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The printing press helped to spread literacy, civic discourse, and even political dissent in colonial America. Without paper, however, the invention of the moveable type printing press would have been insignificant. This crucial communication medium was hobbled by a critical shortage of the raw material needed for printed matter. Paper was in short supply in the colonies and in the new nation as it could only be made from rags, and there was constant difficulty in obtaining enough rags to keep the presses rolling. Pleas for this essential ingredient were constantly seen in the newspapers in early America and there were severe shortages of both paper and the rags from which it was made during the American Revolution. This article examines how desperate were the early Americans for the paper which was necessary both for firing the muskets and for spreading the rhetoric of Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this article, the author reconstructs the data on Virginia's paper money regime using forensic accounting techniques. He corrects the existing data on the amounts authorized and outstanding, and reconstructs yearly data on previously unknown aspects of Virginia's paper money regime, including printings, net new emissions, redemptions and removals, denominational structures, expected redemption tax revenues, and specie accumulating in the treasury for paper money redemption. These new data form the foundation for narratives written on the social, economic, and political history of Virginia, as well as for testing models of colonial paper money performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Forensic accounting is used to reconstruct the data on emissions, redemptions, and bills outstanding for colonial New Jersey paper money. These components are further separated into the amounts initially legislated and the amounts actually executed. These data are substantial improvements over what currently exists in the literature. They also provide a more complete and nuanced accounting of colonial New Jersey's paper money regime than what has been done previously for any British North American colony. Enough detail of the forensic accounting exercise is given for scholars to reproduce the data series from the original sources. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As journalists from around the world descended on the South during the civil rights movement, the local southern press served largely as an ally to segregationists and the campaign for massive resistance to integration. Despite the best efforts of pro-segregation propagandists, the visiting press often presented perspectives and realities deemed a threat to the “southern way of life.” In response, outside journalists and news organizations became the targets of segregationist backlash, including sustained editorial attacks from within the southern press aimed at their alleged integrationist anti-southern agendas, affiliations, and motives. As outside journalists repeatedly experienced intimidation, ridicule, and even violence while covering the movement, southern editorials cultivated and fanned the flames of this already hostile environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In late nineteenth-century USA, technological developments in paper production—a shift from a reliance on scarce cotton rag to plentiful wood—drastically reduced the price of newsprint. That decline helped overturn the reigning economics of the daily newspaper and resulted in the rise of new cheap papers with vastly expanded circulation. This novel mass press encompassed almost all Americans in the public sphere as represented by its pages. Focusing on newspapers in Detroit, this study examines the manifold consequences this shift had for the press's economics, its news agenda, and the implicit identity of the audience it addressed. The rise of a mass press in the late nineteenth century, however, was not specific to Detroit or the USA. As comparative historians have highlighted, the emergence of a mass press in Europe and elsewhere was a turning point that deeply marked the historical evolution of press systems around the globe. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the early twentieth century, American newspapers enjoyed high circulations while presenting readers with diverse and plentiful content. After 1920, radio broadcasting made even more information available for public consumption, giving audience members an abundant range of media choices. During a time of plenty for readers and listeners, companies in the business of media struggled with the opposite problem: scarcity. As the amount of media content proliferated, the practical ability to disseminate it was determined by the access to scarce resources, and this was true for both radio broadcasting and newspaper publishing. In many respects, the history of the American mass media in the early twentieth century might best be told as a tale of two scarcities, one—the electromagnetic spectrum—defined by absolute limits and the other—the newsprint—defined by access to markets for a particular material, the supply of which often fluctuated in availability and price. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Policy forums are lightly institutionalized and stable forms of governance networks that include administrative authorities, interest groups, and scientists. They are said to produce different types of outputs, from simple actor coordination to position papers and implementation documents, but their productivity has also been questioned. Metagovernance strategies can improve the capability of policy forums to produce outputs. To determine how different metagovernance strategies influence the capability of forums to produce joint position papers, 29 policy forums in the Swiss environmental sector are compared through a qualitative comparative analysis. Results indicate that metagovernance strategies such as state actors as forum members or majority decision rules need to be combined with small forum size or low actor heterogeneity. Furthermore, forum foundation by the state complicates the production of position papers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The press is essential for creating an informed citizenry, but its existence depends on attracting and maintaining an audience. It is unclear whether supply-side effects-including those dictated by the owners of the media-influence how the media cover politics, yet this question is essential given their abilities to set the agenda and frame issues that are covered. We examine how ownership influences media behavior by investigating the impact of RupertMurdoch's purchase of the Wall Street Journal (WSJ) in August 2007. We collect data on every front-page story and editorial for 27 months, and we compare the difference in political coverage between the New York Times (NYT) and WSJ using a difference-in-differences design. We show that the amount of political content in the opinion pages of the two papers were unchanged by the sale, but the WSJ's front-page coverage of politics increased markedly relative to the NYT. Similar patterns emerge when comparing the WSJ's content to USA Today and the Washington Post. Our finding highlights potential limits to journalists' ability to fulfill their supposed watchdog role in democracies without interference from owners in the boardroom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The tale of 1939 voyage of the MS St. Louis has been retold in books, films, exhibits, and on the web. While researchers looking at U.S. newspaper coverage of the Holocaust have generally viewed its components as discrete pieces of evidence rather than as parts of a larger whole, this study reviewed coverage of the voyage in situ in the pages of thirty-nine newspapers from twenty-five American cities. The findings of the qualitative content analysis sorted those papers into four groups, based on how much coverage they gave the story and whether they supplemented wire copy with staff reporting, photographs, editorials, or cartoons. Neither a paper’s geographic proximity to the story nor the size of its city’s Jewish population appears to have been a good explanation of its coverage choices. Important distinctions were also found in how reporters, news services, and, thus, newspapers, told the refugee passengers’ story. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sambo, an acronym commonly derived from the Russian Samozashchita Bez Oruzhiya (self-defence without weapons), is a Soviet created grappling martial art noted for its assortment of painful holds, heavy throws, and take downs. Originally part of a secret military training syllabus with roots in judo, the sport was officially adopted by the USSR All-Union Sports Committee in 1938. Throughout the Cold War period, Soviet sambo slowly inserted itself into the wrestling halls and martial arts dojos of the United States, capturing the attention of American judoka and wrestlers. Sport sambo arrived in the United States at a time in which the Cuban missile crisis remained fresh in the memories of the citizenry while young Americans were being drafted to fight communists in the Vietnam war. Though Cold War tensions had cooled somewhat compared to the days of McCarthyism, the Soviet-US rivalry continued to colour public discourse, permeating every facet of American society. This paper breaks new ground in Western scholarship by analyzing the reception of sambo in the USA during the 1960s and 70s by the professional martial artists and athletes, in the lead up of the 1980 Olympics against the political backdrop of the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Health policy plays a critical role in determining a state's or nation's overall population health, and health system change has been a priority for a majority of Americans for at least a decade. News coverage can influence health policy development, but little research has examined the quality of that coverage, in part because no consensus exists regarding what information health policy stories should include. This paper describes a series of in-depth interviews with eight health policy experts and 12 experienced journalists who have covered health policy. While rejecting the notion of strict quality criteria that could be applied to all health policy stories, the interviewees agreed on several factors that would improve health policy coverage. They recommended that health policy stories should include information about financial costs to consumers, evidence that a policy will have its intended effect, historical context for the policy, and "relatable hooks" that help consumers understand which groups a policy will affect and how. In addition, the interviewees stressed the importance of building policy coverage on trustworthy sources representing multiple viewpoints and the need to recognize how audience members' values influence their acceptance and interpretation of evidence. These findings provide an important foundation for future research examining the impact of health policy reporting on both public opinion and public policy development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 9/11, the American policy towards Africa has been strongly influenced by national security interests and in particular by the fight against international terrorism and Islamic radicalisation. Traditionally, the American Africa policy has been the result of bureaucratic policymaking with the Pentagon and the State Department playing prominent roles. The paper argues that in the current century, evangelical Christian lobby groups have gained increasing influence on policymaking on Africa. Because policymaking has been influenced by a number of different actors, the American Africa policy may appear incoherent and ambiguous if judged narrowly on the expectation that it only aims to take care of US national security concerns and economic self-interests. The paper concludes that Africa was important to the United States during the presidencies of George W. Bush and Barack Obama because of the combination of strong security interests and strong domestic lobby groups that have pressured to place Africa on the US foreign policy agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The scale of lethal violence in Mexico seen in the past decade has been a pressing concern for both Mexican and US officials, including law enforcement organizations, intelligence agencies, and policy makers. With much of the homicides being a result of the trafficking of illegal drugs, it has been suggested that the homicides in Mexico follow seasonal patterns tied to the drug trade, specifically to the cultivation of heroin. In this paper, conventional econometric time series methods are applied to test this hypothesis. Results demonstrate that not only do the drug-related homicides in Mexico display evidence of seasonality, but also that seasonality appears empirically related to the heroin trade. The paper makes the larger argument that time series and other statistical methods are an untapped resource that can complement standard intelligence analysis to support defensible judgments based on the scientific method of inquiry. However, a fuller integration of statistics and traditional analysis would require sufficient support structures be developed to encourage and promote such analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the 1950s and 1960s, the modern Japanese state employed overseas cultural promotion as a way to maximise its interests and image not only in international contexts but also at home. By juxtaposing the Takarazuka Revue’s performances in the United States and Japan during the postwar period, this paper argues that the overseas promotion of this Japanese theatre troupe both depended upon and reinforced the Japanese populace’s nationalistic pride in its culture. The paper also addresses the ways in which the Japanese government used Takarazuka’s theatrical presentations as a means of pursuing its domestic and diplomatic agendas: improving Japan’s international position by proposing shared aspects of popular culture with the US and increasing its sense of nationalism by propagating cultural pride. In doing so, the paper explicates the ways in which Japanese popular cultural considerations interfaced with political concerns in the shaping of postwar Japan’s national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper reviews how urban regulations in history have been used to relegate populations to different parts of the city and its environs. Its main purpose is to place the twentieth-century US zoning experience in historic and international contexts. To this end, based mostly on secondary sources, the paper first surveys a selection of major civilizations in history and the regulations they invented in order to keep populations apart. Then, based on primary sources, it discusses the emergence of three methods of residential segregation through zoning which took root in the early twentieth-century USA. The three methods are: segregating people by race, segregating them by different land-area standards, and segregating them based on both land-area standards and a taxonomy of single- versus multi-family housing. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper explores the historical formation of the National School Lunch Program (NSLP) in the United States and argues that programme emergence depended on the ability of policy entrepreneurs to link the economic concerns of agricultural production with the ideational concern of national security. Using a historical institutionalist framework this paper stresses the critical juncture of the Second World War and the positive feedback loop created between agricultural industries and schools to understand the emergence of the NSLP. In addition, it stresses the role of frames in policy-making and focuses on the use by policy entrepreneurs of a security frame whereby child malnutrition was cast as a national security issue. The policy window of war gave policy entrepreneurs the chance to use the politically and culturally resonant frame of security, in the contexts of agricultural subsidies, to push for the creation of this programme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several Asian-American groups are more educated than their non-migrant compatriots in Asia and their native-born white competitors in America. Lee and Zhou show that this "educational hyper-selectivity" has significant implications for the socio-economic success of Asian immigrants and their children. But they devote relatively little attention to its causes. This paper develops an answer in the Taiwan case. Using interviews and statistics, it shows that the Taiwanese secured an educational advantage because those arriving before 1965 consisted almost entirely of graduate students. Although they entered on student visas, prevailing political and economic conditions led them to settle in the U.S. After the passage of the Hart-Celler Act, these movers reproduced their advantage by sponsoring the arrival of kin, most of whom were also well-educated. The paper's conclusion assesses the ability of American immigration law to foster the formation of hyper-selected groups.en. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following Laura Bear et al.’s discussion of ‘generating capitalism’, this article presents an account of two historical periods in which certain Mongolian rulers made the deliberate decision to embrace Euro-American capitalism. They explain that this was done to help Mongolia entice ‘third neighbours’ whose interests secure Mongolia’s independence by preventing Mongolia from being occupied by China or Russia. This paper then recounts how, during each of these historical periods, the nation-state’s rulers prioritized the declaration and consolidation of de facto constitutive political independence. Building on this prioritization of the political, this paper argues that the generation of capitalism in Mongolia is not for the sake of the economy itself, as Bear et al. suggest, but for the sake of independence. Reflecting on this, this article shows how global capitalism can be seen not as a threat to the nation-state but as a help to balance dependences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a summation of the emphases I place in my teaching about intelligence, both in academic settings and in courses presented to government and commercial clients. The main goal is to demystify and deromanticize intelligence, to present it as a normal function of government and one that has moral and ethical standards and can exist compatibly within a democratic government. The article also discusses suggested course readings, some successful term paper topics and the concept of graduate intelligence courses as a type of professional training. The article also notes some themes emphasized in courses on training new analysts in their required skill sets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have been skeptical about the capacity of law to shape what police do, but that skepticism results from a myopic view of the relationship between legal systems and policing practices. This paper develops a more holistic view of that relationship by exploring the legal standards, social understandings, and policing practices that played a role in the regulation of alcohol and drunkenness from roughly 1750–1860 in the United States. From the late colonial period through the 1830s, alcohol regulation did not aim to reduce drinking but to prevent public disorder – a task that was well-suited to the character of the early American legal system. From the 1830s through 1860, however, the temperance movement successfully pressed legislators to enact more explicitly moralistic liquor laws, demanding that police ferret out private alcohol sales rather than merely regulating their impact on public order. That new mandate quickly unravelled, for it proved incompatible with a wide range of legal restraints, including traditional protections against searches of private homes, skepticism about the testimony by criminal accomplices, and liability rules related to official enforcement actions. No single restriction on policing tactics undermined antebellum prohibition, but the basic orientation of criminal procedure and the social understandings and practices through which it operated informed a wide range of specific restrictions on morals policing that collectively made prohibition unworkable. To understand that story, we need to take a broader view of the relationship between law and policing than most policing research has taken. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Kiva is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Fifty-five years ago the 1962-1963 school year had barely begun when Sidna Brower, the new editor of The Mississippian, the University of Mississippi student newspaper, was covering the murder of a newsman on campus, reporting on a race riot and facing censure by the student senate for an editorial she wrote calling on students to respect the law. She would receive a nomination for the Pulitzer Prize for her editorials written after James Meredith’s admission to the university and also the disdain of her sorority sisters for not speaking out against his admission. She established a scholarship in memory of the murdered newsman, Paul Guihard. The censure resolution stood for forty years, Guihard’s murderer was never identified, and Brower went on to own a weekly newspaper in New Jersey, using the journalistic philosophy she honed while a college senior to lead an award-winning paper in suburban New York City. Brower was not alone among university editors in the South who faced down their peers and took strong positions related to segregation. Her story is unique because although she favored integration, she never advocated for desegregation, believing it would increase the animosity on campus. The desegregation of other universities across the South was contentious, but, for the most part, campus opposition did not rise to the level of a riot, nor was the U.S. Army needed to enforce federal desegregation court orders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In November 1965, Lerone Bennett, Jr. began a new series inEbonymagazine titled “Black Power”, which focused on the economic and political gains made by blacks during Reconstruction. In the middle of Bennett’s “Black Power” series, Stokely Carmichael issued his own proclamation for Black Power at the Meredith March in June 1966. Just a few issues later,Ebonypublished an in-depth profile of Carmichael by Bennett, which provided one of the most comprehensive early examinations of Carmichael and Black Power published in an American periodical. This paper explores Bennett’s profile of Carmichael and his “Black Power” history series to offer a reappraisal ofEbony’s role in the rise of Black Power. I argue that Bennett’s writing inEbonyhelps to complicateEbony’s reputation as a superficial and commercially-oriented magazine, and points to the development of a cultural and political left-wing within Johnson Publishing Company during the 1960s. By connecting the emergence of Black Power in the 1960s to his own depiction of Black Power during Reconstruction, Bennett offered an important rebuttal to mainstream depictions of Black Power as a dangerous “new” force, and a precursor to more recent scholarly discussions of a “long Black Power movement”. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the implications of recent developments in U.S. intercountry adoption (ICA) policy for vulnerable children. We review policy and practices from 2004-2018, including (1) the 2008 implementation of the Hague Convention and (2) the 2017 changes in Hague accrediting entities for adoption agencies. By analyzing the ICA contexts of the top five States of origin, we argue the decline in ICA is from factors within States of origin rather than U.S. policy. Though ICA benefits individual children's development, it can cause harm at a systems level, so the decline in ICA has mixed implications for vulnerable children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a case study and historical textual analysis, this article explores how small-city newspapers offer a window into urbanism and identity formation in the early twentieth century. These newspapers pursued a content and circulation strategy that combined publishing characteristics associated with the mass circulation dailies and industrial journalism of major metropolitan areas with more community-oriented elements, such as booster content and hyperlocal news items. These newspapers operated as an important part of the early twentieth century American media system and represented a distinct type of publication that embraced the aspirational urbanism of local business interests and civic boosters. Despite flourishing literature on newspapers in twentieth century American society, large, urban areas tend to dominate scholarly analysis, while leaving out the sorts of communities that had a self-conscious experience of industrial modernity. By focusing analysis on the 1920s, this article explores how the Superior (Wisconsin) Telegram embraced this aspirational urbanism. It shows how the Telegram operated as a platform for its readers to navigate the tensions of the decade, articulate the city's urban ambitions, and serve as a symbol of the city's modern and progressive ideals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the Cold War, Italy was one of the most steadfast NATO allies in hosting American nuclear weapons on its territory. Such a policy could easily be construed as an example of almost automatic confidence in the US nuclear umbrella, yet only on the surface did extended deterrence appease Italian anxieties about the uncertainties of the American nuclear guarantee. The Italian rationale for accepting a large array of US nuclear weapons did as a matter of fact involve a complex mix of reasons, ranging from trying to ensure that the Italian government would be consulted in the event of a major crisis, to willingness to enhance the country’s profile inside any Western multilateral fora. The paper will investigate this policy by looking at how the Italian government behaved at the height of the NATO nuclear sharing debate, between 1957 and 1962, arguably one of the historical moments in the Cold War when the concept of extended deterrence was most intensely discussed. Drawing up on hitherto classified archival sources as well as on some less-known public ones, the paper will show how Italian diplomats, military leaders and policymakers understood the dangers and political implications of US nuclear policies. It will, hopefully, demonstrate that Italy’s persistent search for a multilateral solution to the nuclearisation of NATO strategy shows that Italy never saw extended deterrence as a solution per se, but only as a temporary means to an end. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper explores the rise of programs in television instruction in the USA during broadcasting’s postwar expansion period. Beginning in professional schools, television training entered the university first through extension school courses, then in full degree programs. This transition to institutions of higher learning entailed key shifts in demographics, pedagogical orientation, and legitimation strategies, while embroiling television in larger struggles over the shifting boundaries of the postwar humanities. Studying the education of early television workers, I argue, raises key questions about processes of worker professionalization vital for developing research on media industries and media labor. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The aim of this paper is to bring into conversation two apparently disparate debates in the fields of politics and International Relations. The first is a debate over celebrity humanitarianism that is divided between optimistic scholars, who see in it an enhancement of democracy, and pessimistic scholars, who link it to capitalist imperialism or a throwback to older colonial tropes. The second is a debate over a (new) American empire which has prompted scholars in IR to redress IR’s historic ‘elision’ of empire and to offer new network theories of empire. The paper argues that these two debates each address the shortcomings in the other and offers speculation on what celebrity humanitarianism might have to do with empire by bridging the connections between structuralist political theories of empire and the cultural accounts offered by postcolonial theory. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the history of southern teacher association mergers during the Civil Rights Movement. Desegregated teacher associations promised opportunity for black educators during the transformation of public schools in the 1960s and 1970s. Southern black educators at the moment of desegregation controlled the mergers of their own associations and carried forth a civil rights agenda that protected the gains of the movement and the integrity of their professional labor. Threatened with widespread unemployment and the perils of working under white school officials committed to segregation, black educators defended their right to teach in a newly desegregated and volatile work environment. White teacher associations responded by pursuing a 'right to work' in desegregated schools that built upon the rhetoric of conservative and antiunion ideology. The perennial yet evolving tensions that underpinned the merger highlights the limitations of the Civil Rights Movement, which promised opportunity yet ironically put forth new forms of resistance that deprived black teachers of the equity they sought through desegregation. The conflict inherent to the merger of education associations provides a nuanced perspective by which to understand desegregation as it precipitated fractures and tensions still evident in the teaching profession today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the largely voluntary character of Nigerian immigration to the United States since 1970, it is not clear that their patterns of integration have emulated those of earlier immigrants who, over time, traded their specific national origins for "American" or "White" identities as they experienced upward mobility. This path may not be available to Nigerian immigrants. When they cease to be Nigerian, they may become black or African-American. In this paper, I use US Census data to trace patterns of identity in a Nigerian second-generation cohort as they advance from early school-age in 1990 to adulthood in 2014. The cohort shrinks inordinately across the period as its members cease to identify as Nigerian, and this pattern of ethnic attrition is most pronounced among the downwardly mobile - leaving us with a positively select Nigerian second generation and, perhaps, unduly optimistic assessments of Nigerian-American socioeconomic advancement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how two influential American policy makers—Paul Nitze and McGeorge Bundy—wrestled with the idea of a norm against the use of nuclear weapons. Existing scholarship has overlooked how both Bundy and Nitze came to understand the idea of nuclear non-use, especially related to the credibility of threats to use nuclear weapons. Using documentary evidence from their personal papers, this article illuminates the thinking of Bundy and Nitze, finding that both engaged with the idea of a norm of non-use of nuclear weapons in their strategic writing and thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using ethnographic data on Boston's Haymarket Square, this paper demonstrates how public space and a market opportunity can generate solidarity among people of different ethnicities in the form of a cosmopolitan canopy, and how a single ethnic tradition can nurture an open, public multi-ethnic environment. The paper illustrates how Haymarket vendors' treatment of ethnic and racial difference is actively deployed in the construction of new groups that largely transcend such distinctions. This article outlines the mechanisms by which a cosmopolitan canopy is sustained, and how it serves a constructive social function within the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Disproportionate minority contact (DMC) has been a perplexing problem for the juvenile justice system, and recognized as a national priority since the 1980s. The over-representation of minority youthful offenders throughout juvenile court processing, from arrests to dispositions, has not changed even though significant federal and state efforts have been employed. This paper reviews these racial and ethnic disparity problems, and investigates the history of the juvenile justice system and courts, from the eighteenth century to today’s reformation movement, identifying that DMC is not a recent phenomenon. The history of slavery and the Jim Crow Era greatly impacted the establishment of the juvenile courts and child-centered justice efforts, finding disparities at all historical markers where records are available. When reviewing DMC as we know it today through this context, an argument can be made that limited progress has been made over the past 200 years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

College newspapers in the United States primarily focus on the internal life of the campus community. However, campuses are also part of the larger community and coverage of off-campus news is often integral to that community. This research seeks to document and describe the coverage of national and international news events during the interwar period of 1920 to 1940 by analyzing the contents of six geographically dispersed college newspapers. Although the level of coverage of national and international events did not overshadow the typical college coverage of sports and social activities, off-campus coverage was reflective of the interwar period and of what was published in community and city newspapers. Rising conflict in Europe and in the Far East did not go unnoticed, nor did economic depression and New Deal programs that could help students remain in school. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From its beginning in 1885, the Hull House was beacon for social progress and urban reform. Founders Jane Addams and Ellen Gates Starr recruited talented, passionate partners from diverse fields to address issues from street sanitation to education in Chicago’s immigrant communities. Among residents’ many projects, their involvement in the “social hygiene” movement for sex education and contraception is perhaps the least recognised, in part because the Hull House did not save materials directly related to these services. As a result, the professional activities of Hull House residents Drs Rachelle Yarros and Alice Hamilton reveal a productive relationship between the Hull House and the social hygiene movement. Part of their critical work was to dismantle the cultural association of contraceptives and sex education with “fallen women” and reframe these services as necessities for maternal health. The papers of their professional organisations chronicle their delicate efforts to challenge assumptions about reproductive healthcare while preserving Victorian ideals about sex as a private, procreative endeavour strictly between married, monogamous people. Rachelle Yarros was particularly active, producing a dearth of literature on sexual health, teaching classes on the subject, and overseeing the opening of Chicago’s first public birth control clinics. Each of these advancements, including the birth control clinic, was available on Hull House grounds. By capitalising on the financial and medical resources available to them as physicians and reformers, Yarros and Hamilton achieved significant gains in women’s healthcare and initiated a national conversation about sexual health as a human right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Kiva is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the first decade of this century, public monuments to the memory of "comfort women" - women and girls forced into sexual service from the 1930s through 1945, by the Japanese Imperial Army - have been established in the United States by the Korean diaspora. This paper analyses recent memorials in the suburbs of New York that have experienced rapid immigration from Korea since the 1990s. The memorials met local resistance due to perceptions of unrelatedness to the American land. Such immigrant initiatives, however, have been supported by municipal governance. The project of inscribing a passage from East Asian history in the American context may be considered symptomatic of wider cognitive and social shifts in immigrant adaptation. Assimilation through the inclusion of immigrant heritage, along with an increasing sense of entitlement in being both "ethnic" and "American", have been integral to this contest regarding collective memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we critically examine the polysemous term, creole, used at different times and various geographical areas to describe diverse identities, languages, peoples, ethnicities, racial heritages, and cultural artefacts. Our objective is twofold: (1) to describe the historically contested nature of the term and its connection to broader trends in defining race in the United States and (2) to suggest that a deeper understanding of racially situated terms such as creole can help to highlight the contextualized character of racial/ethnic divisions, trends, and labels. Our analysis shows that in many ways the Creole people of the United States Gulf Coast Region truly represent the "melting pot" mantra in espoused American ideology and exemplify a direct challenge to bygone racial ideologues which espoused the idea that mixing produces hybridized, impudent, weak, and sickly offspring. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In November 1970, Black Panther Party leader Huey P. Newton gave a lecture at Boston College where he introduced his theory of intercommunalism. Newton re-articulated Marxist theories of imperialism through the lens of the Black liberation struggle and argued that imperialism had entered a new phase called ‘reactionary intercommunalism’. Newton’s theory of intercommunalism offers nothing less than a proto-theorisation of what we have come to call neo-liberal globalisation and its effects on what W. E. B. Du Bois had seen as the racialisation of modern imperialism. Due to the initial historical dismissal of the Black Panther Party’s political legacy, Newton’s thought has largely been neglected for the past 40 years. This paper revisits Newton’s theory of intercommunalism, with the aim of achieving some form of epistemic justice for his thought, but also to highlight how Newton’s recasting of imperialism as reactionary intercommunalism provides critical insight into the rise of Trumpism in the US. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Fifty years after the conclusion of the Civil War, the town of Gettysburg, Pennsylvania faced the challenge of another war. From 1914 to 1917, the townspeople followed events in Europe closely, becoming vehement supporters of the American entry into the war by April 1917. In 1918, the Gettysburg Battlefield became inundated with American soldiers for the second time in its history, as doughboys trained for overseas service on the site of Pickett’s Charge. This paper considers the way the town of Gettysburg reacted to and mobilized for the First World War. It explores the notion of a ‘forgotten’ American war in a place that is perpetually haunted by war memories. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the social media strategies of candidates seeking their party’s nomination for the 2016 U.S. presidential election. We use textual analysis to understand what candidates focused on. We assess eight themes covered in Twitter posts. For example, Clinton focused on GUN CONTROL, while Sanders focused on climate change. Using Facebook data, we introduce a topic modeling approach, latent Dirichlet allocation, to the political marketing literature. This allows us to uncover what topics the candidates focus on without researcher intervention and, using a dynamic model, show how this changes over time. We note that Clinton’s focus on Trump increases toward the end of the primary campaign. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper traces the role of American technocrats in popularizing the notion later dubbed the ‘technological fix’. Channeled by their long-term ‘chief’, Howard Scott, their claim was that technology always provides the most effective solution to modern social, cultural and political problems. The account focuses on the expression of this technological faith, and how it was proselytized, from the era of high industrialism between the World Wars through, and beyond, the nuclear age. I argue that the packaging and promotion of these ideas relied on allegorical technological tales and readily-absorbed graphic imagery. Combined with what Scott called ‘symbolization’, this seductive discourse preached beliefs about technology to broad audiences. The style and conviction of the messages were echoed by establishment figures such as National Lab director Alvin Weinberg, who employed the techniques to convert mainstream and elite audiences through the end of the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper builds on the work of critical health scholars and practitioners who have examined the ‘securitization’ of public health in the US during the post-9/11 period. Adopting a critical race perspective, I delve more deeply into the racialized dimensions of this securitization, analyzing how the emergence of a bioterror-framed view of disease has mobilized a disease-terror imaginary comprised of longstanding suspicion towards bodies of color coupled with more recent anti-Arab and anti-Muslim sentiment. I demonstrate that the incorporation of the central figure of this imaginary – the bioterrorist – into US public health discourse has reconfigured ideas about disease carriers as potentially violent and malicious, in turn reconfiguring approaches to disease control that rely on suspicion and securitized health surveillance. US public health adoption of this orientation towards disease control has, I argue, the potential to exacerbate targeting, stigma, and exclusionary practices towards individuals and populations deemed suspicious vis-à-vis this imaginary. My work, in examining the racial discourses of bioterror that shape ‘securitization’, aims to expand the analytical tools that US public health administrators and practitioners draw on to remain vigilant in ensuring that it serves all of its publics in an equitable manner. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper advocates a greater emphasis on racialization research, and consists of observations and research questions that could add to our understanding of racialization. Such understanding will be useful and perhaps even necessary, as a variety of world events result in continuing population movements as well as economic and political crises that could increase intra and international conflicts. Any of these could lead to the further racialization of refugees, migrants, earlier immigrants and others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The journalism of Thomas Waring Jr., editor of The News and Courier in Charleston, South Carolina, opens a window into the interrelationship of segregationist fears of integration and communism in the South of the late 1950s. This study explores Waring’s campaign, in both editorials and news reporting, against the pro-integration Highlander Folk School and, by association, the faculty of his alma mater, the University of the South. Owing to his unrelenting defense of a segregationist conception of white democracy, Waring himself became the focus of controversy in 1961, when the University of the South awarded him an honorary doctorate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This invited paper is intended to give an overview regarding the education and training pathways for the practice of neuropsychology in the United States. It is also meant to describe the types of activities engaged in by neuropsychologists, a description of their work settings and the amounts/ways in which they are compensated for their work.Method: The authors reviewed the literature and relied on their professional and organizational experiences to collect the necessary data.Results: The United States has well-defined pathways for one to follow to gain the experiences and knowledge necessary to practice clinical neuropsychology in a competent way. Compensation varies widely among workplace settings but overall neuropsychologists appear to be well-paid. Challenges now and in the foreseeable future include a need to develop tests that have better ecological validity and that better reflect the demographics of a changing population, and an increasing need for neuropsychologists to identify key roles as members of integrated care teams.Conclusions: The United States has played an important role in the development of the practice and science of neuropsychology. Its continued success will, at least in part, depend on innovations in test development and application, and further demonstration of its relevance to health care and academic settings. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Plantation slavery and rice agriculture in the Carolina Lowcountry drew upon captive Africans from a wide area of the African continent, but particular note has been made of the contributions of enslaved Africans originating in the Upper Guinea coast region who had sophisticated knowledge of indigenous rice agriculture. The “Black Rice Hypotheses” argues that their knowledge was crucial to the successful plantation regimes. Papers collected in this issue ofAtlantic Studies: Global Currentsexplore the consequences of that interaction during the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries for the societies of the Carolina Lowcountry, as well as for the societies of coastal Guinea and Sierra Leone. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Muslims in Europe have set up numerous initiatives aimed at reconciling religious life in modern societies. Whether they revolve around food certification, finance, education, or newly founded businesses that try to provide products and services compliant with religious prescriptions. Many charities are alternative safe spaces where people who share the same spirituality and ethics can connect and work together. Reviving Islamic traditions, such as shura, sharing a rejection of consumerism, and designing modes of governance opposed to bureaucracy, they may appear as rejecting modern models. However, inspired by the financially successful methods of big multinational companies, some charities try to design modes of action that try to emulate corporate culture. Becoming driven by results and figures such as “likes” on Facebook, retweets, and “views” on YouTube, they adapt their interpretation of the Qur’an and the hadith to justify material success as a means to achieve happiness. This paper analyses how, from a tradition rejecting materialism, some Muslim charities paradoxically develop a utilitarian mindset, and how corporate culture impacts the not-for-profit sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new nuclear history can make a critical contribution by forcing us to reconsider or reframe the theoretical premises of the concepts we apply to our understanding of the present – and with which we try to navigate the future. It bears on fundamental questions, such as: How should the US manage its alliances? Should it establish a multilateral nuclear policy dialogue in Asia? In what depth should it discuss issues of doctrine and targeting with its Asian allies? What capabilities might reassure European allies in light of current Russian revisionism? Could nuclear war be limited and controlled in an East Asian maritime arena? Do nuclear weapons strengthen an alliance, or do they introduce a divisive bone of contention? Is extended nuclear deterrence (END) stabilizing or is it on the contrary pushing the allies to ask for more? What is the relationship between nuclear and conventional forces in END credibility? How do nuclear alliances contribute to international security and international order? The lessons and insights from these papers, which look at five historical cases of US extended deterrence during the Cold War, should help us think about crucial current issues, and be of use both to historians who want to have a better understanding of the Cold War past and to policymakers who are currently grappling with these issues. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper explores how the Mississippi Choctaws engaged state citizenship in the years immediately following removal. I challenge the standard narrative of Choctaws’ relationships with the Mississippi legal system as one in which they were primarily victimized by unscrupulous lawyers and state officials. I argue instead that Choctaws used their new status as citizens to fight back against dispossession. I also examine how ideals of masculinity and class conflicts shaped interpretations of rights and obligations between Indians and whites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]