisfaction, sense of community), and consequences (degree of involvement, well-being) of their antiracism work. Results showed a direct link between social support and degree of involvement, and an indirect link mediated by sense of community. Additionally, there was a direct link between social support and well-being, and an indirect link mediated by satisfaction. Helping personality and other-focused motives were not related to the outcomes. Implications for future research and for those working with White ally activists are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a working class man, born into the movement of organized labour in Britain, I am implicated in that failure referred to above, to achieve the unity and unionization we might have aspired to with black workers. This takes us to the internal conflict of organized labour in the West, emphasized by Andrews, (see above) that unions negotiating improved pay and conditions for their members are doing no more than claiming their own share of the profits of colonialism and slavery. Perhaps the most disturbing thing about this encounter with "whiteness" is not its privileges but the shared unconscious phantasy, the belief in the social unconscious, that those privileges are deserved and earned by the superiority of white European society or perhaps more precisely, of white I people i . Post-colonial studies developed from the 1970s to study and describe the impact of colonialism on colonized societies and its lasting legacies, including the continuing relations between those societies and the West. [Extracted from the article]

In recent years, many studies invoking epigenetic mechanisms have focused on nutrition, studying the epigenetic incidence of stress in African-American populations who suffered the trauma of slavery or on prenatal stress transmitted from African-American mothers to their offspring. According to some studies, this traumatic memory is transmitted according to a transgenerational mechanism and induces a modification of the epigenome (which is to be understood as a key variable in the expression of an individual's genes) of a large number of individuals whose ancestors – still according to these studies – underwent a metabolic change related to slavery, due, notably, to nutritional deprivations. While the transgenerational transmission mechanism of trauma is still being questioned by many epigenetic researchers today, and thus not universally accepted by the peer community, it is interesting to consider that activists in favor of reparations related to slavery, especially African Americans, as well as anthropologists and philosophers, are increasingly citing this reasoning of cause and effect as 'proof'– which allegedly demonstrates that 'race' has indeed entered the body through the epigenome. This new research, coupled with its wide reception, have contributed to define biology as an object that is 'social', and which individuals can therefore exploit to their advantage in their demands for reparations. This article will therefore seek to cast light upon the complex intertwinement between the field of epigenetic productions and the circulation of theories and concepts in activists' circles demanding reparations, as well as in newspapers featuring science columns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article develops an interdisciplinary, relational approach to political power as a theoretical framework for analyzing how grassroots immigration activists interact with and influence elites responsible for constructing immigration policy. We illuminate this theoretical approach with examples from ethnographic field research with pro- and anti-immigration grassroots activists in southern Arizona to show how competing narrative frames about the border are used by grassroots actors as part of their efforts to influence elite policy-making. We conclude that shifts in US immigration policy have been shaped by intra-class, racialized, conflicts between pro- and anti-immigration factions within the working class, and vertical alliances between elite factions from above and working-class factions from below. We suggest that the criminology of mobility can be advanced by utilizing an interdisciplinary, relational theory of political power to examine how intra-class struggle and inter-class alliances dynamically shape immigration narratives and policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Three studies were carried out in natural settings of mass gatherings to examine the interplay between activist identity and self-expansion and their relationship with willingness to engage in future collective actions. Study 1 was conducted among activists and supporters of equal rights for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals; Study 2 involved participants in a nationwide charity event; and Study 3 included members of a religious group. The results showed a statistically significant positive relationship between self-perceived activist identity and collective action (CA) tendency (Studies 1, 2, and 3). Moreover, the interaction between activist identity and self-expansion plays a role in predicting CA, with self-expansion related to willingness to engage in progroup behaviors when activist identity is low but not when activist identity is high (Studies 2 and 3). This interaction statistically significantly predicted collective action tendency when nonmaterialistic relational self-expansion and nonrelational self-expansion were considered but not when materialistic self-expansion was tested (Study 3). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social media create new channels for young people to engage with civic and political issues outside the confines of traditional public institutions. While social media present new opportunities for youth who were previously excluded from formal channels of political participation, increasingly, these platforms also subject youth to surveillance, censorship, and other forms of repression. In this study, I examine digitally active, young civic actors in Cambodia, an authoritarian regime with a demographic youth bulge and rapidly increasing uptake of social media. Specifically, I focus on social media tactics employed by youth to navigate contentious politics and express dissent under state control and surveillance.The findings show how young activists rely heavily on hidden tactics to exert influence on public issues using social media in highly contentious, high-risk political climates. This study offers insights into the dynamics of digitally mediated civic action and state power situated in broader social, cultural contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines George Benson’s early career as a political activist. By the early 1940s, with assistance from prominent businessmen, Benson reached millions of Americans in the non-metropolitan Midwest, West, and South in an effort to combat New Deal liberalism. Benson, who also served as President of the Church of Christ-affiliated Harding College in Arkansas, contradicts conventional wisdom regarding two distinguishing features of modern conservatism: its affinity with populist discourse and ‘western’ cultural precepts, and its incorporation of religious and economic conservatism. Historians portray these facets of conservatism as the product of the 1960s and 1970s or the postwar Sunbelt. Drawing on his experiences on the Oklahoma frontier, Benson re-orientated regional cultural tropes to create a populist critique of ‘big government’ as an affront to individualism and localism, and to suggest that corporate, consumer capitalism was the heir to self-reliant frontier traditions. Benson’s fusion of economic and religious conservatism departed from religious traditions that celebrated agrarian living and harbored reservations about modern capitalism. Benson demonstrates that the right’s subsequent successes in the Midwest, South and West necessitated a greater degree of cultural readjustment than has been recognized and that this readjustment derived from a generational adaptation to economic modernity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We introduce a new dataset measuring if and how rebel groups earn income from the exploitation of natural resources or criminal activities. The Rebel Contraband Dataset makes three contributions to data in this area. First, it covers a wide range of natural resources and types of crime. Second, it measures rebel engagement in these activities over time. Third, it distinguishes among different strategies that rebel groups employ, such as extortion and smuggling. Theory suggests that reliance on natural resource wealth should lead rebels to mistreat civilians, but cross-group research using existing data does not find support for this relationship. We replicate an earlier study using data from the Rebel Contraband Dataset and conclude that there is a consistent relationship between natural resource exploitation and civilian victimization. Future research can use the dataset to explore questions about the onset, location, severity, and outcomes of civil conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the social stigma associated with sex workers and the conditions necessary for eliminating them. Topics include the types of sex workers who face social stigmas, how the legal system can bring about change, and the challenges faced by activists in bringing about destigmatization of sex workers.

Why do parties offer broad or narrow policy agendas to voters? Taking up the call to focus more on 'issue diversity' in election campaigns, this article argues that agenda scope is informed by (1) parties' experience with government participation and (2) their internal organizational structure. Non-governing challengers, which are losers in the current system, seek to change the political status quo by focusing on a few issues only, whereas mainstream parties have an incentive to reinforce existing patterns of competition and thus distribute their attention across a wide range of issues. However, the extent to which parties respond to these external stimuli depends on intraparty politics. Party leaders seek to satisfy vote- and office-seeking motivations and want to 'appeal broadly', whereas activists want the party to 'speak to the base' and narrow down its issue appeals. Analyses of party agendas in 18 European democracies (1950-2013) support these expectations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through interviews with Korean political activists, this research explores the material culture of Korean social movements, with a particular focus on artifacts of the police and protesters from the 1980s to the 2000s. First, the article analyses the symbolic meaning of artifacts and their sensory–emotional impact on protesters. Second, it explores the relationship between artifacts and protest culture, looking at how artifacts concern the gendered performance and hierarchical culture of protesters. Finally, the author examines the correlation between artifacts and protest space in terms of how the emergence of artifacts involves the availability and mobility of protest space. Through artifacts, protesters’ emotions are less spiritual than sensory or corporeal. Hierarchical and gendered aspects of protest culture depend on the types of protest artifacts and their use in protest performances. The use of artifacts in protest performances is restricted by the characteristics of protest space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes sensory aspects of material politics in social movements, focusing on two police tools: evidence-collecting cameras and noise meters for protest surveillance. Through interviews with Korean political activists, this article examines the relationship between power and the senses in the material culture of Korean protests and asks why cameras and noise meters appeared in order to control contemporary peaceful protests in the 2000s. The use of cameras and noise meters in contemporary peaceful protests evidences the exercise of what Michel Foucault calls ‘micro-power’. Building on material culture studies, this article also compares the visual power of cameras with the sonic power of noise meters, in terms of a wide variety of issues: the control of things versus words, impacts on protest size, differential effects on organizers and participants, and differences in timing regarding surveillance and punishment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses oral history interviews and archival sources to investigate the entanglements between East and West German activists of 1968. Cold War Berlin remained an important zone of exchange between East and West after the border closure of 1961; the study focuses on what a particular group of young East Berliners with oppositional leanings, who engaged in different forms of political and cultural experimentation in the late 1960s, and who took their ideas from both Eastern Socialist reformers and Western New Leftists, made of their direct encounters with the Western revolt. The article shows that the connections between East and West around 1968 were indeed striking, but contends that these produced ambiguous results; both attraction and aversion marked the exchanges and personal interactions of Eastern and Western activists in this period. Engaging with the broader literatures on the 'transnational 1960s' and the 'asymmetrical entanglement' of the two Germanies after 1945, this research suggests that the two German states represent a fruitful case to study the meaning of trans-nationalism around 1968 for the opposite reason of what one may intuitively expect. Encounters between the Socialist East and liberal capitalist West could be facilitated with relative ease, because of the geographical proximity of the two states and the shared language, but, far from spelling ever-greater convergence, increasing connections and closeness could actually foster a greater sense of difference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New media outlets have been deemed a vital instrument for protesters and opposition groups to coordinate activities in the recent civilian uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa. But what happens when regimes respond by shutting down the internet? I argue that governments have a strategic incentive to implement internet blackouts in conjunction with larger repressive operations against violent opposition forces. Short-term intermissions in communication channels are expected to decrease opposition groups’ capabilities to successfully coordinate and implement attacks against the state, allowing regime forces to strengthen their position. Network blackouts should consequently be accompanied by significant increases in military activity. Analyzing daily documented killings by the government in the Syrian civil war, I find that blackouts occur in conjunction with significantly higher levels of state repression, most notably in areas where government forces are actively fighting violent opposition groups. In addition, I estimate the number of undocumented conflict fatalities prior to and during network blackouts to test whether they are implemented to hide atrocities from outside observers, and find no support for this hypothesis. The results indicate that such network blackouts constitute a part of the military’s strategy to target and weaken opposition groups, where the underreporting of violence is not systematically linked to outages. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Neoliberal urban governances are now widely recognised as contingently manifest and constantly evolving social and institutional formations. Yet, there remains comparatively little empirical work on the place-specific complexities of urban neoliberalisation, and as variegated formations within the same city. Drawing on Chicago’s Bronzeville and Pilsen neighbourhoods, we reveal the intra-urban contingency character of neoliberal urban governance. Both ‘neighbourhood governances’ in Bronzeville and Pilsen, we suggest, are constituted by similar yet different ensembles of developers, local officials and politically oriented community organisations, and redevelopment strategies. Second, we illuminate one dimension of this intra-urban contingency: the mutually constitutive and differentially unfolding relation between contestation and neoliberal governance. Finally, four inter-related variables are revealed as mediating factors within this relationship that account for why Bronzeville and Pilsen’s governances have evolved in different ways: historical legacy, the dynamics between activist groups and pro-growth agents, economic circumstances and political orientation of contestation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The use of violent coercion to repress unarmed protests, such as that seen during the Arab Spring, sometimes backfires on the government – an outcome called ‘political jiu-jitsu’. Examining unique global data covering extreme violence used by governments against unarmed protests from 1989 to 2011 (drawn from UCDP) and the Nonviolent and Violent Campaigns and Outcomes (NAVCO) data, this study aims to explain the conditions under which this outcome occurs. This study contributes to both the nonviolent action and one-sided violence literatures by further disaggregating this effect into both domestic and international outcomes, a distinction that has not previously been made in empirical studies. We find evidence that a pre-existing campaign infrastructure increases the likelihood of increased domestic mobilization and security defections after violent repression, but is unrelated to international backlash. Within ongoing NAVCO campaigns we find that parallel media institutions increase the likelihood of increased domestic mobilization and international repercussions after repression, and that this effect holds true for both traditional media and ‘new’ (i.e. internet-based) media. One of the novel contributions of this study is that we identify an important selection effect in the NAVCO data and the critical role of organizational infrastructure, especially communications infrastructure, in generating preference changes that create the conditions where killing unarmed civilians becomes costly for repressive governments. We conclude with a discussion of the potential implications of this study and avenues for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]