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Over the past decade, Mexican climate policy has captured worldwide attention for its ambition and level of commitment to international goals. Mexico was one of the first countries to adopt a climate change act, the 2012 General Law on Climate Change (referred to as the Mexican Climate Act, MCA). However, Mexico has been unable to fulfil its self-imposed climate goals and the innovative national climate legislation has only produced limited results. By assessing the functioning of the Inter-Ministerial Commission on Climate Change (CICC) and the National System on Climate Change (SINACC), this article analyses how and why climate policy fragmentation occurs during MCA implementation. This paper argues that the lack of integration observed in the Mexican case is the result of a dynamic process characterized by multi-level paralysis, which is caused by three interconnected factors: (1) weakness of the Mexican federal system affecting vertical integration of climate policy (CPI); (2) ambiguities in MCA mandates impeding horizontal CPI; and (3) uneven leadership in Mexican climate policy that generates a breach between promises made abroad and actual domestic implementation capacities. The empirical findings of this paper are based upon quantitative and qualitative content analyses applied to the minutes of meetings of both the CICC and the SINACC, together with 22 elite-interviews with officers close to the policy process. This paper concludes that if there is a blueprint for organizing the Mexican administrative system, it has to start with rethinking the role of climate federalism. Key policy insights Mexican climate policy suffers from policy fragmentation and administrative instruments conceived for integration are not functioning properly. A reform of both is needed. Three interconnected factors generate policy fragmentation in Mexico: weakness of the Mexican federal system affecting collaboration across levels of government (vertical CPI); ambiguities in MCA mandates impeding coordination (horizontal CPI); and uneven leadership that generates a breach between the promises made abroad and actual domestic implementation capacities. Mexico has to rethink the role of climate federalism. The country adopted a model not suitable to its political and administrative culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fiscal Federalism in Multinational States: Autonomy, Equality, and Diversity: edited by François Boucher and Alain Noël, Montreal and Kingston, McGill-Queen's University Press, 2021, 290 pp., CAN $37.95 (paper), ISBN 978-0-2280-0652-7 Perhaps the most helpful perspective on the importance of fiscal federalism to substate governments comes from University of Ottawa political scientist André Lecours. Nonetheless, De Schutter would restrict substate autonomy, leaving most policy decisions and welfare spending at the federal level. [Extracted from the article]

Employing the Modern Monetary Theory (MMT), this paper examines the current Chinese fiscal system and highlights its three characteristics. First, fiscal revenues are centralized at the central government while expenditures are decentralized at the local governments; second, fiscal spending focuses on public investment but is insufficient in providing social safety net and public services; and third, indirect tax accounts for a great majority of tax revenues, leading to limited progressivity of the tax system. These limitations have constrained the effectiveness of China's fiscal policies and generated many perverse impacts. With the understanding that the central government has the monetary sovereignty and does not face financing constrained and that taxes are not to raise revenues for fiscal spending but to serve other purposes, the paper calls for fiscal reforms that realign fiscal resources and spending responsibilities between the central and local governments, increase fiscal spending on social security and public services, as well as broaden personal income tax to improve the distributive effect of taxation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper contributes to strategic thinking about infrastructure resilience and adaptation. A technique is presented in a case study for analysing options on the timing of protection against climate change. Predetermined trigger points for responses to resilience weaknesses are discussed, showing how flowcharts can act as prompts to the need for action. The roles of national governments in improving resilience in key areas are discussed. The paper introduces the concept of a 'chain of resilience' for interdependent infrastructure systems and identifies some key questions for national governments to ask about the linkages between systems before requiring appropriate remedial actions. Practical steps for private owners and investors to increase resilience in their own infrastructure are identified. Some suggestions for tackling the increasingly important area of cyber resilience are presented. The use of actuarial techniques is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes data from 1999–2019, evidencing strategies utilized by Nigerian Subnational Governments (SNGs) for attracting inward Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). These strategies are unique for several reasons, including the fact that they highlight the evidence of paradiplomacy in Nigeria, a case study that is understudied in the paradiplomacy literature. These strategies are also a deviation from the conventional protocols for FDI mobilization in Nigeria. Drawing on Duchacek's conceptualization of these strategies as a percolation of sovereign boundaries, i.e. the idea that SNGs are permeating inter-sovereign 'sieves' designed to restrict their forays into the international plane, this paper conceptually maps and empirically assesses the varied expressions and prevalence of these strategies. Although these strategies are yet to be constitutionally challenged by the central government, they reveal a growing porosity of Nigeria's sovereign boundaries and necessitate a critical reassessment of the extant intergovernmental frameworks that govern FDI mobilization in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the experiences of English primary school leaders who perform critical roles in interpreting government policy and navigating the landscape to design relationship and sex education (RSE) for their pupils. It considers schools as sites of political contestation and educators as policy actors, the voices of whom are often absent in the literature about RSE. Drawing on Peter Morriss' theory of power, the paper considers how primary school decision makers utilise their epistemic abilities to advance their policy preferences and how structures of authority and legitimacy energize and constrain them in their policy-making work. The findings suggest a paradox in power: while the national government has delegated decision-making about RSE to individual schools, it has simultaneously failed to uniformly equip schools to make appropriate policies about RSE and enabled parents to deny schools' credibility and authority as leaders in RSE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Railway development holds special importance in every major industrialized country. Despite its significance, the wholesale modernization of China's railway sector only began after the mid-2000s. Against this backdrop, this paper poses three research questions: First, why did China's high-speed railway (HSR) revolution start in the mid-2000s? Second, which domestic and international factors most decisively shaped the rapid development of China's HSR industry? Third, can other states replicate the Chinese model? This paper advances the perspective of 'market-creating states'. Through administrative centralization, the Chinese state created a national HSR market in which state-owned firms and sub- national governments collaborated with the central government to pursue rapid development. In doing so, the Chinese state successfully leapfrogged into the age of HSR, fostered indigenous innovation, and escaped dependency. High-speed rail development serves as a fruitful starting point for understanding the role of a 'market-creating state' in managing development in a globalized economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Somalia adopted federalism in 2004 and embarked on its implementation in 2012. This paper provides critical insights on the reception and performance of Somalia's federal project since 2012. The analysis has shown major practical challenges facing Somalia's federal structure: constitutional ambiguity and lack of consensus on federalism, difficulties regarding the formation of the federal member states and their border demarcations, the status of Mogadishu and questions concerning fiscal federalism. The paper argues these challenges as well as the general public's inadequate knowledge of federalism are pushing the nation towards decentralisation. It contends the regional politics and shifting alliances in the Horn of Africa and the Middle East are affecting Somalia's federal future, thus enforcing the 'federalism is a foreign initiative' notion. The paper suggests that a close study of Somali perceptions reveals that federalism is an externally imposed idea, which renders the weakening of the Somali state a strategic state policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relationship between federalism and the policy design of labour market policies in two liberal welfare state regimes – Canada and the United States – addressing the following research question: How do variations in policy design intersect with federalism in both countries and how can these variations provide powerful, self-reinforcing or self-undermining feedback effects over time? Combining the literatures on the varieties of federalism, the liberal welfare regime, and policy design and feedback, the paper shows that paying close attention to federalism is necessary to understand diverse national policy designs that produce self-reinforcing feedback effects over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper delineates the growth of academy trusts in England before exploring government intentions to base the future state-funded school system on 'strong' multi-academy trusts. Academies, directly funded by the central government, first appeared in 2002 as an alternative to local authority-managed provision, with the initial intention of addressing continued underperformance of schools in urban areas. It was not until 2010, however, with an incoming Coalition government that the academisation process was widened, a policy seemingly driven by a desire to limit the influence of local authorities in line with principles of new public management (NPM). The number of academies increased dramatically (for a variety of reasons) to the point where now over half the school population are within them. Individual academies have, since the appointment of Regional School Commissioners in 2014, been encouraged to join formally with other academies as multi-academy trusts (MATs). Whilst by 2022 there were nearly 10,000 academies, most were in MATs with the government signalling its intention through a White Paper to base the future on them. The academisation process has featured several areas of concern, however, not all of which will be resolved by the policy statements contained in this proposal for new legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although a crucial part of the federal government's legal arsenal against polluters in environmental enforcement actions, theComprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act(CERCLA) is nevertheless an ambiguously and confusingly drafted statute requiring constant judicial interpretations of its application in litigation. Last year, several decisions delivered by the Court of Appeals of the Seventh Circuit have provided the latest interpretations, particularly further distinguishing between sections 107 and 113 claims, as well as clarifying apportionment and allocation of liabilities. This article discusses these decisions and tries to analyze their impact on future CERCLA litigations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

S.K. Patil, quintessential Congressman of Bombay city and cabinet minister in three central governments from 1957 to 1963 and 1964 to 1967, was the kind of figure in Indian politics, who personified Rajni Kothari's Congress "system" of clients-patrons and chains-links. A Patelite, Patil was a thorn in Nehru's side. A leader of the business community, he identified with a network politics involving capital. He was an indifferent administrator, but an influential party apparatchik and his career peaked in 1964–1967, when he was a part of the all-important Congress "syndicate." Afterward, however, he struggled for relevance in the turbulent decade of the 1970s. In this research article based on Patil's personal papers, I offer these fragments from his political life as interesting prisms through which to view (a) aspects of intra-party and inter-ministerial conflictual culture, (b) issues concerning the top-down character of governance with implications for public policy and (c) the complex opposition to it, both inside and outside, thereby repaying this visit to an individual's trajectory in contemporary history with parallels for current politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how Ebola survivors in Sierra Leone are enacting biological citizenship to effect responsive and accountable engagement with their government. Disaster survivors are often left without avenues to hold policymakers accountable, but, recently, injured or disabled people have taken legal action against their governments over issues such as negligence, delays, damaged property, and death. However, in Sierra Leone, members of the Ebola survivors' association have sued the government at the ECOWAS Community Court of Justice over a less conventional issue: corruption. After audit reports uncovered instances of financial impropriety that compromised the country's response to the 2013–2016 Ebola outbreak, two plaintiffs sued the government with the argument that corruption and the failure of the government to hold the culprits accountable constitute abuses of the rights to life and health of those affected by the disaster, and the entire population. Based on this case, the paper argues that the lawsuit is an attempt to redefine corruption as a health hazard and a human rights violation. This challenges authorities to give serious attention to how financial improprieties affect the ability of state agencies to guarantee equitable, dignified healthcare, and to take the post-disaster rehabilitation of survivors as a critical component of reconstruction programmes. Ultimately, the lawsuit might set a precedent for other disaster survivors to demand equitable and dignified access to health and proper rehabilitation. This paper draws on scholarly literature, official documents, and conversations with some of the survivors and their lawyer to make this argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2007, 'Closing the Gap' between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people has been an ambition of Australian state and federal governments in areas including education, employment, and health. This paper examines media responses to government policies aimed at closing the achievement gap in schools. The paper analyses print and online newspaper articles in national and capital city/state-based newspapers that reported on the implementation and success of Closing the Gap policies in Australia's schools. The paper argues that media narratives are often based on NAPLAN results, data sourced from the MySchool website, or newspaper-created metrics that support their own narrative. This paper highlights the narratives being purported to readers via the selective nature of newspaper data, and subsequently how these narratives attempt to influence the public discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between citizen satisfaction with the functioning of democracy and ideological congruence. We focus on how this relationship may vary by government type, paying attention to the conditioning effects of coalition governments' ideological make-up and individual-level education. Our analyses rely on harmonized survey data covering one million respondents in 28 countries over a 40-year period. We find limited evidence that the relationship between citizen satisfaction and ideological congruence is conditional on national government type. All coalitions are not, however, created equal. Comparing single-party governments to multi-party governments with different ideological compositions, we find striking differences, but only for the higher educated. While the negative relationship between citizen satisfaction and ideological incongruence is similar for lower-educated citizens in single-party and multi-party coalition settings (irrespective of cabinet composition), for the higher educated, the relationship weakens as a function of the ideological diversity of the coalition cabinet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In times of economic crisis, academics, policy-makers, and pundits often debate the correct level and best use of government debt. This paper argues structural political and economic factors grant core economies more fiscal space than peripheral economies. While the federal governments of the US, Germany, and other core economies may easily issue and sell debt in private markets, smaller economies, both municipalities within countries, and countries in the global periphery, are more vulnerable to demand fluctuations. All economies may benefit from explicit commitments by monetary authorities to resume their historic roles as governments' banks, especially during crises. By highlighting present political constraints, monetary structures, and market factors that may inhibit governments' successful placement of bonds, this paper deepens present debate about the potential feasibility of functional finance to facilitate fiscal activity, even in unprecedented times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper studies the effects of federalism on primary-income (before taxes and transfers) inequality. A jurisdiction in a federal system chooses an economic policy for the interests of the jurisdiction, but the policy is determined uniformly at the national level in a unitary system. A jurisdiction with more resources can choose a higher level of public inputs such as productivity-enhancing investment and hence attract more businesses in a federal system, but a jurisdiction in a unitary system cannot. More business activities result in higher incomes, and income inequality is higher in a federal system than in a unitary system. The paper also provides an empirical analysis, and available evidence suggests that primary-income inequality is higher in a federal system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws from two experiences with decentralisation in Kenya to illustrate the different ways through which the central government has sought to bolster its power at the expense of the local government in the country’s capital, Nairobi during periods of vertically-unified authority. In the first instance, it examines the years between 1983 and 1992 during which the central government appointed a Commission to replace the elected Nairobi City Council. The second period that is examined is between 2017 and 2022 when certain devolved functions were transferred from the elected Nairobi City County Government to a newly established institution appointed by the President, the Nairobi Metropolitan Service. During both periods authority was vertically unified with the ruling parties also being in control of the city. Drawing on a series of interviews with various stakeholders and inhabitants of informal settlements, the paper argues that contrary to what much literature suggests, recentralisation of urban governance not only occurs in situations of vertically-divided authority but can also occur where authority is unified. Some of the conditions that enabled these power consolidation moves together with the outcomes that these generated are also examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to explain the path of higher education development and governance in (post-colonial) Hong Kong in light of the concept of hybridity. The paper begins with a historical review, delineating the establishment of major universities in Hong Kong, thereby illustrating how hybridity informs the trajectory of higher education development in the city. Considering the tensions and conflicts that emerged during the post-colonial transition and underlining the influences of managerialism and political activism, the paper draws on data from interviews with university council members and student leaders to outline the issues on university governance in Hong Kong. This paper argues that the response of the Chinese central government to the social unrest in the city represents a re-Sinification process that redefines the idea of the university in postcolonial Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior to the COVID–19 outbreak, food insecurity was already a serious public health problem in Canada, impacting 12.7 percent of households. In recent years, activists, practitioners and researchers from a range of health–related disciplines, have debated the legitimacy of food banks and other charitable food programs, contending that policy and programs at the federal level must be prioritized to address the underlying root causes of poverty. This paper challenges the discourse that charitable food programs prevent or distract from Canada's social equity goals. Alternatively, this paper argues that programs and initiatives at the local level can emerge to bring short–term stability and self–sufficiency to local communities while also advocating for longer–term structural change. Drawing upon structuration theory and critical ecologies of anti–Black racism, we examine the work of BlackFoodToronto, a food sovereignty initiative, to illustrate the negotiation of power and agency, and how groups and networks react to and reshape confining and enabling structures through collaborative practice. In addressing Canada's food security crisis, this paper offers an alternative perspective of community–based, nonprofit and charitable programs, which in practice, can help inform future food security policy and related health equity and community development strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to explain the relationship between decentralization and corruption in Indonesia. In doing so, this paper employs Indonesian provincial-level data from 2003 to 2018 using a Poisson model with an endogenous covariates model. The estimation result concludes that decentralization is associated with higher corruption incidence. The result remains robust using an alternative measure of decentralization. Indonesian decentralization is designed to authorize a substantial decision to the local government in prioritizing expenditures, but the primary taxing right remains with the central government. The significant power of the local government is associated with a higher incidence of corruption in the local region. Bribery and over-invoicing of public goods/services are the main cases of local government corruption in Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The public sector's possibilities of using geospatial technologies are vast and can improve public management. In the Brazilian Federal Government, the use of geospatial technologies is unknown, nor is it known the main applications and public and private actors involved. This research proposes to analyze the geospatial technologies market in the Federal Government between the years 2011 and 2019 through public data of contracts. Through the individual analysis of 600 contracts, we concluded that R$ 804,747,626.99 were negotiated during the period. The contracts mainly involved Remote Sensing and Aerophotogrammetry (50%) and Geographic Information Systems (33%) solutions, applied primarily in the thematic areas of Oil & Gas (39%), Infrastructure (19%), and Environment & Natural Resources (10%). Fototerra was the leading company, providing R$ 155,553,107.03 in products and services. The foremost acquiring institution was the Ministry of Mines and Energy, contracting R$ 410 million, of which Petrobras acquired R$ 311 million. This paper showed how different federal institutions use Geography's technological bases to fulfill their missions, improve social well-being, and contribute to a more developed, less unequal, and fairer country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a federal political system like India, the role of the federal units bordering the neighboring countries becomes crucial in foreign policy-making toward neighboring countries. It is expected that when similar political parties or coalition partners remain in power in both the center and the states, federal politics does not hinder policy-making toward neighboring countries. Moreover, foreign policy being a central subject, federal units any way reflect passive tendencies, especially in the case of governments with the same party affiliations. Both these simplifications are contested in this paper by citing instances of the role of West Bengal and Tripura, India's two federal units bordering the neighboring country of Bangladesh, at different historical junctures, in which similar political parties in the center and the state resulted in more friction than when different political parties were in office in matters of India's foreign policy-making toward Bangladesh. The paper argues that instead of federalization of foreign policy, where federal units have an influential role, this particular experience suggests an externalization of federalism, where an external variable (Bangladesh) influences internal federal dynamics to the extent that domestic electoral politics force the political parties of the two federal units to give importance to the neighboring country in taking positions on foreign policy-making. The immediate context of fifty years of the India-Bangladesh relationship and question about over-centralization during the latest phase of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) regime in India push the authors to take up Bangladesh as a case to contest the given of Indian federalism in foreign policy making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the subfield of Public–Private Partnership (PPP), and explores the relationship between policy uncertainty and firm-level investment. Based on the analysis of 905 central-level documents, one novel contribution of this paper is to construct an index of PPP policy uncertainty. We find evidence supporting that the gambling between central government departments is the main cause of policy uncertainty, which further leads to less investment by firms. Compared with other traditional indexes, the construction based upon policy text sheds light on risk management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intermediaries are actors who assist with sustainability transitions. Intermediaries connect, translate, and facilitate flows of information between different groups by positioning themselves between these groups. In this paper we focus on the roles of freshwater intermediaries who have been employed by local authorities and ask how these intermediaries help communities achieve freshwater quality improvements. To answer this question, we present three case studies of freshwater intermediaries working to improve freshwater quality in the Hawke's Bay region of Aotearoa New Zealand (NZ). Our results suggest that intermediaries can help communities improve freshwater quality if they are given the time and resources to establish long-term relationships with communities, and if they are able to synchronise freshwater intermediary work with regional and national freshwater policy objectives. We conclude by arguing that freshwater intermediary work has been undervalued in NZ land and water management, resulting in local and central government attempting to resolve freshwater quality concerns through increasingly prescriptive and complex policy in regulations. Some specific lessons for use of freshwater intermediaries in New Zealand conclude the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature of fiscal federalism suggests two approaches to explaining the allocation of intergovernmental transfers. First, a normative approach that considers governments as benevolent social planners pursuing normative criteria of efficiency and equity; and second, a public choice approach assuming governments as self-maximizing actors who use intergovernmental transfers to purchase political capital, enhancing their chances of re-election. This paper seeks to test the hypotheses of these two approaches to explain the allocation of discretionary development budget among Afghan provinces during three fiscal years of 2016–17, 2017–18 and 2018–19. Findings indicate Afghanistan's central government's approach does not focus to achieve normative criteria of improved participation, predictability, transparency, and equity. Instead, Its central government considers certain political criteria such as political affiliation – ethnic affiliation and alignment with central government policies – political importance, and strength and weakness of local actors. This paper relies on both quantitative and qualitative data to support its arguments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper conducts a textual analysis of the reports on the work of local governments to measure local governments' attention to environmental governance and study the impact of these concerns on corporate green innovation. We find evidence that local governments' attention to the environment will significantly improve corporate green innovation, and the government can promote the green technology innovation of enterprises by providing support and strengthening supervision. Further research shows that the uniformity between the central and local governments and environmental attention pressure from higher-level government reinforce the influence of local environmental attention on corporate green innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In view of China's rapid urbanization for decades and its environmental effects, this paper focused on the impact of urbanization on fine particulate matter (PM2.5) concentration, and estimated the definitive urbanized population whose PM2.5 concentration reached the peak according to the comparison of classical static/dynamic spatial econometric models. The estimation results of 227 prefecture-level cities and municipalities directly under the central government covering the period 1998–2016 show that the spatial spillover effect is statistically significant, while the exogenous effect stands out in the dynamic spatial Durbin model. In terms of the relationship between urbanized population and PM2.5 concentration, the cities themselves and the exogenous influences from other neighboring cities are U-shaped and inverted U-shaped with urbanized population at the inflection point that 3.77 million and 1.77 million, respectively. Moreover, the exogenous effects occupy the mainstream position, indicating that the PM2.5 concentration of prefecture-level cities mostly comes from the input of surrounding cities. It is proven in this paper that a moderate scale of population urbanization is an important factor in haze control, which should be accompanied by joint governance and coordination of urban agglomeration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the results of a game (Zombie Federalism) created for a lower-level political science elective, State and Local Politics. This game was created to improve both retention of course material and enthusiasm in a historically underperforming course. In the game, students play the roles of officials in different levels of government, who are attempting to solve both the mundane problems of government as well a fictional zombie epidemic. The simulation forces students to navigate between short-term versus long-term goals as well as individual versus communal outcomes. The results show that student scores from multiple choice questions relevant to the game improved from the midterm to the final exam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The happiness of citizens has long been the focus of all national governments. From a perspective of import trade liberalization, this paper uses 2010–2015 Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS) data to analyse whether import trade liberalization can improve national happiness and through which channels. The results show that import trade liberalization can significantly improve individual happiness and promote the happiness of citizens in the central region. When individuals are high-educated or high-income ones, trade liberalization can make them come out of the feelings of unhappiness more quickly. The trade liberalization can consolidate the happiness foundation of rural residents and improve the feelings of very happy of the urban ones. Further mechanism analysis demonstrates that import trade liberalization can improve individual happiness by enhancing individual fitness and marketization of the provinces where the individual is settled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Pakistani state signed a number of peace agreements with the Taliban between 2004 and 2015. Despite their significance, hardly any academic evaluations of these agreements exist. This paper assesses these peace deals from three perspectives: political settlements, culture and conflict resolution and cosmopolitan protection. We argue that they failed due to the following reasons: the Pakistani state was more concerned with the interests of the central government in Islamabad than those in the tribal borderlands; the agreements clashed with the unique tribal cultural code of Pashtunwali; and they represented a solution imposed on the tribal societies from the outside. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the pragmatic stance that the United States adopted, during the Nixon era, regarding relations with Pretoria. The Nixon administration believed that Washington needed to prioritise the protection of its own strategic and commercial interests and not become overly concerned about the domestic agenda of its global partners. The vehement anti-communism of the National Party government combined with a profitable economic relationship and the abundant mineral resources of the apartheid state dictated a need on practical grounds for closer ties with South Africa. This stance was further reinforced by Nixon's contempt for sub-Saharan Africans and lack of interest in achieving racial justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on critical race theory to explore the reproduction and enactment of Islamophobia in education policy. It will focus on an unprecedented policy intervention in which the federal Australian government withdrew funding from the largest Islamic private schools in the country. Australia represents a useful context to explore intersections between Islamophobia and the education market; as a diverse country which ardently supports religious protections, it maintains a well-subsidised private school sector, larger than comparable OECD countries. Thus, it is the first incident in Australian public policy in which a private school has had their funding formally withdrawn reportedly due to 'non-compliance' and 'misalignment with Australian values'. This paper focuses on the media reporting of the incident, illuminating consistently negative tropes utilised in relation to Islamic schools. The contradictions of muscular liberalism and secularism are explicated in critical exclusions of Islamic schools and cultural practices, as couched in whiteness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Australia has been the site of major advances in the creation of public sector anticorruption commissions since 1989. However, commissions with broad jurisdiction have been limited to the six states until 2023. The federal jurisdiction lagged behind, with a series of scandals driving intensified debates from 2013. Performance issues associated with state agencies formed part of the debate. The present paper reviews this history, focusing on the intensification of research and lobbying efforts leading to the establishment of a National Anti-Corruption Commission in 2023. The paper also critiques the legislation behind the new agency, arguing it entails considerable limitations and that agency legitimacy and effectiveness will only be achieved through the inclusion of integrity issues of concern to citizens, a strong focus on prevention, and significant independence in investigations and adjudication. These lessons are of relevance to other jurisdictions facing the issue of effective institutional responses to public sector misconduct risks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The argument presented in this paper is that the failure of the United States federal government to enact adequate gun control laws that would help prevent school shootings is a state crime by omission. Drawing on international law, as critical criminologists have recommended since the 1970s, the paper shows that the federal government is failing to act when it has a duty to protect schoolchildren. The paper concludes with recommendations for federal gun control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the importance of trust in international institutions for the development of tax morale by focussing on interactions between trust in the national government and trust in the European Union (EU) or trust in the United Nations (UN). Using large-scale survey data from European countries, we provide evidence that all three trust variables are significantly related to the individual level of tax morale. Overall, the results regarding trust in the EU and the UN are very similar, while trust in the national government appears to be the main factor in driving tax morale. However, depending on the national context, trust in the national government interacts differently with trust in different international institutions with respect to the shaping of tax morale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Centrally Sponsored Schemes (CSS) as a means of Union-State fiscal transfers in light of Article 282 of the Constitution. CSS are programmes designed and funded by the Union government on subjects in the State and Concurrent Lists, to be implemented by various State governments. In this paper, I argue that CSS permit the Union to exercise a high degree of control over the use of finances by the States. In effect, therefore, the Union's spending power to frame CSS can intrude on States' powers to frame and execute programmes on subjects that ought properly to be in their exclusive competence. I argue that even though CSS are constitutional under Article 282, they nevertheless have important practical consequences for Indian federalism [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to the minimal role of statutory city-regional planning in Finland, the Finnish state promotes inter-municipal, integrated planning of land-use, housing and transportation in the biggest city regions by a strategic planning instrument and a contractual policy tool called MAL procedure. MAL procedure includes MAL agreements, where the central government agrees to fund transportation infrastructure, while the municipalities in the city-regions commit to certain planning principles. MAL policy has advanced sustainability goals in planning, but it has also been argued to be prone to legitimacy problems as MAL negotiations take place behind the backs of citizens. The article discusses the structure of the MAL policy, assessing the ways in which this structure supports the legitimacy of the policy. It focuses on the interplay of strategic and communicative rationalities in the MAL procedure, starting from the observation that the theorists of strategic planning have focused predominately on communicative rationality as the legitimacy basis of planning. This paper aims to show that from a broader, structural perspective, both rationalities – and the way in which they interact – have a role in maintaining the legitimacy of planning. The article builds on theoretical studies and interviews with actors engaged in the MAL procedure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

\nPlain Language SummaryThe Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has evolved from its ambitious beginning into a framework focused on high-quality development (HQD), emphasizing environmental sustainability and people-centered development. This study examines to what extent these new directives are implemented in the context of China’s overseas economic zones (OEZs), employing a multi-actor-influence model to analyze the complex interactions and challenges inherent in these projects. Focusing on the Vientiane Saysettha Development Zone (VSDZ) in Laos, our analysis identifies three primary institutional challenges: fragmentation between the central and local governments in China, structural constraints imposed on Chinese businesses, and inadequate cooperation between Chinese and host country actors. These challenges underscore the complexities of translating Beijing’s top-down policy into effective action on the ground. The paper concludes with a discussion of the broader implications of these findings for the BRI’s future development.This study examines Beijing’s recent strategic shift in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) towards high-quality development (HQD), focusing on sustainable environmental practices and enhancing local livelihoods. Our policy analysis confirms Beijing’s commitment to these goals. However, challenges arise due to the BRI’s decentralized implementation and the varied influences of multiple actors from both China and the host countries. We explore these challenges through a detailed case study of the Vientiane Saysettha Development Zone (VSDZ) in Laos, identifying three key issues: fragmentation between Chinese central and local governments, constraints on Chinese businesses, and inadequate cooperation between Chinese and host country actors.Our study contributes in three significant ways. First, it adds to the discussion of Beijing’s transition towards HQD and the BRI’s global influence through a review of Chinese policies and an analytical model elucidating the realities of BRI implementation. Second, it theorizes that outcomes of BRI projects are shaped more by local circumstances and stakeholder actions than by policies alone. Finally, it suggests potential measures to help realize HQD within the BRI framework in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the constrained judicialization of environmental governance in China. It starts by quantitatively describing the judicialization of environmental protection in China over the past decade, including both its progresses and the suppressions that it faced, and shows that environmental courts have had virtually no tangible impact on reducing pollution levels. It then attempts to rationalize the observed patterns by answering two questions. First, why does the government choose to empower the courts when it possesses a rich set of other regulatory tools in environmental protection? This choice can be attributed to both the central government’s needs to curb local protectionism, as well as the local governments’ incentives to promote legitimacy. Second, to the extent that courts can contribute to environmental governance, why does the government impose tight controls over environmental litigation? This can be explained by the government’s deep-rooted wariness of class lawsuits and other collective actions, as well as the judiciary’s inherent conflicts with the flexibility required by a regulatory regime. In addition, the judiciary’s limited capacity also impedes the judicialization of environmental governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change, health pandemics, structural decline, and more – the challenges of solving political problems are daunting, particularly when the political institutions addressing them are not trusted. This article tests the economic theory that residents of high-income regions are more likely to trust political institutions, given their positive experiences with services and opportunities, against the rival argument that predicts a negative effect of regional disadvantage within a country on political trust. Using European Values Study and World Values Survey (2017–2020) data, combined with socioeconomic data for 606 regions in 42 countries, this paper analyses samples of regions both in and outside the EU. The results suggest that people living in wealthy EU regions – both in absolute and relative terms – trust national government more and the EU less. In the global sample, the evidence is more variegated and corroborates economic theory only in democracies. The article sketches implications for regional inequality, political trust, and legitimacy research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Appointed provincial governors do not have any power to make new policies apart from the ones made by the central government, but they are legally responsible for their implementations. In addition, they are not appointed for a specific time period and can be rotated even within a year or can stay longer where they are assigned. However, governors are overtly or covertly influential on provincial development since they have the central government's authority in the local administration. In this respect, using a new panel dataset, the current study seeks to find out if there is a relation between a governor's length of tenure and provincial economic development. The empirical results of the study show a negative relationship between the length of tenure and the economic development of provinces. In addition, longer tenure years are related to lower economic development, while the too-short length of tenure has no significant impact on the economic development of the provinces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been the subject of extensive analysis since late 2013. Most of this views it as a manifestation of China's approach to global issues under Xi Jinping, whether economic, geopolitical, or as a bid to reshape globalization. There has so far been less research into the domestic dynamics of the BRI, including at the sub-national level in China. Based primarily on an examination of provincial-level policy documents and research, this paper explores the ways in which policy makers in the southwestern province of Yunnan have responded to the BRI, and what this might mean for the implementation and shaping of the initiative. It identifies the promotion of externally-oriented development as the main response in Yunnan to the BRI, structured around the idea of making the province a 'pivot' to south and southeast Asia. This provincial-level response is shaped by pre-existing policy goals in Yunnan and reflects more continuity than change in policy substance. This is consistent with interpretations of the BRI as an 'omnibus' policy which can incorporate multiple objectives and act as a framework within which provincial actors can compete for influence or which they can use to make progress towards achieving local objectives in the context of national strategy. The paper concludes that in the case of Yunnan and the BRI, broad alignment between provincial and central government objectives suggests that on this issue, Yunnan is more of an 'influencer' and 'interpreter' than 'ignorer' of national policy goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Generating sustainable growth and reaching advanced economy status depend on the ability of countries to host local, globally competitive firms in skill-, capital-, and knowledge-intensive industries. However, few countries succeed. This paper asks whether state activism is necessary to foster economic transformation at high levels of complexity in the globalisation era, and if so, what strategies are effective. Using evidence from Spain's and Korea's ICT industries since the 1980s, the paper argues that state-firm coordination remains necessary to reach the efficiency frontier in complex industries. However, coordination has shifted from hierarchical structures to nonhierarchical models in which states and firms develop mutually agreed-upon working rules to reach beneficial outcomes. Nonhierarchical coordination may involve adopting different institutional configurations, depending on the identities and capabilities of firms and national governments and on the nature of linkages with other nations. These linkages may lead to alternative pathways to upgrading and diverse productive specialisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While many national and local governments in the world are placing their bets on smart city development in countering challenges such as climate change, air pollution, and congestion, few know exactly how to develop them in practice. A high and rising number of publications has appeared addressing the concept of "smart city," but not many address its implementation. This paper aims at a conceptual understanding of the smart city by describing its various facets and using them to develop an Input-Output model helping policymakers and analysts make informed design choices. Using this model allows them to further their conceptual understanding of smart cities, envisage design choices they will face during planning and implementation, and help them to understand the impact of these choices. The model is illustrated by introducing the case of "Smart Dubai." Overall, this paper provides enhanced understanding of smart city development processes. This can be used in decision-making processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this paper is to consider the cooperative game between the central bank and the government in the case of a non-euro country in the European Union or another country in the world that conducts an independent monetary policy and where statutory deficit restrictions were imposed on its budget. The study takes into account two independent players – the government and the central bank – that make autonomous decisions and are responsible for fiscal and monetary policy, respectively. Our mathematical policy mix model is based on the assumption that there exists some level of coordination between these policies. The article aims to analyse how the level of cooperation influences the behaviour of decision-makers in a specific policy mix model. As a result, the government taking into account the central bank's goals has no impact on the equilibrium of the budget deficit and interest rates. The conclusion about the central bank's privileged position emerged as a mathematical consequence of the proposed model. This is confirmed by another case where the government does not consider the central bank's target in its decisions; then, it does not prevent the monetary authorities from influencing the Nash equilibrium level of either decision variable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors looked at changes in the audit expectation gap (AEG) within the Maltese central government over six years (2012 to 2018). Some important discrepancies in expectations were found and this paper makes recommendations for change. The findings will be of value to public sector auditors, government departments and politicians and policy-makers in Malta, as well as in a number of other countries. For instance, the findings emphasise the importance of more education and awareness about the auditor's role and responsibilities in order to remove any over-expectations which the users might have. ABSTRACT This paper analyses the audit expectation gap (AEG) in the Maltese central government. Interviews were conducted with NAO Malta auditors and with users, while questionnaires were distributed to additional NAO Malta auditors and to members of parliament. The authors found some important gaps between NAO Malta and the users of its reports in terms of auditor's responsibility, materiality, fraud detection, audit reports and audit judgement. This paper contributes to the literature by identifying successful practices that have been implemented to reduce the AEG and proposing recommendations on how to further diminish the gap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will first discuss how legal materials are considered to fall into two categories: primary and secondary sources. Primary sources consist of the law as produced by the three branches of government at the state and federal levels: statutes (enacted by legislatures and Congress), judicial opinions (issued by courts), and regulations (issued by administrative agencies of the executive branch). Secondary sources explain or analyze the law. Examples of secondary sources include treatises, law journal articles, and legal practice aids such as form books and checklists. The paper will then discuss the place of grey literature in the realm of legal materials, within the context of grey literature as defined by Taryn L. Rucinski in her 2015 Law Library Journal article "The Elephant in the Room: Toward a Definition of Grey Legal Literature," and, to a lesser extent, less scholarly writings. The third part of the paper will discuss the challenges of discoverability of various types of grey legal materials. The paper will conclude by considering potential options for enabling discoverability of grey legal literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The discovery of vast deposits of petroleum resources in any state can arguably lead to many positive outcomes for the country, but for this favourable outcome to be actualised individual players have to perform some significant roles in achieving this goal. It has been proven that some economic development can be achieved through petroleum resources. Some studies have shown the vital roles governments, and national oil companies play in their domestic petroleum sector and even in the global petroleum sector. Recently, the national oil company model of managing petroleum resources has come under scrutiny and has been viewed as a medium of waste and corruption. This paper identifies that the national oil company model can lead to some positive outcomes for the economy of Guyana. Also, this paper identifies and analyses the critical roles a government and a national oil company play in the successful petroleum resource governance and the positive outcomes that can come from transparent and effective management of these resources. Furthermore, this paper argues the case for the presence of a national oil company in Guyana, considering that they are today considered to be a petroleum-rich state due to the sizeable recent petroleum discovery in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses variation in the degrees of difficulty involved in negotiating and implementing loan programmes with the international lenders in Greece, Ireland, and Portugal. All three countries displayed high degrees of ultimate compliance with fiscal consolidation and structural adjustment conditionality, but the pace of implementation varied significantly. This paper argues that 'domestic ownership' of the loan programmes is a key determinant of outcomes, understood in terms of two dimensions: negotiating capacity and implementation capacity. Empirical evidence confirms that these concepts provide a strong explanatory framework for understanding variation in relations between national governments and the international lenders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]