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Over the last decade, there has been an expansion of scholarly and activist engagement with the commons. This interest corresponds to a growing quest for alternatives to capitalism in view of ongoing socio- ecological crises. As neoliberal capitalism intensifies enclosure of the commons, local actions to reclaim old commons and invent new ones to counter these processes are also on the rise. However, there are diverse conceptions of the commons, and pitfalls in their reproduction and in mobilizing this vocabulary in the dominant neoliberal individualistic culture. Our understanding remains limited about how spaces for commons and commoning practices can be expanded, as well as about specific practices, relations and imaginaries that support commons and subjectivities of being-in-common. This Special Issue on the "Commons, Commoning and Co-becomings" seeks to deepen our understanding of 'actually-existing' and 'more-than- human' commons in the world, and how ways of relating to them open up possibilities of responding to current socioenvironmental challenges and generating beyond-capitalist ways of life. Exploring commoning experiences in diverse settings, the papers assembled in this Special Issue illustrate the role that commons and commoning practices play in reconfiguring human-nature relations. Thinking with these papers, we draw attention to three interrelated areas: relational aspects of the work of commoning (practices, labor, care) in transforming our world and being transformed by it; the role of commons and commoning practices in generating subjectivities of being-in-common; and difference and divergences (or, un-commoning) that persist and emerge in commoning processes. We offer these themes as directions to better understand and enact the potential of commons and commoning for worlding—crafting, (re)producing—of a pluriverse of post-capitalist worlds and life in- common. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the collaborative process of creating covers for Feminist Review issues through collaging. It explores how this process embodies feminist values and promotes collective engagement. It also draws inspiration from the works of artists, activists, and zinesters like Ana Luísa Flores, Camila Mudrek, and Carla Duarte.

In this brief essay, I offer reflection on Norman Denzin's role as an academic activist in qualitative inquiry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We use the events of the civil rights movement of the 1960s as context in exploring deployment of ethical principles associated with activist democratic theory by New York Times editors. The ethical framework helped shape coverage of perceived injustices against minorities and set the tenor of confrontation with public officials. Subscription to activist journalism ethics assumes a lack of fairness in liberal democratic processes that take place within unequal social, economic, and political environments. These media tend to challenge the status quo more vigorously than do other media. A content analysis shows that the Times pursued the civil rights story with an activist zeal that got it entangled in the historic Sullivan libel lawsuit of 1960. The paper did not scale back its tone in challenging the social order in the South – even in the face of physical intimidation of reporters and in spite of the widely assumed 'chilling effects' of libel. This suggests that when media cover certain issues in an activist spirit, conventional restraints engendered by fear of libel may lose effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Hispanic Higher Education is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Birding has long been associated with environmental activism, from its origins as a scientific hobby in the nineteenth century to today's citizen scientist birders. My research with birders shows that despite their political activism, personal actions, and ecological beliefs, many disidentify as activists or environmentalists. Using data from 30 in-depth interviews and three years of ethnographic research with birders, I argue their disidentification comes from two interrelated sources. First, these birders followed the Audubon Society's approach of strategic centrism, espousing a centrist identity and strategy of conservation. Second, these birders disidentified with the identity of "environmental activist" because of negative cultural stereotypes about environmental activists, which was bolstered by the Audubon Society's strategic centrism. These mutually reinforcing phenomena create a situation that doubly discourages these birders from identifying as environmental activists. This paper contributes to sociological understandings of the interplay between culture, identity, and environmental activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces D.C. White business leaders' advocacy of (low-income) Black suburban relocation and White upper-class resettlement in D.C.'s central neighborhoods in the 1960s and 1970s. By examining the organizational papers and memos of meetings and policy documents from the Federal City Council, a D.C. nonprofit advocacy organization for the city's leading business and real estate leaders, I document how predominantly White business leaders appropriated fair housing and regional fair share political stances to articulate revanchist desires. These leaders' revanchist rhetoric depicted the Black poor—especially the single Black mother with children—as the primary figure of neighborhood blight and domestic deviance. In the wake of these revanchist politics, low-income Black mothers remained principal victims of pro-mobility policies and gentrification agendas that forced them to continually move to support demolition or redevelopment. This article affirms low-income Black mother activists' political support for placemaking and low-cost, family-friendly, and well-maintained communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationship between academia and activism. It explores the undergraduate experience of veteran 21st century Black student activist, David C. Turner, III, revealing the foundations of his academic and activist career in higher education. Framed in the context of student engagement and high impact educational practices, this paper argues that 21st century Black student activists are motivated by a belief in a society and world free from overt, insidious, and institutional racism. Furthermore, it argues that activism offers academically relevant learning opportunities. The article draws upon informal conversations and interactions, formal interviews, and Turner's published and unpublished writings. It chronicles Turner's undergraduate experiences at CSU, Dominguez Hills majoring in Africana Studies, president of the Organization of Africana Studies, and research and conference opportunities revealing the foundations of his pursuit of cultural grounding, academic excellence, and social responsibility. Furthermore, it highlights the links between intellectual and academic work, with activism and organizing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do human rights organizations (HROs) aid the consolidation of democracy in post-authoritarian states? It is often argued that these groups contribute to accountability for past repression. Yet HROs can have unintended consequences if they threaten the interests of powerful domestic institutions. This paper develops a simple model of human rights activism in post-authoritarian states. Civilian governments in these states trade off support from the military and human rights activists which seek to punish the military. Counterintuitively, the model predicts human rights activists make amnesty for the military more likely, as activists tempt the government to punish the military and the military becomes more likely to intervene in politics. The model's implications are tested using a sample of post-authoritarian states from 1970-2010. Results show that more HRO influence increases the likelihood of amnesty laws and military involvement in government, though HROs may achieve justice through pathways such as truth commissions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This manuscript is an interview of a local activist in NJ, Ms. Retha Onitiri. We asked her a series of questions that caused her to reflect on her life and journey as an activist. She is a notable activist that has forged immense change in the NJ Juvenile Justice System. She is also an experienced community organizer and mobilizer. She has organized around issues pertaining to the criminal legal system, economic inequality, accessibility, and other social issues. In this paper, Retha unpacks her life story and how that journey has influenced her work today. Her experiences as an activist is revealed, and she closes the interview by foregrounding the need for elders to embrace and prepare the next generation of activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The focus of this paper is young people's participation in the Occupy protest movement that emerged in the early autumn of 2011. Its concern is with the emotional dimensions of this and in particular the significance of emotions to the reasoning of young people who came to commit significant time and energy to the movement. Its starting point is the critique of emotions as narrowly subjective, whereby the passions that events like Occupy arouse are treated as beyond the scope of human reason. The rightful rejection of this reductionist argument has given rise to an interest in understandings of the emotional content of social and political protest as normatively constituted, but this paper seeks a different perspective by arguing that the emotions of Occupy activists can be regarded as a reasonable force. It does so by discussing findings from long-term qualitative research with a Local Occupy movement somewhere in England and Wales. Using the arguments of social realists, the paper explores this data to examine why things matter sufficiently for young people to care about them and how the emotional force that this involves constitutes an indispensable source of reason in young activists' decisions to become involved in Local Occupy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many protesters under authoritarian rule are "narrow in scope, involving only one or a few neighborhoods, villages, or groups of laid-off workers" and focus on demands that "have to do only with material interests and local grievances" (Lorentzen, 2013, p. 131). These protests typically blame local authorities and express loyalty to the political system. However, in the internet age, pro-democracy advocates often endorse and co-opt these local policy protests for their own ends. Does being endorsed by pro-democracy activists undermine support for these local policy protesters? Building on research suggesting that non-activists often perceive activists as extreme, I theorize that associating with pro-democratic frames can undermine support for local policy protesters by making the protesters seem more extreme and their protests less legal. Using an internet survey experiment in Vietnam, I find support for my argument. These findings highlight a challenge to building pro-democracy coalitions under authoritarian rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently protest camps have emerged around the world as a highly visible form of protest. Part and parcel of new social movement activism for over 40 years, they are important sites and catalysts for identity creation, expression, political contention and incubators for social change. While research has punctually addressed individual camps, there is lack of comparative and comprehensive research that links historic and contemporary protest camps as a unique area of interdisciplinary study. Research on the phenomenon to date has remained punctual and case based. This paper proposes to study protest camps as a distinct new field of research in social movement studies. Existing literature is critically reviewed and framed in three thematic clusters of spatiality, affect and autonomy. On the basis of this review the paper develops a research approach based on the analysis of infrastructures used to make protest camps.We contest that an infrastructural analysis highlights protest camps as a unique organizational form and transcends the limits of case-based research while respecting the varying contexts and trajectories of protest camps. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

These are comments on Eileen Appelbaum’s David Gordon Memorial Lecture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1965, impoverished Clevelanders and their allies brought dead rats to City Hall to demonstrate that they alone had the required expertise to write antipoverty policy. They used the rats to educate their representatives about poverty conditions after their unsucessful struggle to gain control over the local War on Poverty. Scholarship on the War on Poverty and welfare rights movement has uncovered stories of innovative women who fought for official and unofficial access to policymaking. But our focus on movement leaders and sympathetic allies has obscured how some of these activists defined democracy. Activists in Cleveland envisioned democracy as a system where those affected by a policy had influence over its crafting. Their radical vision of urban municipal policymaking illuminates that historians have over emphasized the concessions that these women forced from their representatives, an interpretation which has inadvertently privileged access to a seat at the table over their larger goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains party polarization in multiparty systems? This study turns the spotlight to intraparty mechanisms, namely, the authorities and influence of party activists over the candidate selection process, as a potential source of party-system polarization. I hypothesize that parties in which activists possess more comprehensive selection authorities, the party elite will hold more extreme ideological positions, catering to activists' representation demands. Additionally, in such cases, the ideological gap between party elites and voters will be larger since more extreme actors overshadow the preferences of moderate party voters. Aggregating the intraparty effect of activists to the party-system level, I expect to find higher level of party polarization in countries where more parties allocate selection authorities to activists. Utilizing party-level data regarding candidate selection procedures as well as public opinion and elite position data from 19 countries and 93 parties between 2011 and 2017, I find support for my hypotheses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Processes of collective empowerment are essentially concerned with the production of social and emotional configurations fostering a mutual awareness that social change is both desirable and feasible. Using an ethnographic study of an intentional community of activists, this paper analyses how friendship practices produce enduring forms of empowerment based on democratic praxis. The analysis shows that nurturing affective bonds of friendship facilitates the prefiguration of alternative ways of life through the experience of living together. This is supported by the cultivation of hexis as a political frame, which reassesses the centrality of human beings' otherness and fosters complex equality within relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A two-act play/performance text inspired by James Luna's performance of "Ishi: The Archive Performance": Boston, July 2014, text courtesy of Elena Creef; see also Johns (2014).3 Contrary to Theodora Kroeber, Ishi's story did not end with the publication of her book Ishi in Two Worlds (1961; also Kroeber and Kroeber, 2003). In fact, Ishi has had multiple lives since he died. Here are some of them. In fact, he became an indigenist rights activist participating in the Dakota Access Pipeline Protest (2022). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Young girls have historically been symbols to be conjured by social movements to garner sympathy for social causes, but are frequently silenced as political agents. This study addresses the celebrification of non-celebrity girls such as Emma González, Greta Thunberg, and Marley Dias and analyzes how backlash politics promote their fame. Some ordinary girls become celebrity activists in part because the trolling and negative media coverage helps propel their visibility, while others enjoy relatively positive experiences with fame. Both of these types of representations of celebrity girl activists - whether fueled by backlash or not -can serve as cautionary tales or as inspiration for girls who wish to engage in activism. Through an intersectional feminist lens, I address the complex social media narratives that emerge about girl empowerment and negotiation of risk - emphasis on self-care and struggle - when girls are famous activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores internal border controls in 1980s Britain, examining how they were conceptualised and resisted by a group of activists, the No Pass Laws Here! Group. Drawing on archival research conducted at the Hull History Centre and the Institute of Race Relations and focusing analysis on the Group's public-facing information leaflets and bulletins, this article explores how internal border controls created differentiated access to employment and the welfare state, targeting migrant and racialised residents and citizens. The No Pass Laws Here! Group's framing and analysis, in particular their use of pass laws as a frame through which to apprehend the spread of internal border controls, this article argues, allows us to draw out the continuities between policies developed to maintain colonial rule and those present in the metropole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Consequently, for activist scholarship to achieve even a modicum of its purpose, researchers must engage in continued reflexivity to identify the unintended consequences of our efforts and their causes and reorient and recalibrate our efforts to ensure the intended recipients benefit from them going forward to the extent possible ([17]). Examples of Activist Research To illustrate what I mean by activist research, let me offer some additional examples. Rajesh created Participatory Research in Asia (PRIA), an organization in India that for the last 40 years has been mobilizing local citizens to stand-up for issues that affect their lives. Keywords: activist scholarship; impactful research; research legacy; societal change EN activist scholarship impactful research research legacy societal change 179 185 7 05/24/23 20230701 NES 230701 In this essay, I elaborate on my 2022 OMT Distinguished Scholar address to reflect on the field of organizational theory and, in particular, about our role as scholars in the years ahead. [Extracted from the article]

This study explains why and how Puerto Rican activists responded effectively to the crisis in the aftermath of Hurricane Maria in 2017. By relying on a structural approach, this study analyzes the local institutional environment. Using the seamful work framework, it examines activists' practice to reveal activists' relation with their official state infrastructure and their interactions with said infrastructure before and after Maria. Using semi-structured interviews, observations, and publicly available documents, this study shows that activists navigate the state's unequal infrastructure by building their infrastructures, called alternative sociotechnical infrastructures, which consist of a set of heterogeneous assortments of actors, organizations, and technologies to address state-driven inequality and natural disasters. Activists do not work to restore existing state infrastructures, instead, they deploy their expertise in their communities to address many of the challenges brought on by disasters. This study emphasizes a bottom-up approach, highlighting local actors' agency by focusing on the convergence of their knowledge, organizations, and Information and Communication Technologies. Moreover, this research proposes that state-community disconnect is rooted in neoliberal and colonial measures and cautions against considering disasters as opportunities to start anew. Finally, this research proposes new possibilities to plan bottom-up relief efforts that acknowledge the role of civil society and activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Consumers become activists whenever they organise themselves into off- or online movements launched to oppose corporate actions and/or foster consumption-based cultural change. Whereas, some readings of such movements focus on the way in which members self-organise their activities, the emphasis here is on the role that a movement's founders play in framing its activities. Findings from the study of a movement founded by a Cameroonian music enthusiast show that online activities can be affected both by how a movement has been framed by its founder and by the way in which its members self-organise. A founder orchestrates a movement's coherence, and also the expression of its members, along three lines: by attributing meaning, distributing roles and tasks and promoting creativity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As student activism continues to roil campuses, concerns have arisen about the mental health costs associated with activist-oriented civic engagement. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 42 self-identifying student activists from across the United States, this study examines how activists describe the impact of their activism on their mental health. While just under one third of the respondents perceived a positive effect, 60% of the respondents noted adverse consequences to their psychological well-being. Nevertheless, these respondents remained committed to continuing their activism. Four factors surfaced in activists' reflections on their mental health, which, while not responsible for positive mental health outcomes, did help offset the stress, exhaustion, and guilt associated with activism. These four factors included social capital or connection to others, a sense of purpose, effecting change, and self-care and collective care. Respondents credited these factors with helping them to sustain the emotionally and physically difficult work of activism. Implications for higher education policy and practice are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Hispanic Higher Education is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

I contended above that we as scholars are activists, i.e. advocates of certain values and ideals, given that we cannot avoid being such. It is important to remember that, for Weber, value neutrality was mainly directed at scholars as teachers, that they should not impose their values on students who were discursively subordinate to their professors. You may already be raging against me, "accusing" all scholars of being value-driven activists. [Extracted from the article]

This article takes as its starting point the use of fire as a political metaphor by Algerians who participated in the Screening Violence research project; it emerged in these discussions as a trope of struggle and conflict in Algeria. In part, this political imaginary has been influenced by France, where fire has historically represented freedom and resistance to unjust powers. However, this inheritance has not been received passively in Algeria, and its irony in a colonial context contributes to a complex relationship with tropes of resistance in Algerian cultural and social discourse. We therefore trace a genealogy of the trope of fire which acknowledges the inevitable and significant contribution of the French political imaginary to the Algerian, but which also recognises the distinct cultural modes of resistance taken up by Algerian artists and political activists themselves, from the Algerian Revolution of 1954 to the Hirak protests of 2019. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nonviolent campaigns against repressive regimes often turn on the military's decision to either defend the ruler or make common cause with the ruled. Yet surprisingly little scholarship investigates opposition expectations for the military's likely response to mass protest. We theorize that some determinants of the military's willingness to repress are more observable to activists than others. In particular, we identify conscription as a highly salient indicator that soldiers will refuse to fire on protesters and hypothesize that nonviolent campaigns are more likely to materialize against regimes with conscripted armies than those with volunteer forces. We substantiate this theory with two sources of evidence: (1) a survey experiment conducted during the 2019 Algerian Revolution and (2) a cross-national analysis of the positive association between conscription and nonviolent campaign onset from 1945 to 2013. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Overall, younger generations acquire information via other news sources, mostly digital outlets and social media, than those employed by older generations, and become politically active in different ways than, for example, their parents (e.g., [18]). Political youth and media studies in this special issue and beyond draw a picture of a generation that is smart, has a more global understanding of problems than previous generations, and can be very strategic in choosing means to reach its goals, at the same time as it knows and expresses its personal boundaries and uncertainties. Yet, interview-based studies with teenagers and young adults from Germany (Wunderlich and colleagues) and Switzerland (Schwaiger and colleagues) show that even these categories may not fully represent within-generation differences. Such differences also become visible in the research presented by Boulianne and Shehata, who find strikingly similar patterns in online news use and online political expressions I across i young generations but notable differences I between i generations in France, the UK, and the US. [Extracted from the article]

This article discusses several anthropological dilemmas related to the researcher's role in community development, the scholarly responsibilities to the discipline, and the tension between activism and academic vocation. I explore these issues in the context of my research and involvement in the production of pua kumbu, a traditional Iban textile. Since 2013, I have researched Indigenous and traditional knowledge as a development tool, focusing on the pua kumbu as a central artefact which is a cultural expression of ideology around family and community but is also a product for the commercial market. It is at this juncture that I engage with the community of weavers working with the women to perform an entrepreneurial collaboration by engaging the weavers to a commercial market platform with the emphasis on the conservation of the intangible aspect of the pua kumbu. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ecocentric management has grown in interest in business sustainability research, driven by recent debates on sustainability-as-flourishing and novel nature-based business approaches. While relevant and promising, examination and explanations remain anchored in conventional dualistic thinking and piecemeal logics. In this article, we seek to understand what conditions or combination of conditions enable the formation of ecocentrism in business management. Drawing on deep ecology and ecocentric philosophy, we develop a conceptual framework for ecocentric management, comprising ecological sensing, envisioning, and enacting. Leveraging this framework and fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis, we map the responses of 160 small business owners and managers in Chile. Our analyses reveal three configurations of conditions, forming a typology of ecocentric management: Market Reformist, Legitimated Decouplist, and Self-Centered Activist. The article offers a new conceptual apparatus and systemic characterization of ecocentrism in business sustainability. It shows what matters and when for the formation of ecocentric thinking and decision-making in management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the lived experiences of Black graduate student activist David C. Turner, III. It explores his intellectual and academic development in his masters program at the University of Pennsylvania and doctoral program at UC Berkeley. It also explores Turner's on and off campus activism, including his involvements in the Black Liberation Collective, Black Youth Project (BYP) 100, and Brothers, Sons, Selves Coalition. Highly involved Black graduate student activists that successfully balance their studies and activism make themselves increasingly prepared for the job market in general and for the professoriate in particular. This article asserts that highly engaged activism coupled with advanced education prepared Turner for a career as an Africana activist-scholar in the academy. The article reveals his preparation by connecting Turner's lived experiences with proven effective practices. The objective of this case study is to highlight the on and off campus experiences of one 21st century Black student activist, Turner, to reveal the link between Black graduate student activism, intellectual and scholarly development, and career preparation drawing upon informal conversations and semi-structured interviews. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We expand on the plausible role of access to cognitive alternatives to the environmental status quo (i.e., the ability of people to imagine what a sustainable relationship with nature would look like) in motivating pro-environmental collective action. Using a representative sample of Canadians on age, gender, and ethnicity (N = 1,029) we evaluate the associations between access to environmental cognitive alternatives, politicized environmental identity, and willingness to engage in pro-environmental activist behavior. Additionally, we move beyond self-reported behavior by giving participants the opportunity to write and sign a pro-environmental letter to the Canadian Minister of the Environment and Climate Change. Our results suggest that access to cognitive alternatives is associated with stronger politicized environmental identity, greater willingness to engage in pro-environmental activist behavior, and increased likelihood of writing and signing a pro-environmental letter. All methods and analyses follow our preregistration and all materials and data are openly available. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the presidency of Donald Trump, US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) targeted migrant justice activists, journalists, and advocates with deportation proceedings. The recent political repression has a revanchist character that appears to be a new pattern introduced by Trump but is part of a longer project of securing the smooth functioning of economic and racial social control in the US. I read the recent political repression of activists in relation to texts produced by radical intellectuals who endured political repression in two prior historical moments: the detention and deportation of radicals in the McCarthy era through the words of C.L.R. James; the policing and imprisonment of Black radicals in the early 1970s through the words of Angela Davis. In a third moment, I situate the recent pattern of Trump-era political repression in a context of ongoing contestation over interior immigration enforcement. The struggle over immigration enforcement is not only about legality, but also about the politics of race and class marginalization in the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

They should remind readers that "blue-collar conservatism was not a complete break from the New Deal liberalism that guided American, especially urban, politics since the Great Depression" (p. 6). Lombardo's ability to blend the social history of Philadelphia with the political history of Rizzo and his rivals is impressive, and it captures the significance of 1970s Philadelphia when situated within the broader story of conservatism. Hackworth quickly covers the political history of race in the United States, from Franklin D. Roosevelt to Donald Trump, but also provides thoughtful analysis of certain key turning points for the conservative movement. Keywords: conservatism; populism; civil rights; education; twentieth-century U.S. history EN conservatism populism civil rights education twentieth-century U.S. history 1402 1408 7 10/12/21 20211101 NES 211101 Nickerson, Michelle (2012). [Extracted from the article]

This case study examines six English Language Arts (ELA) preservice teachers (PSTs) and the ways they recognize injustice and inequity in education, plan for addressing such issues, and engage as teacher-activists toward impacting the issues they recognize. This research was guided by the following two questions: In what ways do ELA PSTs use their own recognition of educational injustice/inequity to foster discussions of methods for addressing such issues? How do PSTs engage in the agentive work of activists to impact those issues? Findings point to the ways in which PSTs adopt hands-off approaches to activism, or what I theorize as passive activism, where they, perhaps unconsciously, shield and distance themselves from the visibility and vulnerability that accompanies activist work. After a discussion of findings, I offer implications for the field and the ways teacher educators can better scaffold PSTs as they work to "do" the work of activists both inside and outside their classrooms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Student activism is a highly underresearched topic in psychology despite the field's commitment to studying person–environment interactions and advancing social justice aims. Furthermore, less is known about the ways in which student activists navigate the neoliberal or "corporatized" university in the United States. This research study utilizes a hermeneutic phenomenological qualitative method in order to attempt to describe the experience of being a student activist within a "corporatized" or neoliberal university. The results demonstrate that the apolitical rhetoric and the consumerization of student life, characteristic of neoliberalism in higher education, influence the process through which students become activists and become explicit targets of discipline as well. Students understand their activism in terms of repoliticizing the university and reconfiguring their approach toward education away from consumer metaphors. The results also have significant implications for understanding how the experience of student activism interacts with the other social and economic stressors, simultaneously increasing demands on students while creating possibilities for connectedness and purpose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how a key stratum of the partisan elite—party activists—have been positioned across time and policy issues. We examine the extent to which activists have polarized symmetrically or asymmetrically and find that only on the issue of abortion has one party's activists (Republicans) polarized notably more than the other's. The article also analyzes party activist proximity to the mass public's policy preferences and finds that Democrats are consistently closer to the public on economic issues, and Republicans are consistently closer on a subset of non-economic issues. Our findings suggest the need for more nuanced theories of party activism and polarization along with providing a useful lens through which to view party electoral competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We theorize and measure a situational self-censorship that varies across spatial-temporal political contexts. Schelling's insight that distinctive times and places function as focal points has generated a literature explaining how activists coordinate for protest in authoritarian states. Our population of interest is not activists but ordinary citizens, who, we assume, are risk-averse and prefer to avoid trouble. Focal points rally activists for political expression. By contrast, we theorize, ordinary citizens exercise greater than usual political self-censorship at focal points, to avoid punishment as troublemakers. We test our theory by leveraging geotagged smartphone posts of Beijing netizens on Weibo, China's version of Twitter, to estimate precisely if, when, where, and how citizens engage in political talk. We use a difference-in-differences strategy that compares smartphone political talk at and away from focal places before and after focal times. We find netizens self-censor political talk significantly more at potentially troublesome spatial-temporal focal points. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This exploratory study examined the twitter feeds of ten senior Indian journalists during a specific event of national importance to understand what type of tweets led to greater follower engagement. Further, we examined how followers engaged with congruent and incongruent messages. Analysis of tweets about a specific developing event – the arrest and release of a student activist – indicated that journalists largely tweeted opinions, and that this type of tweet attracted more follower engagement than purely factual tweets. Analysis of each editor's most commented upon tweets indicated that followers showed a higher level of engagement with incongruent messages than with messages with which they agreed. Practical and theoretical implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Current Sociology is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article belongs to a forthcoming special cluster, "Contention Politics and International Statebuilding in Southeast Europe" guest-edited by Nemanja Džuverovic, Julia Rone and Tom Junes. Historically, civic activists who left their home countries in the wake of protests would either risk disappearing in anonymity or become engaged in political "exile networks." However, since the outbreak of the "global wave" of protest, the ability of activists to take advantage of freedom of movement and technological advances in social media changed the framework and conditions of such "exile." This article addresses the question of what happens when protest activists decide to go abroad to study, work, and build a life. We focus in particular on the case of Bulgaria, the fastest shrinking country in the world. On the basis of structured qualitative interviews with Bulgarian activists who have gone abroad in the aftermath of the 2013 Bulgarian protests, we trace how migration and intra-EU mobility affect the political participation of activists, the ways in which they participate, and their diagnoses of the present. In other words, we explore whether one can speak of "exit after voice," leading in the long run to a decrease in activism. We argue instead that we are witnessing a transformation of the dichotomy "exit-voice" into a more complex scale of forms of protest organization and participation, facilitated by social media and the freedom of movement within the EU. Herein, the real risk might be not that migration leads to political passivity, but that the new "voice" found through the experience abroad remains rather marginal as activists' networks are transformed and community building becomes a challenge in an increasingly precarious world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent studies on identity regulation emphasize the significance of the body in mediating individuals' responses to cultural control within organizations. However, little is known about how such responses are concretely enacted by individuals through their bodies. Based on an ethnography of an activist organization, this study discusses the culture of self-sacrifice through which activists' identity is regulated. It reveals the everyday tensions between passionate commitment and vulnerable bodies, exploring how body breakdowns lead activists to separate their passion for a cause from the organizational culture and ultimately make their exit. We thus aim to contribute to research on identity regulation by highlighting the precariousness of this process and demonstrating the political potential of bodies to resist controlling regimes. We interpret breakdowns as political events emerging at the interface between the docile enactment of a bodily norm and its concrete physical violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors write a queered autoethnographic text that illuminates a course encounter with ontological inquiry to prepare radically democratic citizen-leaders and activist educators within the constraints of the corporatized neoliberal university. They seek to touch, move, and inspire readers to experiment with this counterintuitive form of learning as a critical pathway toward the realization of John Dewey's moral meaning of democracy and the institutions of the society foster the all-around growth of all participants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is sport an appropriate forum for activists to engage in political protest? In recent years, this question has been the subject of conversations in households, public spaces such as barbershops and coffee shops, and social media and newsrooms, as various high-profile athletes have used their sport platforms to call attention to various social injustices existing within the US society. The purpose of the following interview is to provide further insight into this intersection between sport and politics and the use of sport as a site for political resistance and social change. Dave Zirin, a critical sports journalist, is the sports editor for The Nation and author of several books on the politics of sport. This interview with Dave Zirin offers a nuanced understanding on the recent occurrences involving athlete activism and the overall use of sport as a site for political activism and social change. Topics covered include race and racism in America, social responsibility, and social movements, among others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article employs a contentious politics framework to examine the mobilization–repression nexus as it occurred in Ukraine from the 1990 Revolution on Granite, through the 2000-2001 Ukraine without Kuchma campaign and the 2004 Orange Revolution, to the 2013-2014 Euromaidan movement. Comparative analysis of these four cases suggests that developments in both the contentious and repressive repertoires resembled spirals: each campaign became more complex and of longer duration than the last, and each was driven by the repeated protester–government interactions and by the political, economic, and technological environment that changed over time. In the transit from autocracy to democracy, Ukrainian activists adopted and "normalized" political protest much more quickly than did the authorities. The activists creatively innovated as they borrowed from earlier dissent traditions and from other social movements abroad. For the government, the process of learning how to manage contention with means other than their usual repression tactics was much longer, and it is not over. As it slowly transits from Soviet past to democracy, Ukraine continues its development into a "social movement society." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In November 2016, small groups of coders, climate scientists, scholars, journalists, and activists came together under the umbrella organization Environmental Data & Governance Initiative (EDGI) to defend against the Trump administration's attacks on environmental protections. A distinguishing feature of EDGI, and the focus of this study, is the methods it has developed to combat propaganda and misinformation around science. This article analyzes the push-and-pull dynamic between the values and practices of EDGI and journalism, as they interacted in the expanded political information news field. Drawing on EDGI publications and interviews with its members, this article details EDGI's efforts to connect with journalists and the public. It explores EDGI news coverage, focusing on the manner and frequency in which EDGI values and perspectives were, and were not, conveyed in the coverage. We trace the development of what we argue are new forms of public intervention and offer an expanded understanding of the misinformation ecosystem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Private governance regimes—instances where nonstate actors set rules that govern their behavior and/or the behavior of others—are increasingly common intermediaries between activists and corporations. Activists are often thought to drive corporations to participate in private governance. By participating, corporations hope to be shielded from activist pressures. Yet there are many instances where activists oppose particular private governance regimes, even ones that are seen as leaders in a sector. Why is this? This article contributes answers to this question by examining how activists' different strategic orientations affect their perceptions of private governance. It unpacks three distinct ideal-type strategic orientations—prefiguration, targeting, and cooperation—activists may hold in their efforts to transform markets and the different forms of private governance each orientation will prefer. It then details how market entry conditions, sequencing and interactions, and feedbacks affect how activists are likely to engage the private governance regimes that develop in a given sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Constitutional Convention was established by the Irish government in 2012. It was tasked with making recommendations on a number of constitutional reform proposals. As a mini-public, its membership was a mix of 66 citizens (randomly selected) and 33 politicians (self-selected). Its recommendations were debated on the floor of the Irish parliament with three of them leading to constitutional referendums; other recommendations are in the process of being implemented. This article uses data gathered during and after the operation of the Convention to examine this real-world example of a mixed-membership mini-public. The focus is on how the inclusion of politicians may have impacted on the Convention's mode of operation and/or its outcomes. We find little impact in terms of its operation (e.g. no evidence that politicians dominated the discussions). There is evidence of a slight liberal bias among the politician membership, but this had little effect on the outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyse some of the popular activist posters and images related to the Gezi Park resistance that took place in Turkey in 2013. The author argues that the theoretical approach of détournement is the driving force in the formation of the activist 'identity' and 'imagery' related to Gezi protests. Further, through detourning the attacks of the government, the article examines how the activist posters and images caused shifts in meaning and generated the negation and recreation of signs and significations. In this way, it can be seen that détournement as a subversive theoretical approach can be reconstructive while deconstructing verbal and censorship attacks from the government. The article engages with the word Çapulcu (looters) in an address by the former Prime Minister against the Gezi protesters and the penguin documentary used as a censorship element during the protests. It analyses how détournement applied by the protesters to these attacks led to the creation of a shared Gezi identity and image. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]