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Since 2010, with Viktor Orbán's return to power, Hungary has progressively turned into an antidemocratic regime through a well-thought process of state and democracy capture. This slide has come along with chimeric narratives about national identity. Consecutive narratives about the nation and the country's sense of belonging have given the impression that Hungary is moving on the map, as the Orbán regime has been locating itself more and more explicitly against the West. During the migration crisis, 'Central Europe' was at the centre of Orbán's cultural map, as he extrapolated his ideology to the East-Central European macro-region, hoping to turn it into a region against the European establishment. Budapest's tactical moves in the Western Balkans have gained importance as Orbán is increasingly isolated in the EU community. On the global scale, the regime has mixed trade and diplomacy with tying political alliances in Central Asia and beyond. These narratives do not result in a system. However, there is a common denominator in Orbán's consecutive discourses on Hungary's geopolitical place and role: anti-Western and anti-EU convictions flow through the opportunistic contradictions of national propaganda. In a contradictory way, only an EU member state could proceed to state and democracy capture and become famous for it, giving the impression that the small, peripherical Eastern European state is more important than it is. It is an EU member that has fallen into Russia's arms to propagate pro-Kremlin narratives in and outside the EU. In this paper, I will examine the geopolitical narratives used by the Orbán regime and show how Budapest's very sense of scale has got lost in the process. Indeed, it is Hungary's precarious location on the map that the regime seems to have forgotten about and has reached this point at the time of renewed Russian aggression in Hungary's direct neighbourhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central European countries with a historically dominant Roman Catholic heritage belong to a particular cluster in respect to the governance of religion. This paper focuses on Hungary and Slovakia and addresses the effect of religious nationalism on the regimes of governance of religion in the two countries. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, there was a brief period of neutral stance towards religion, which was characterized by liberal values. With the introduction of the bilateral Concordat agreements with the Holy See, both countries started to treat traditional Christian Churches preferentially. By the 2010s legislation in both countries created restrictive entry barriers for "new" religions. This created two or multi-tiered systems for "old" and "new" religions, in which the former enjoyed closer relationship with the state. As a result, the separation of church and state has become blurred. Preferentially treated churches reappeared in the public space as providers of certain educational and social services. Preferentially treated churches and the state developed asymmetrically interdependent relationships, the state having the upper hand. Meanwhile, increasingly populist and nationalist parties instrumentalized religion by involving Christianity in their nationalistic political discourse. This helped create a normative space, in which the state is able to give further preferential treatment to certain religious groups over others. The emphasis on Christian national identity underpinned these governments' narratives that conflates migration with security and Islam, which pushed those religious groups on the margins, which do not fit in the religious nationalist narrative of the increasingly right- and populism-leaning governing elite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to show what are the applicants' institution selection criteria in higher education in Hungary and what changes this will imply in higher education management and communication. These questions were investigated based on a review of the most relevant literature and the analysis of 1396 Hungarian higher education University of Pécs applicants in two consecutive years. Exploratory and confirmative factor analyses were used to identify the relative order of the application influencing factors: as a result, the first most important is the vivacity, followed by career and costs, fourth is image and the last one is the low commitment. In this context, the paper has shown that the identification of the application strategies requires renewed management and communication techniques. The results help the institutions to determine the possible actions to be implemented to attract more students and improve the level of offered services. The permanent system change of the Hungarian higher education as a phenomenon versus the applicants' institution selection criteria gives the uniqueness of the Hungarian situation, and this study provides information for researchers in higher education in this field additionally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Great War and Trianon opened a new chapter in the history, not only of the Kingdom of Hungary, but also of Western Hungary. Besides dividing up the counties of Sopron, Moson and Vas, the newly re-drawn borders also split up most of the railway lines running within them as well. From the territory sliced from the three counties, the previously non-existent province of Austria, Burgenland, was established in 1922. In many cases, the new demarcation lines followed boundaries of old districts or settlements, but it was rare to find natural boundaries among them. As a result, between the two World Wars, the use of the affected railway tracks began to change similar to several contemporary Central European cases, with the exception of GYSEV (Győr–Sopron–Ebenfurth Railway Company), which could remain in its original form. This research paper aims to examine how the shift of borders in this region affected railway transport. It is based on the local historical literature on the railway, regional history and primary resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper investigates reputational status dynamics (coolness and popularity) in a Hungarian primary school sample. The data derives from an emergent mixed methods research study, where one wave of a panel data collection (N = 754) was complemented with focus group interviews (N = 144) among sixth grade students (age 12–13). The quantitative analysis applied multilevel regression models, while the qualitative part relied on thematic analysis. Our results, mostly in line with the international literature, underlined the importance of athletic abilities, verbal aggression, and physical appearance, while some interesting gendered and ethnic patterns also emerged. For instance, verbal aggression was associated with status for girls and non-Roma boys, while physical aggression was only associated with status for Roma girls. The novelty of the research study lies in the mixed approach, while the paper also contributes to our knowledge about status dynamics in the Hungarian, and Eastern European, context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article outlines the developments in the national concept of family planning with particular reference to the female agents of healthcare and social policy measures from the turn of the century up to 1944. After the lost war and the shattering Treaty of Trianon in 1920, Hungary found itself in a deepening demographic crisis. High infant mortality and criminal abortion rates, the deficiency of graduate midwives, and the one-child system in the south-western part of the country concerned both politicians and intellectuals. The paper aims at connecting the medical, political, and social discourses based on archival and press sources on family planning by analyzing the role and agency of different women's organizations. I argue that state social policy measures and aid actions of the church and civic organizations and associations principally assigned two types of roles to women. On the one hand, they were active participants and agents, on the other hand, they were passive subjects and beneficiaries of social assistance activities. Furthermore, the article highlights the role of medical professionals (doctors, midwives, nurses) intersecting with the role of women as active agents in the execution of social policy measures. By integrating documents on family planning such as journal articles, political speeches and criminal abortion data into the national and political discourses, the article claims that women have often played contradictory roles in the process of family planning. Midwives and nurses who served as gatekeepers either helped women by providing access to birth control and abortion or complied with the regulations of the pro-natalist state, depriving women of choice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes how the Hungarian prime minister Viktor Orbán uses social categorization and populist rhetoric in an anti-LGBTQ campaign. Drawing on social identity theory and the scholarship on populist rhetoric and anti-LGBTQ politics, the article examines 46 interviews, press statements, public speeches, and op-eds by Orbán. Using critical discourse analysis (CDA) and Wodak's discourse-historical approach, it shows how the prime minister frames LGBTQ communities as an out-group that poses a threat to Hungarian values and way of living. Similar to the issue of immigration and existing anti-LGBTQ frames in other countries, Orbán presents LGBTQ groups within his well-established anti-Western narrative. In addition, he connects LGBTQ communities to other out-groups that have been portrayed as a threat for a long time. The study sheds new light on the linguistic strategies of Orbán and shows how populist rhetoric and social categorization complement each other in a political campaign. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the salient features of the recent populist turn in Europe has been a redefinition of the European. Traditionally, (far) right-wing parties defined themselves as Eurosceptic and focused on national identity. Increasingly, however, they have referred to pan-European heritage, although against the mainstream conceptualization of it. The article looks at the case of Hungary and the image of Europe constructed by the Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, whose rhetoric has become a key reference point for other European populist movements. The past decade his government has witnessed, on the one hand, a tendency to redefine what is European against the dominant and institutionalized interpretations, and, on the other, an attempt to single-out the concept of Central Europe as the locus for maintaining and nurturing European values in contrast to perceived Western decline. This paper examines this discourse through a close reading of major speeches delivered by Orbán on the anniversaries of historical events. Analysis of these speeches reveals the ideological foundations of his political project and presents historical and philosophical interpretations of the European political situation. It seeks to identify how Orbán's discourse evolved across time, by putting the speeches about the past into the present political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the contemporary growth of 'populist' political parties and movements in a number of highly developed democratic states in Europe and North America, there has been a resurgence in academic interest around the various causes for the groundswell of support for political populism. Given this broader political context, this paper explores the interconnection between sport and populist politics in Hungary, with a particular emphasis on the appropriation of sport by 'right-wing' populist political actors. In particular, this paper will examine the politics–sport interconnection by discussing how the Prime Minister of Hungary, Victor Orbán, uses football, and sport more broadly, and the ways in which the Hungarian government have attempted to reinvent a strong nation and national identity through sport and related political populism. These attempts have been influenced by the interaction between forces of Westernisation and the country's continuing post-communist transition, with the view to (re)inventing the Hungarian nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pluralist norms, which prescribe certain attitudes of openness and mutual respect for diverging views, have long been considered a central pillar of liberal democracy. While democratic theorists have championed these values, they have been conflicted as to the capacity of political parties to carry them. Partisanship is widely recognized as an essential institution of democratic regimes but it has also been traditionally associated with intransigence rather than tolerance. This paper investigates this theoretical debate from an empirical standpoint, asking whether partisans can be carriers of pluralist values. It relies on focus-group methodology and software-assisted textual analysis to evaluate the extent to which the discourse of 117 party members in two different national contexts, France and Hungary, resonates with the pluralist worldview. The results of this study provide key empirical insights into the nature of partisanship, demonstrating wide variations in the extent to which partisans uphold pluralist principles, but also their capacity to do so at a stringent level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State capture and corruption are widespread phenomena across the globe, but their empirical study still lacks sufficient analytical tools. This paper develops a new conceptual and analytical framework for gauging state capture based on microlevel contractual networks in public procurement. To this end, it establishes a novel measure of corruption risk in government contracting focusing on the behavior of individual organizations. Then, it identifies clusters of high-corruption-risk organizations in the full contractual network of procuring authorities and their suppliers using formal social network analysis. Densely connected clusters of high-corruption-risk organizations are denoted as the domain of state capture. The paper demonstrates the power of the new analytical framework by exploring how the radical centralization of the governing elite following the 2010 elections in Hungary affected centralization of state capture. Findings indicate the feasibility and usefulness of such microlevel approach to corruption and state capture. Better understanding the network structure of corruption and state capture opens new avenues for research and policy on anticorruption, budget deficit, market competition, and quality of democracy. Supporting further empirical studies of corruption, the data are made available at digiwhist.eu/resources/data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of the marginalising effects of agro-food chain dynamics on upstream suppliers, this paper examines the extent to which geographical indications may improve the positioning of small-scale producers. Making an original distinction between established and nascent geographical indication systems, the paper undertakes a case study of the latter type (the Makó Onion Protected Designation of Origin, Hungary), hitherto overlooked in the literature. The study adopts a global value chain perspective to analyse three means by which geographical indications may facilitate upgrading (capturing higher margins, stimulating collective action and enabling diversification), finding that none have been delivered via the Makó Onion Protected Designation of Origin. The paper examines the reasons for this, identifying the role played by the political and institutional context. Recommendations are made for improving the upgrading potential of geographical indications when applied to nascent systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper reports about a comparative survey on the chemical composition, antioxidant activity and in vitro antimicrobial activity of selected propolis samples collected in Hungary. The total levels of polyphenolic compounds including flavonoids in ethanolic extracts of propolis were assessed. The major constituents of ethanolic extracts of propolis were analysed by gas chromatography/mass spectrometry analysis. Total phenolic content was determined spectrophotometrically using a Folin–Ciocalteu reagent. Free radical scavenging activities were evaluated by means of 2,2-diphenyl-1-picrylhydrazyl assay. In vitro inhibitory activity was investigated against eight different bacterial strains by agar well diffusion assay. An extensive comparison was carried out regarding general parameters and specific polyphenolic components. The experimental data led to the observation that there is considerable variability in terms of the quality and the biological value of the distinctive propolis samples. These findings confirm the hypothesis of the study; versatile experimental results are required for proper, well-reasoned, balanced and standardised industrial applications. The major flavonoid components were found to be chrysin and pinocembrin; however, versatile minor components were also detected. The total polyphenol content of ethanolic extracts of propolis ranged between 104.6 mg/g and 286.9 mg/g (gallic acid equivalent). The radical scavenging activity of ethanolic extracts of propolis varied between 101.7 mg/g and 286.9 mg/g (ascorbic acid equivalent). As the quality of propolis depends on the season, vegetation and the area of collection, marked differences were found among the different products examined in terms of both composition and general characteristics. The studied samples exhibited significant differences in term of antimicrobial activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Large-scale housing poverty has remained mostly unsolved throughout Hungarian history. While social, economic and political forces have all contributed to the endurance of gaping social inequalities and a skewed distribution of social resources, at certain moments of history, the state took a more active role in addressing these pressing social issues. The Hungarian state’s changing cycles of (dis)engagement with social inequality, poverty and redistribution have led to alternating phases of investment and disinvestment into affordable housing. At the same time, housing for the very poor has never been high on the agenda of dominant political forces and solutions to homelessness have always been associated with temporary and second-class solutions. In this paper, I examine the Hungarian state’s relationship to housing and homelessness throughout the twentieth century. Paying particular attention to processes of dehousing, I also analyze the ideological and moral underpinnings of social, housing and criminal approaches to poverty and homelessness. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]