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Studies on the drivers of public sector wage setting (PSWS) within the broader political and economic conditions in Central and Eastern Europe are scarce. To fill this gap, the paper questions to what extent the export-led growth model, based on foreign direct investment as driver of economic growth, influenced PSWS in Czechia and Slovakia after the 2008–2009 crisis. The paper provides new evidence of the appropriateness of the growth model literature, integrated by consideration of global production chains integration, for understanding PSWS in CEE conditions. The analysis shows that PSWS followed institutional traditions and established practices that only indirectly related to the countries' export orientation and integration into global production chains. The indirect growth model impact on PSWS in CEE conditions is channeled through a strong role of the statutory minimum wage, which serves as a wage benchmark both for the export sector and PSWS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fall of communism in Eastern Europe did not bring about a radical and immediate destruction of the material heritage of communist dictatorships in the region. In fact, the process of de-commemoration has been more contested and more protracted than had been anticipated. Thus, what warrants a closer consideration is why this is the case since on the whole public acceptance of the regime change has been very high. This paper considers the case of Poland, the country of the Solidarity movement, which played a major role in the fall of communism in the region. The two-decade-long history of the right-wing nationalists' attempts to legislate street renaming culminating in the so-called de-communization law of 2016 will serve as a lens for investigating the responses that favoured the de-communization of public space. The paper argues that the protracted nature of the remaking of public landscape in Poland has been the result of the country's transitional legacies and different approaches to transitional justice among the former dissident opposition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Urban Studies (Sage Publications, Ltd.) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores the relevance of the decolonial approach for analyses of postsocialist disablement, taking as its test case the analytical tool of the 'postsocialist disability matrix'. The question we pose is how much decolonial critique can the analyses of postsocialist disablement embrace without becoming reactionary amidst growing illiberalism and social abandonment in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE)? We provide an overview of postsocialist illiberalism, assess critically some central arguments in decolonial disability studies and outline the production of 'southern bodies/minds' as a key feature of social abandonment in CEE. We conclude that decolonising disability in the postsocialist region needs to go beyond the North versus South binary to account for the specific experiences of disabled people inhabiting the 'poor North'. Given these considerations, the double-edged critique implied in the original formulation of the 'postsocialist disability matrix' as scepticism towards both the state and the market could also help embrace the decolonising imperative while remaining sceptical towards both Northern and Southern theory production in disability studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Detailed palaeogeographical studies of the accumulative fan in the Serteyka River valley in W Russia and underlying biogenic deposits were carried out. The base of a representative core of biogenic sediments in the distal zone is dated to 1291 BC, while its top to 1631 AD. In this paper, palynological, plant macrofossils, Chironomide and Cladocera, geochemical, geochronological and sedimentological analysis were performed. Four phases of biogenic deposition were distinguished by pollen and geochemical analyses. Two of them coincide with the climatic fluctuation during Medieval Climate Anomaly and Little Ice Age. During the formation of the fan, overbank deposits were accumulated also, indicating numerous and intense floods, which are in line with the trend observed for other sites in this region. The accumulative fan is formed by lower, middle and upper deluvia and agricultural diamicton in its top. All units have specific sedimentological and geochemical features as well as low admixture of plant macrofossils. The beginning of the formation of this relief form dates back to the second half of the 17th century AD, and the end of the accumulation falls on the second half of the 18th century AD. Our work suggests that natural conditions had an impact on the formation and development of studied accumulative fan, however, the decisive factor causing the intensification of the slope processes were related with deforestation resulted from strong human impact, which was marked in palynological and macrofossils analyses (e.g. increase in the contribution of plants macrofossils related to agriculture). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent studies have explored the history of consumerism in communist Eastern Europe, suggesting that socialist consumption followed its own rhythm and logic. However, when it comes to waste-making and recycling existing literature focuses on post-industrial waste practices of the Soviet bloc, paying little attention to post-consumer waste. However, socialist societies did not follow the West's example and refrained from introducing single-use materials, such as disposable beverage containers. Could this also mean that socialists did a better job to deal with their own post-consumer waste than the West? The current scientific knowledge does not answer that question. To cover that gap in the research, this article situates socialist beverage containers and especially recyclable soft drink bottles made of glass in a wider discourse about the meaning of waste, discards, recycling, and material culture in socialism, particularly in Hungary. It suggests that the socialist waste dilemma was unique to Eastern European economies because of its social, ideological, and cultural layers, of which the scientific community has limited understanding. It proposes that despite different ideological foundations, the socialists battled with similar waste problems than in the West, however systematic differences were large enough to produce less post-consumer waste and recycle that waste more efficiently compared to the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the world, Eastern European critical theory is enjoying a moderate, yet exciting, resurgence. From its oppositional roots in praxis philosophy and critical sociology, this diffuse and dynamic tradition has expanded its field of concern to encompass, among other problems, the aporias of democracy, the Holocaust and legacies of totalitarianism, the vicissitudes of modern culture and the ethical imperatives of living after the grand narrative. In the process, Eastern European thought has come to figure as a vital alternative to the dominant tendencies emanating from Frankfurt and Paris. This essay surveys and introduces a collection of papers delivered at The International Conference of Marxist Critical Theory in Eastern Europe held in Chengdu, P.R.C., in November 2018. It both highlights the thematic range of contemporary scholarship on Eastern European critical theory and signals potential directions in future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to advance the literature on policy mobility by decentring the primacy of mobility itself and focusing on understanding what cities do in order to 'arrive at' localized versions of urban policy in relation to globally circulating ideas around creativity. The paper explores the performance of a particular local 'creative economy' in terms of institutional and strategic adjustments, key drivers and individuals and events, and the role of long-term local, national and international influences on 'creative cityness'. It does this through an analysis of cultural and creativity policy and local stakeholders in the cultural policy scene in Gdańsk, Poland, focusing on the local performative aspects of mobile policies and arguing the need to understand the formation of a 'common local project' as a form of intra-urban connectedness alongside inter-urban connectedness. The paper extends the range of contexts in which the 'creative city' has been analysed to include post-socialist, post-European Union accession Central and Eastern Europe, thus making an original contribution by studying these issues in the context of the complex multi-scalar relations between the city, national government and the supranational European Union and the ideological conflict between national authoritarian neoliberalism and urban and supranational scale (neo-)liberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amidst widespread shortages in the 1980s, consumers in late communist-era Eastern Europe strategically carried shopping bags with them everywhere in case an opportunity to pick up scarce goods arose. After 1989, the routine use of reusable string shopping bags declined in favor of single-use plastic bags provided in supermarkets. Over time, however, string bags were widely reconstituted as a popular nostalgic commodity. This paralleled, in reverse, the trajectory of plastic bags, especially those bearing Western branding, which had been desired but scarce commodities in the 1980s before postcommunist reforms rendered them ubiquitous. In this article, I argue that the shopping bag's function as both an instrument of consumption and a potential commodity in and of itself helps us better historicize how late communist shortage, the rupture of 1989, and the ensuing period of change transformed the perception and memory of the role of material objects in late twentieth-century Eastern Europe. To ascertain how their embedded meaning and social function has been constantly repurposed, I analyze representations of shopping bags in print and media culture from the 1980s and 1990s as well as nostalgic sources created more recently, alongside anecdotes and recollections in academic and commercial texts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relations of the Soviet Union, Cuba, and the East European socialist states with Nicaragua from Anastasio Somoza's removal in July 1979 until Violeta Chamorro's election victory in February 1990, using a wide array of original documents, collected from Polish, Hungarian, Bulgarian, German and Czech diplomatic, party and security services archives. It delves deeply into the motivations behind the Kremlin's circumscribed approach, attempting to break new ground by looking in detail at Moscow's communication and coordination with its East European allies and Cuba, aimed at supporting Managua without risking major confrontation with Washington. This research aims to contribute to the existing historiography by looking not only at the motivations behind Soviet and Eastern Bloc involvement, but also by taking into account the circumstances preventing Moscow and its allies from developing more comprehensive political and economic relations with the Sandinista regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Urban Studies (Sage Publications, Ltd.) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper brings theoretical and empirical contributions to the scholarship on dimensions of politics in Europe. On the theoretical side it emphasizes the differences between Western and Eastern countries; we argue that while in Western Europe the main dimension of political conflict is the economic left-right, in Eastern Europe the main dimension is more likely to encompass cultural issues associated primarily with what in the Western literature is known as the secondary, social left-right. We trace the origin of the difference to the 1990s when parties in Eastern Europe chose to emphasize cultural issues to appeal to an electorate unfamiliar with capitalist economics and dissatisfied with the economic left associated with Communism and the economic right associated with painful reforms. To test this assertion we apply the Optimal Classification vote scaling method to an original dataset of over 24,000 votes from 22 European parliaments; the statistical tests support the hypothesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses a new group of parties that we term anti-establishment reform parties (AERPs), which combine moderate social and economic policies with anti-establishment appeals and a desire to change the way politics is conducted. We analyse the electoral breakthroughs of AERPs in central and eastern Europe (CEE), the region where AERPs have so far been most successful. Examples include the Simeon II National Movement, Movement for the European Development of Bulgaria (GERB) (Bulgaria), Res Publica (Estonia), New Era (Latvia), TOP09 and Public Affairs (Czech Republic) and Positive Slovenia. We examine the conditions under which such parties broke through in nine CEE states in 1997–2012 using fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA). We find five sufficient causal paths combining high or rising corruption, rising unemployment and party system instability. Rising corruption plays a key role in most pathways but, unexpectedly, AERP breakthroughs are more closely associated with economic good times than bad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A vast body of research has, following Foucault, shown the scientific study of sexuality to be central to the construction of modernity and its Others, and to biopolitical categories of personhood and citizenship. Similarly, much historical work has acknowledged the critical role of the Eastern European Other in imagining the modern European West. Yet while representations of sexuality were critical to Eastern Europe’s invention, and have been increasingly visible elements of re-emerging European “neo-orientalisms,” there has been little scholarly concern with how such symbolic and political hierarchies were constructed through the historical intersections of ethnographic and sexual scientific practice, or with this history’s biopolitical implications. This paper examines the intersection of several such sexual-scientific imaginings. Focusing on the conjuncture between Hungarian scholar Géza Róheim’s psychoanalytic interpretations of European folklore and non-European ethnography, Sigmund Freud’s orientalizing construction of the key psychoanalytic concept of “phobia,” and scholarly analyses of postsocialist sexual politics, I argue that these intersecting scientific works joined evolutionist understandings of culture to theories of universal psychic development to read Eastern Europe as a site of psycho-sexual and civilizational immaturity, producing mutually-reinforcing narratives that fabricated Eastern European sexuality as a biopolitical marker of European difference. These overlapping sexual geotemporalities, I suggest, continue to inform current scholarly interpretations of postsocialist homophobia, (re)producing both Hungary and Eastern Europe as naturalized sites of homophobia, primitivity, and failed sexual citizenship, and rendering hegemonic the status of the region and its inhabitants as sexual Others of “European” modernity. By fabricating postsocialist homophobia as a scientific “fact,” such layered discourses sustain the biopolitical boundaries of modern European citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the results of multiproxy research (pollen, charcoal, plant macrofossil and testate amoebae) on the biogenic deposits core from Gorodetsky Moch, an ombrotrophic peatland in western Russia (Western Dvina Lakeland). We reconstructed the impact of disturbance on peatland development in the last 300 years by using chronology of the records based on 14C and 210Pb data set. The multiproxy reconstruction was compared with changes in the land cover using historical maps and Corona images, which provides a unique spatial analysis of past ecological and land-use changes. We aimed to determine the effect of local disturbances (drainage) and land-use changes (landscape openness) on the development of the peatland during the last 300 years. Our study suggests that human activity had a crucial impact on the development of the peatland in the last centuries. The analysis of testate amoebae and plant macrofossils revealed a clear disturbed layer in the second half of the 20th century CE. Most probably, the drainage of the peatland triggered changes in the community of testate amoebae and plants, thereby causing a functional shift in Sphagnum peatland ecosystem. The hydrological stress and vegetation composition shift led to the collapse of mixotrophic testate amoebae. However, the peatland showed strong resilience and recovered toward the end of the 20th century CE and the beginning of the 21st century CE, despite the lower water table. Our study shows an example of the peatland ecosystem that experienced a considerable stress but finally sustained the former function. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on the concept of Europeanization to assess the EU cohesion policy’s capacity to promote inclusive regional governance and cooperation in regional development initiatives in Central and Eastern European countries. EU cohesion policy is often credited with improving cooperation and coordination in the delivery of the regional development policy through the application of multi-level governance enshrined in the partnership principle. By imposing a close partnership among a variety of actors, cohesion policy has the capacity to alter domestic relations between the centre and the periphery, and to create a broader scope for regional and bottom-up involvement in economic development policy. However, a lack of tradition of decentralization and collaborative policy-making, as well as a limited capacity of sub-national actors, can result in uneven outcomes of the application of the partnership principle across countries and regions. This raises questions about the transferability of the partnership approach to new Member States characterized by weak sub-national institutions, a legacy of centralized policy-making and limited civic involvement. This paper addresses this issue by comparing horizontal partnership arrangements put in place for the purpose of cohesion policy implementation and examining their impacts on the patterns of sub-national governance. The horizontal partnership arrangements are compared across three regions in countries with differentiated systems of territorial administration: Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By combining securitization literature and literature from the field of border criminologies, this article reflects upon the ongoing securitization of intra-EU East–West mobility. The European Union is built on the inherent tension between the (economic) benefits and risks of one of its core principles: the principle of free movement. The two enlargements of the EU that led to the inclusion of several countries located in Central and Eastern Europe further increased this tension and led countries in Western Europe to officially reconstruct intra-Schengen borders. By looking into recent practices of (border) policing in the Netherlands, this article illustrates how CEE nationals are subjected not only to a securitized discourse around their mobility but also to securitized policing practices that aim to create a division between 'core' and 'non-core' Europeans while at the same time distinguishing between possible 'crimmigrant' others and bona fide travellers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most foreign capital-led, export-oriented Eastern EU member states and the consumption-driven Southern European countries suffered a heavy blow during the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) in 2008–09. The GFC exposed the vulnerability of these economies to external shocks and raised the need for readjustment of their growth models through state intervention. While the rise of illiberal governments drove readjustment in the East, the main driver was externally fomented in the South. This article focuses on state aid, a particular instrument of industrial policy, which has been a main vehicle for growth model readjustment. We seek to explore whether the provision of state aid in the two European semi-peripheries contributes to long-term post-crisis recovery by promoting competitive investments in two Eastern (Hungary and Poland) and two Southern EU members (Portugal and Spain). Relying on the European Commission's state aid database, we show that after 2013, in the consumption-driven South, governments aimed to strengthen supply through aid, while in the export-oriented East, they were more concerned about promoting exporting firms. The article thus reveals how state aid may preserve and reinforce existing growth models in the semi-periphery even if strategic aims and rhetoric target readjustment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The British decision to leave the European Union after the 2016 referendum raises questions about who could be next. This article analyzes why citizens in East European Member States would vote to leave the European Union in the event of further referendums. It proposes an analytical framework that seeks to explain this strong form of Euroscepticism through four variables that are rarely linked to the European Union: political apathy and alienation, dissatisfaction with domestic democracy and economy, conservative values, and social isolation. We use individual-level data from the 2018 wave of the European Social Survey to show that citizens' conservative attitudes and social isolation are robust determinants of a potential European Union exit vote in Eastern Europe. We also identify several country-specific causes, which means that the European Union faces particular challenges across political settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study comparatively examines the relationship between revitalization strategies and trade union power resources in Central Eastern Europe. It shows that the post-2008 weakening of union power resources in the region served as a catalyst for a wide range of revitalization strategies, many of which included elements not documented in the revitalization literature. In most cases, union revitalization strategies involved the mobilization of organizational and societal resources and were geared towards (re)building statutory rights for unions and (re)establishing legal guarantees for workers. This 'institutional longing', however, left many organizations oblivious to membership decline, which may threaten their long-term survival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some recent anthropological accounts of middle classes centred on their indebted home-ownership. They stressed its two contrastive logics fitting a wider binary – exposing 'squeezed' middle classes in the global North to increasing risks, and supporting the ascent of their 'new' counterparts in the South. The genealogy of middle-class housing debt in Croatia presented in this article reveals another, post-socialist trajectory where mundane and opaque institutional practices regulating access to housing finance, such as bank credit scoring and the allocation of state housing benefits, were key in steering a middle class inherited from socialism towards mortgaged home-ownership. The latter was articulated as a middle-class experience only after the 2000s credit boom had come to an end and the consequences of rampant predatory lending became visible and subject to contestation. The resulting middle-class subjectivities are ambiguous and, as comparisons with other Eastern European cases suggest, accessible for a range of political projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Urban Studies (Sage Publications, Ltd.) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Urban Studies (Sage Publications, Ltd.) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

'The world's shortest highway' is 1 metre long and was built in 2019 by a Romanian businessman as part of the campaign 'Romania wants highways'. This brought interesting evolutions to the landscape of social movements in Eastern Europe. It was a highly personalised campaign, one which faced several internal contradictions and displayed an uncritical adoption of stereotypes about progress and development. We argue that it produced a discourse that revolves around 'Westernisation' and 'nationhood'. As this article seeks to demonstrate, the campaign is framed in a discourse of 'entrepreneurial populism'. By analysing this discourse, we contribute with a peculiar case to the debates on the varieties of populism and on the culture of business celebrities. Our analysis indicates that, although this single-issue campaign is nominally about highways, its substance is rather about business celebrities occupying the space of social activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Radical right parties' calls for a strong and illiberal nation-state have travelled across the political spectrum into the mainstream in Eastern Europe since the 2000s, contributing to a rightward shift in the region's politics. The mechanisms behind such influences in Eastern Europe are not yet fully understood. Focusing on the strength of radical right parties and mainstream parties' strategic reactions to them, this study explores how and under what circumstances radical right parties exert influence on mainstream parties' general political positions and on their positions concerning ethnic and national minorities – a group frequently targeted by radical right intolerance in the region. Shifts in parties' positions are analyzed using comparative data from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey and the authors' own Viadrina Expert Survey. The study finds that where mainstream parties formally or informally cooperated with radical right parties or coopted their agenda, lasting rightward position shifts are observable. Consequently, the authors argue that by contributing to rightward shifts, especially on positions concerning minorities, radical right parties play a role in undermining liberal democratic values, thus contributing to the 'depletion of democracy'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reflecting on the thousands of diverse research studies of social media representation and digital privacy, this article presents a comprehensive summary of online personal strategies. First, the evolution of academic concepts about digital identity and the online self is summarised. Then, the article investigates the key dynamics of personal strategies and control issues in detail with ideas, experiences, stories and metaphors taken from 60 qualitative interviews from Central and Eastern Europe and Southeast Asia. According to the key findings of this article, the universal patterns of online personal strategies follow mostly conscious decisions, resulting in users maintaining 70% control of their digital footprints. However, the remaining 30% of online activities are unconscious floating with digital dynamics and resulting in a wide range of non-expected consequences from identity theft to kidnapping. In summary, an intercultural and intergenerational model highlights the complexity and diversity of the studied field, providing a reference framework for future studies. The closing section presents a discussion of those findings of this study that are inconsistent with commonplace assumptions and conclusions present in the academic literature, promoting for study those subjects that still need to be extended or explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1989 revolutions in Central and Eastern Europe and the subsequent transitions have commonly been interpreted in political terms, as movements towards democracy, or in economic terms, as escape from the command economy towards the free market. We revisit the problem to suggest a different reading. We argue that in the legitimization crisis of real socialism, a pivotal role was played by the burden of social oversaturation and bureaucratic arbitrariness, which met its desired alternative in social imaginaries of impersonal, objective social system. For the citizens of Central and East European countries, this fantasy was matched by the promise of the free market, which was morally contrasted to the experience of daily life under late socialism. We argue that this desire to escape from arbitrariness to objectivity is a particularly strong motive in the imaginary of modernity which found one of its historical manifestations in the disappointment with real socialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main sets of ideas that dominated discourses on market-making and democratization in Eastern Europe during the 1990s concerned: first, the superiority of market-led mechanisms of exchange and distribution with individual responsibility and entrepreneurship; and second, the conservative gender order, with women disappearing from the public domain, now being responsible for domestic sphere and the biological reproduction of the nation. Suppressed when these countries were on the path for joining the European Union, the ideas have been now recurring in a new form, representing the basis for the right-wing populist turn in several of the post-communist countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bringing together empirical studies of former communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe, this Special Issue explores the relationship between censorship and self-censorship. All the cases under consideration share a history of state-led censorship. Importantly, however, the authors argue that journalism in the former Eastern bloc has developed features similar to those observed in many countries which have never experienced state socialism. This introduction presents the theoretical framework and the historical backgound that provide the backdrop for this Special Issue's contributions, all of which take a journalist-focused angle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the productive strategy adopted by Renault for its Dacia plant in Romania. It proposes a detailed analysis of the conditions for the success of the Logan project – Renault's radical approach to the concept of the low-cost automobile. We look into both market- and production-related aspects that have made the Logan work and highlight the tensions sparked by Renault's drive to capitalize on its favourable market situation as well as the success achieved by Dacia's workers in defending their interests. In particular, we emphasize the company governance compromises that have shaped industrial relations at Dacia over the past decades and show how in recent years the maintaining of such a compromise has come increasingly into question due to threats by automation and relocation in a context of constantly rising wages and improving working conditions. Finally, we discuss the strategic dilemmas facing both management and labour and their possible resolutions, as well as the relevance of the Dacia case for understanding the future of Central and Eastern Europe as a peripheral region attracting automotive foreign direct investments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of the economic crisis and its aftermath on collective bargaining, by comparing reactions to austerity policies of trade unions in healthcare and education in Romania. We develop an encompassing theoretical framework that links strategies used by trade unions with power resources, costs and union democracy. In a tight labour market generated by the massive emigration of doctors, unions in healthcare have successfully deployed their resources to advance their interests and obtain significant wage increases and better working conditions. We also show that in the aftermath of the crisis, healthcare trade unions have redefined their strategies and adopted a more militant stance based on a combination of local strikes, strike threats and temporary alliances with various stakeholders. By comparison, we find that unions in the education sector have adopted less effective strategies built around negotiations with governments combined with national-level militancy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Differences in welfare attitudes of Eastern and Western Europeans have often been explained in terms of legacies of communism. In this article, we explore evaluations of healthcare systems across European countries and argue that East–West differences in these evaluations are explained by differences in the current institutional design of healthcare systems in the two regions. The empirical analysis is based on the fourth round of the European Social Survey, applying multilevel and multilevel mediation analysis. Our results support the institutional explanation. Regional differences in healthcare evaluations are explained by institutional characteristics of the healthcare system, that is, lower financial resources, higher out-of-pocket payments, and lower supply of primary healthcare services in Eastern compared to Western European countries. We conclude that specific aspects of the current institutional design of healthcare systems are crucial for understanding East–West differences in healthcare evaluations and encourage research to further explore the relevance of institutions for differences in welfare state attitudes across socio-political contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following draws attention to the rather messy and uncertain aspects of international production as well as the increasingly shared turmoil screen media workers face no matter their geographical location. I argue that international production is not just an inevitable consequence of cost cutting and public subsidy but a product of human labor obscured in both popular and scholarly accounts of runaway production. I furthermore highlight the contours of that labor by drawing attention to the work of service producers in Eastern Europe. Looking more closely at conditions 'on the ground' makes visible the demanding and vulnerable nature of that work, and underscores the shifting spatial dynamics of screen media labor worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order for ‘carve-out’ pension privatization to improve long-term sustainability, the transition should not be predominantly debt financed, and private pension funds should deliver (net) rates of return tangibly higher than gross domestic product (GDP) growth. We show that none of the reforming countries in Eastern Europe was successful in fulfilling these two preconditions, even before the emergence of the global financial crisis. While existing literature mostly describes a recent wave of reform reversals as politically driven short-sighted policies that deteriorate long-term sustainability, we argue the contrary: that pension privatization structural deficiencies and disappointing performance allow reversals to improve the short-term stance without necessarily undermining long-term pension sustainability. We conclude that unless political consensus exists to support the multi-decade fiscal austerity required to finance pension privatization, reform adjustments and reversals can be a rational alternative to maintaining economically suboptimal or politically unstable pension systems in some Eastern European countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Credit inclusion has emerged as an important policy issue in post-communist member states of the European Union because of reductions in state welfare. Sub-prime lenders have emerged to fill the gap left by welfare cuts for low-income consumers who do not qualify for mainstream credit. Home collected credit has become established in post-communist member states but high interest and administrative costs make this an expensive option resulting in vulnerable people becoming involved in a cycle of indebtedness. Some of the important consequences for social policy are addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the main influences of media ownership transformation on improvement of democratic society during the post-socialist period in Serbia. The purpose of this article is to examine, by use of a comparative method and theoretical analysis of the legal documents as sources, progress achieved in harmonizing national media legislation with the European regulatory frame and to suggest key problems resulting from this process. We conclude that transposition of the European media policy standards into the Serbian media laws in the period 2000-2016 has been successful. Despite successful harmonization with European media legislation, development of market media system model in Serbia does not guarantee conditions for democratic public debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research dismisses the possibility that populist, male-dominated parties could positively affect gender equality. Yet, evidence from Eastern Europe points at the opposite: Center-rightist formations, led by notable men, have effectively nominated women to office. What can explain such a puzzling phenomenon? This study argues that i) the centralized structure and practices in these populist parties make it possible to avoid the reluctance of gatekeepers to let female candidates run; and that ii) regardless of ideological or cultural predispositions, supporters loyally approve the nomination decisions made by their charismatic leader. We analyze data on three populist parties in Bulgaria and Poland. Our findings confirm that these formations elected more women than the leftist parties because of strategies to nominate female candidates higher on the list. Voters were also more likely to favor female candidates in the open-list system in Poland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While parties in many new democracies frequently split, merge, change labels, and make and break electoral alliances, comparative systematic research on how these changes are related to each other is limited. This study addresses this gap by conceptualizing change as a result of intra-party conflicts, conflicts in or consolidation of existing electoral alliances, and the formation of new alliances and mergers. We develop measures for each type of change using an original dataset that covers almost 800 party-electoral term dyads in 11 countries in Central and Eastern Europe in the period between 1990 and 2015. Our findings contradict the idea of party change as a uni-dimensional phenomenon. Instead we find that exits from existing electoral alliances, their consolidation through mergers, and the formation of new alliances and mergers are moderately related to each other, but not with intra-party splits. Our findings suggest that parties and their alliances structure political competition in Central and Eastern Europe relatively well. Moreover, negative consequences of party change on representation and accountability are limited, as under the relative absence of multiple and nearly simultaneous changes in party identity the electorate should be able to follow party evolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article revisits the once popular issue of the socio-occupational profile of Hasidism, arguably the most important socio-religious movement of modern Jewry. Well-known anecdotal materials are confronted with much broader archival sources, mainly from central Poland in the first half of the nineteenth century. These are both rich narrative sources (anti-Hasidic denunciations by the kahal elders, official reports on the Hasidic conflicts in the communities, etc.) and, most importantly, quantitative materials, which allow for the analysis of four Jewish communities in central Poland and one in Belarus. These materials provide a unique picture of the occupational and financial profile of the Hasidic groups in these localities (as confronted with the picture of the entire communities) and, by implication, of the whole Hasidic movement. Contrary to the prevailing orthodoxy, these new materials point to Hasidim’s relative affluence, as well as to their tendency to cluster in commercial professions and to avoid the crafts. More broadly, it points to the dynamic character of class–church interdependence and the ideological and cultural factors creating them. It also confirms the correlation between a religious group’s strictness and its strength and attractiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article applies the Foucauldian premise of governmentality and the analytics of government framework to demonstrate how exclusive modalities of power – of the European Union (EU) and Russia – and their competing rationalities relate, intersect and become, counter-intuitively, inextricable in their exercise of governance over the eastern neighbourhood. This particular approach focuses on power as a process to gauge the prospects for compatibility and cohabitation between the EU and Russia. Using original primary evidence, this article contends that cohabitation between these two exclusive power modalities is possible and even inevitable, if they were to legitimise their influence over the contested eastern region. It also exposes a fundamental flaw in the existing power systems, as demonstrated so vividly in the case of Ukraine – that is, a neglect for the essential value of freedom in fostering subjection to one’s authority, and the role of ‘the other’ in shaping the EU–Russian power relations in the contested region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on profit-sharing and employee share ownership practices, with the aim of analysing the effect of company size and industry on financial participation, as well as the substitution or complementary effect of other direct and indirect participation methods adopted in Estonian private companies. The article uses survey data from more than 900 Estonian companies obtained via telephone interviews in 2011. The results indicate that share ownership is more common in micro enterprises, but contrary to expectations the incidence of employee financial participation is no higher in knowledge intensive sectors. The results also show that financial participation has different complementarities depending on the scheme. It seems that profit-sharing is part of the ‘package’ of employee participation, but this does not apply to employee share ownership. The article challenges the common understanding that certain innovative service sectors and bigger companies are more inclined to adopt employee financial participation; and raises doubts about the presumed development towards a higher degree of financial participation in Eastern European countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The extreme northeastern Europe constitutes a marginal historical transition zone from the, at least partially, agriculturally based economy of North Russia and the hunting-gathering economy of the indigenous Finnish and Samoyed peoples of the North. Climate and trade are crucial for the economy, and these are assumed to be the two main factors in understanding the regional historical development. I present a multi-archive mean annual temperature reconstruction for northeastern Europe spanning the past two millennia, which is used to develop a comparative chronology of climatic and historical events in the study region. It is argued that climate had a profound impact on the Slavic population’s economy and directions of migration, facilitating penetration into higher latitudes in warmer and abandonment in colder climatic phases. It is virtually certain that the mode and speed of development and northeastward expansion of the Russian State from the Middle Ages to the Modern Time were in many ways dependent on natural and geographical factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of mainstream feminism(s), Eastern-European women, coming from a post-Communist context are overwhelmed. As they have been unable to access the newest developments of feminist thought, feminist theology, they cannot find their own place and voice. In order to overcome this state of mind, this article puts forward an approach and a strategy. Drawing from the main ideas of contemporary Romanian and Transylvanian feminists – Mihaela Mudure, Mihaela Miroiu, Réka Geambasu, Enikő Magyari-Vincze and others – the article aims to start the quest for a fitting Eastern European-type of feminism. Post-Communist countries are the so-called ‘second world’. They need to find their own way, their own voice, similar to the ‘third world’, which has already started to do so. The knowledge and reception of the international feminist movement and its main oeuvre can help Central and Eastern European women theologians find those aspects that have supported others. Stating the specific situation of ‘second world’ women and seeking the theological aspects that describe their position and problems adequately, they can contribute to finding their one and only special voice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares the spread of broad-based individual performance-related pay practices (PRP) in Central and Eastern European (CEE) and Western European companies. The article investigates the dominance effect of multinational enterprises (MNEs) and the constraining effects of industrial relations, i.e. collective bargaining and union influence. A key finding is that we did not find stronger influence by US MNEs compared with other MNEs. Regarding the determinants of industrial relations, in general decentralised firm-level bargaining supports the adoption of PRP schemes, whereas a greater degree of unionisation tends to reduce it. However, the latter effect is not found in CEE countries with their more permissive industrial relations system. The fact that there are high levels of broad-based individual PRP in CEE, that there is no negative association with unionisation and a positive relationship with firm-level bargaining and no effect of MNEs suggests that this practice is well established in firms in CEE. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article discusses some current research claims on gender and state socialism in Eastern Europe from 1945 to 1989. It raises questions about claims by Revisionist Feminist Scholars that official state socialist women’s organizations were ‘agents’ on behalf of women, or women’s movements, perhaps feminist, and not ‘transmission belts’ of communist parties. State socialist policies are described as ‘friendly towards women’ and ‘pro-women’. In contrast, the author claims that these organizations both were and were not agents on behalf of women, and also prevented women’s agency. Meaningful women’s agency is not actually shown to occur intermittently throughout their history, but in two contexts – before 1955 or in moments of political rupture. Scholars do not distinguish the who, when, and what – Who could be agents? When could they be agents? And what kind of agents could they be? State policies, the author claims, were also at one and the same time ‘friendly’ and ‘unfriendly’ towards women, sometimes harming women. The author explores why this research is happening now, discussing research on Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, the Democratic Women’s Organization of Germany (DFD), the Democratic Association of Hungarian Women (MNDSZ), later renamed MNOT, the Romanian National Council of Women (CNF) and the Yugoslav Anti-Fascist Women’s Organization (AFZ). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]