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Taliban has taken control of Afghanistan; the US-influenced government of Ashraf Ghani has surrendered, a two-decade-long war ended, and the Taliban proclaimed their acting government on 7 September 2021 and resumed the Islamic Emirates of Afghanistan. Pakistan is in support of an inclusive Taliban-led government in Afghanistan and providing Aid to the country for rebuilding and reconstruction of the affected neighbor while hoping for recognition from the international community. Taliban's regime in Afghanistan is a game-changer for South Asian regional politics as now China, Russia, and Iran's interests lie in this area. The Study is an attempt to examine the effects of the Taliban's government on Pakistan's national security, integrity, and economy with special concern for China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and Foreign Relations by taking the Baluchistan insurgency as an example. This research will answer intriguing questions such as how the Taliban's government of Afghanistan affects the Baluch insurgency. The purpose of this research is to determine if the Taliban-led Afghan government deepens Pakistan's woes or serves the country's national interests. This paper argues that Baluch insurgents were previously hiding in Afghanistan and unstable Afghan territory was used against Pakistan by the enemies to exacerbate of Baluch insurgency and escalate terrorism to destabilize Pakistan. This study also argues that the New Taliban Government in Afghanistan has an amalgamation of encouraging and detrimental outcomes for Pakistan as supporting the Afghan Taliban government has visible impacts on regional politics and the dynamics of Pakistan's relations with the United States, Iran, and with regional powers, Russia, and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 9/11 attacks triggered a paradigm shift in the United States security policy, prioritizing to ensure homeland security and to fight against the terrorism in the new American strategy. The United States invasion of Afghanistan further ravaged the existing fragile state damaging the already crumbling socio-economic and human infrastructure. In addition, the spillover of war into Pakistan started a new era of instability and misery further complicating the socio-economic fabric of the country making it the most vulnerable to terrorism related incidents. The two decades prolonged conflict not only destroyed the economic, social, and political infrastructure in both states, meanwhile mass human rights violations have been committed by the coalition forces under the leadership of the United States. In this context, the present paper investigates human rights abuses through the prism of international human rights law. The study addresses the following questions. (a) To what extent the United States war against terror violates the international law of human rights, and how it helps Washington to reconsolidate the regional hegemony. (b) Whether the war on terror improve the situation of human rights or further aggravate the conditions of civilians in targeted states. The study underlines that the war on terror failed to meet the merit of the right to intervene for self-defense, yet the coalition forces deliberately assimilate the innocent civilians under the vagueanti-terror war rhetoric. In addition, the war serves the United States hegemonic interests in South Asia, as the American presence in Afghanistan and the Indo-United States strategic partnership brought serious geopolitical implications for China and Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper overviews the genesis, development, decay and legacy of Pashto language policy and planning (LPP) in Pakistan and Afghanistan within the context of borderland. It argues that despite sharing one language, Pashtoons living across Durand Line gradually diverged to integrate respectively in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Therefore, support and opposition to Pashto language was politically motivated. The Afghan, British Indian and Pakistani elite used planning and policy for Pashto as an instrument and indicator of political ends. This paper establishes that the development and weakening of Pashto in domains of power is intrinsically dependent on its speakers. Political interests, therefore, made Pashto the center of Pashtoon identity. Current policies in the borderland point to a future where cohesion through language takes place in Afghanistan and Pakistan. So, acceptance of linguistic diversity as a unifying asset is gradually replacing the earlier fear of viewing it as a threat to unity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among Central Asian countries Afghanistan reserves an important position because it has been under the war conflict and political instability during the past five decades and a limited research is available on different dimensions of population and economic development. Being involved in war conflict situation, Afghanistan age structure is changing. This paper empirically explores the demographic bonus timings and durations for Afghanistan. The study results revealed that Afghanistan demographic bonus may remained for forty five years long starting from year 2000 and seem to be shut between year 2040 and 2045. For the proper encashment of demographic bonus the key challenge for the Government of Afghanistan is to create the policy environment on labour, savings and human capital. Which policies need to be incorporated to extend the demographic bonus is an added dimension to be considered in Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to find the dynamism in Afghanistan's relations with Central Asian states. It is explained that prosperity without security is not possible and ongoing imbroglio in Afghanistan is directly affecting Central Asian states. The Central Asian states are surrounded by China, Russia, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iran. These states (with significant influence of India and Turkey) are the key regional players and their socioeconomic and political interests are converged on various issues. The political conditions in Afghanistan would directly impact the interests of Central Asian states. Drug trafficking, illegal migration, religious extremism, a ramified corrupt network, porous border and terrorism are subverting peace in Afghanistan and its spillover effects are dangerous for Central Asian states. The military and security situation in Afghanistan has a direct impact on the production and transport of energy from Central Asia to the rest of the world. The response of the regional organizations, particularly the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), with certain commonalities, towards these issues often contrasts with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). This paper focuses on the efforts of major powers (Russia, China, and the US) along with neighbouring countries in the peacebuilding in Afghanistan to avoid its spillover effects over Central Asian states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent past, Sino-Afghan relations have taken a new phase of collaboration and inter-dependency to work jointly to advance their common geo-strategic and geo-economic goals. Being an international power on the global chessboard, China does have a great role in the regional geopolitical setting to ensure peace and tranquility in the region on the one hand and prioritize its own interests on the other. Afghanistan, being an epicenter of the region, draws a special attention of neighboring countries especially China to address threat perception emanating from cross-border terrorism, drug trafficking and promoting insurgency in its region of Xinjiang. This paper attempts to analyze the scope of bilateral collaboration between China and Afghanistan. The paper also intends to ascertain whether Afghan leadership will be wise enough to use Chinese assistance as a trap card to utilize their geographic setting in such a manner in which both Chinese and Afghans can benefit and also to ensure their cooperation for longer period of time for peaceful and prosperous Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The North-Western Pakistan region (Tribal Areas and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) has been caught up in militancy, conflict, terrorism, insecurity and instability for more than a decade. Militancy is a serious threat in the way of education and has affected the education governance in North-Western Pakistan. Also, the mental and psychological development of children in FATA and KP has been badly affected due to continuous attacks on educational institutions by militants. These terrorist activities and military operations have caused massive displacement of the local residents to different parts of Pakistan. Furthermore, Education has been overlooked by successive governments in FATA and many areas in KP where literacy rate is critically low. These areas already lag behind other provinces socially and economically. Poor governance, political instability and terrorism have resulted in illiteracy and deprived the students of their basic right to education. This paper underlines the status of education governance by analyzing the impact of militancy and instability on the education. Moreover, the paper is structured to show how these problems can be addressed through a more comprehensive strategy and programs of action by the government of Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan is located at the convergence of Central, Middle and South Asian regions, one of the most world prime geographical locations. Its strategic location and abundant mineral resources have always attracted international community including India. Hence Indian objectives to develop relations with Afghanistan are manifold and decades old. Indian foreign policy is devised by many factors like its bitter relations with Pakistan and its desire of access route to Central Asian Republics by limiting Pakistan's reach that has serious implications for Pakistan. In view of its past experience, Pakistan perceives Indian extended desire to engage in Afghanistan as a deliberate strategy of using the later as a battleground to show its power and use influence against Pakistan. Terrorist incidents in Balochistan provide evidence and links with Indian RAW activities organized in Afghan areas. So, Indian intention to invest in Afghanistan for infrastructure rebuilding is not as simple as it is often claimed. India has covert objectives of troubling Pakistan. In hostile lunacy, India increased, dramatically, its involvement in Afghanistan when the Taliban era came to an end. India's interference in Afghanistan is a clear reflection of its desire to execute Afghan land against Pakistan. India sees Afghan war an opportunity to encounter Pakistan's influence in the region. This research paper will analyze Indian involvement in Afghanistan and its implications for Pakistan. The study is designed to unveil the hidden objectives of fast growing Indo-Afghan relations and evaluates Indian strategies in regional context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China shares shortest but significant border with Afghanistan to the south-western flank of the Chinese autonomous province of Xinjiang. This border has been creating high-security risks for China owing to the Uyghur separatist activities. To secure this edgy border China has to rely on Afghanistan and Pakistan After the withdrawal of combat troops, Afghanistan became liable for its own security. In order to make Afghanistan secure and stable the Afghan government called the non-state actors to initiate peace talks. For the first time China was involved along with the US and Pakistan in the peace process. The Quadrilateral Coordination Group (QCG) became dysfunctional within a year but China did not avert efforts for peace in Afghanistan. It setup a Trilateral Coordination Group (TCG) as Beijing was determined to continue mediation efforts between the Afghan state and non-state actors by taking Pakistan on board. After initiating huge economic projects i.e CPEC andOBOR, China's concerns looms high due to militancy which can cause main hurdle in achieving economic and development goals in the region. Since reducing role in Afghanistan the United States also needs to take China on board owing to its acceptability among various segments of Afghan society. China has an image of benign power that pursue towards constructive collaboration rather than competition. The article deals with the following questions: • Why do militancy and anti-state activities in Afghanistan affect China? • How did 'China emerge as a neutral and acceptable power in Afghanistan? • How would militancy distract China's mega projects i.e. CPEC and OBOR? • Can China be successful in bringing sustainable peace in Afghanistan and in the region at large? To answer these questions analytical, qualitative and deductive research methodologies would be adopted. Furthermore, the paper also suggests recommendations for lasting peace and stability in Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on Ulasijirga elections of Afghanistan held in September 2010. Main objective of the paper is to analyze the elections; highlight the modern electoral political working in Afghanistan; the role of various factors such as; the political ideology, the political parties, the role of warlords; and the nature of election campaign in the elections. The paper will provide an insight into the electoral politics of Afghanistan. It has been organized into two parts; Part 1, highlights pre-poll uncertainties, expressed by the observers of election, the concern for transparency of electoral process, threats of insurgents, and manipulation of warlords. This part also highlights the elections campaigns took place despite the warnings and fears. Part II covers the post-poll scenario, the human toll it took, the frauds reported and the way these issues were interpreted and addressed leading to differences between the Independent Election Commission and the pro-President's attorney general office. Finally, it will further highlight reflections made out of this study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking the theoretical framework of rentier states, this paper attempts to understand the making and unmaking of the Afghan state in the light of growth of capital and statehood. In Europe, where the modern statehood concept first took shape, state making and growth of capital based on domestic resource extraction, coercion and legitimacy went hand in hand. Afghanistan's historical brush with state making suggests that unlike the European state making experience, the Afghan elite's failure to mobilize effectively domestic economic resources for financing state building needs led resultantly to a continuous dependence since its early days of inception on foreign sources of income, including tributes from outlying provinces and subsidies as well as development aid from regional and international power players. Economic problems compounded by harsh geographical terrain, low infrastructural growth, inept economic policies and persistent conflict provided a very low extractable base to the economy and gave a rentier character to the state income. Dependence on rentier income in turn, stunted bureaucratization and institutionalization, removed compulsion from rulers to develop effective state institutions and destabilized regimes when-ever rentier sources of income dried up. This paper argues that such rentier status of Afghan economy and polity continues unabated in the post 2001 period. With around 90% of the state budget contributed by foreign sources, the historical pattern of Afghanistan relapsing into conflict in the case of withdrawal of such rentier income presents a stark challenge to the current Afghan state builders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is generally believed that invaders, men of letters and religion, from Afghanistan, have significantly influenced the course of history in India. The contribution of Indians, especially Muslims, in spreading knowledge, enlightenment and modernization in Afghanistan did not attract much scholarly attention. This paper attempts to highlight the contribution of British Indian Muslims towards dissemination of knowledge, enlightenment and information in Afghanistan, while working for Afghan newspapers and periodicals in 1870-1930. Qazi Abdul Qadir Yousafzai Peshawari, the Chief Editor of ShamsulNahaar; Mauolvi Najaf Ali, Sub-Editor of Sirajul Akhbar; Allah Nawaz, Assistant Editor of Ethihad-i Mashriqi; Fazal Mahmud Makhfi, translator (Pashto, English) of Daily Anees, and Etihad-e-Mashriqi; and Muhammad Hussain, calligrapher, Toloe-Afghan, and Director magazine, Habibul Islam, included some of those personalities who pioneered and assisted in developing print media to promote enlightenment and modernization in Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the backdrop of War on Terror in Afghanistan, Pakistan abandoned its two decade long Afghan policy of supporting Taliban, Islamic Jihad, Islamic fundamentalists, and became an ally with US in conducting operations against Al-Qaida and Taliban network in Afghanistan. This change in Pakistan's Afghan policy had deep impacts on country's peace and security, particularly on Pakistan's bordering region with Afghanistan, Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). Consequently, Pakistan's military conducted several operations from 2002 onwards in FATA. During this period, several peace agreements were conducted between the military and militants in FATA. But such operations and the subsequent agreements failed to prevail peace in border region. Instead, spreading conflicts to other areas of Pakistan. This paper attempts to examine Pakistan's Afghan policy since 2001, and analyze its impact on FATA's peace, security and social fabric. It also critically analyzes the strategies adopted by Pakistan's military in dealing with Pakistan based militant groups and foreign insurgents in FATA. The issue of peace and conflict in FATA needs to be carefully addressed because this is a porous and fragile area that exists between Afghanistan and Pakistan. FATA's volatile geography makes it more violent and resistant to international aid, Counterinsurgency (COIN) tactics, and development, which has direct impact over peace and development of Pakistan. The methodology employed is qualitative and analytical. First half lays out the independent variable by describing US, Pakistani and militant action post 9/11. Second half lays out the dependent variables by describing sociopolitical and economic changes in FATA. This study concludes with recommendations regarding prevailing peace in FATA. The finding of this study shall help in framing future Pakistan's Afghan policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) is deemed as the most lethal terrorist organization throughout Central Asian region. Although it emerged in 1998, its roots can be traced back to the era right after the demise of former Soviet Union. This Movement was created to launch an armed struggle against Islam Karimov's regime in Uzbekistan. IMU, however, could not make solid bases in Uzbekistan and remained engaged in Tajik civil war between 1992 and 1997. After the General Peace Accord of 1997 singed between the rival groups which ended the Tajik Civil War, Uzbek militants had no choice but to move to Taliban ruled Afghanistan. The US led attack in Afghanistan after 9/11 forced the remnants of Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan to take refuge in the FATA region of Pakistan. IMU's focus was primarily targeting Western forces in Afghanistan. However, when Pakistani government initiated a military action in FATA against the terrorists in 2004, IMU joined its hands with Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). After this union IMU started its operations in mainland Pakistan and Afghanistan. It also supported Islamists to siege Swat in 2007. From attacks on armed forces bases in Karachi and Peshawar to jail break in Bannu and from attacks on Karachi, Peshawar and Quetta airports to kidnapping for ransom, IMU had played central role in terrorist activities in Pakistan. Similar kinds of activities have been carried out by IMU in Afghanistan as well. The IMU has least focus on Central Asia for the time being and is more engaged in Afghanistan and Syria. It has joined its hands with global Islamic militant organizations. It has close relationship with Islamic State (IS) and majority of its top leadership has joined the later. The death of Mullah Omar has led to the fragmentation of IMU in different groups. One group is pro-Taliban and al-Qaeda while other supports Islamic State. IMU has helped IS to group in northern Afghanistan especially in Faryab and Zabul provinces, which are the strongest hold of later in the entire Central-South Asian region. This paper will discuss the history, objectives and operational capabilities of the IMU. It will also explain the current nexus of IMU with the IS and its impacts on the broader regions of Central and South Asia besides possible future of the group especially after the death of Islam Karimov. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The socio-economic situation of Afghanistan has been in shambles for almost two decades due to the U.S. invasion on the country. However, with the prospective end of this gruesome conflict, it is imperative to keep in sight and deliberate upon Afghanistan's socio-economic reconstruction which is a shared responsibility of regional countries. In this regard, it is needless to say that rebuilding of the country cannot be left alone to the cliffhanger of the interests and whims of the major world powers without regional support as was done in the aftermath of Soviet withdrawal in late 1980s. The U.S. influence in South and Central Asia is declining in present times and thereby it has become necessary to evaluate the potential role of all the important regional countries around Afghanistan to ensure the rising of an era of long-lasting stability in Afghanistan. In this context, the role of regional countries and organizations, who are the real stake holders in the peace and development of the post-conflict Afghanistan is of paramount importance and carries great potential. Regional cooperation among the regional states and regional organizations for enhancing connectivity, academic collaboration, trade activities and transport corridors through Afghanistan will naturally translate into the socio-economic reconstruction of the war torn country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the establishment of Afghanistan State, Dari (dialect of Persian) has remained its dominant and official language. However, in twentieth century, some measures were taken for the development of Pashto language followed by declaration of Pashto as official language in 1936. For the first time a dialect of Persian spoken in Afghanistan was officially renamed as Dari in the 1964 Constitution of Afghanistan. In this constitution as well as in the current constitution of 2004 both of the languages were declared as official languages. Since the emergence of Pashto as official language, a rivalry and linguistic divergence created between the two languages and their respective ethnic groups. As a result of this rivalry an ethnic and linguistic consciousness emerged which led to discussions about language planning policies. This research article discovers historical evolution and reasons for this linguistic divergence and its implications on future nation building in Afghanistan. It also explores historical development of status, planning and policies regarding these two languages for better understanding of the linguistic divergence and rivalry. Furthermore, the study proposes options for accommodation of different languages through cultural harmonization and multiculturalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan is facing multipronged challenges mainly by the surge in Afghan Taliban insurgency, the emergence of Islamic State-Khurassan Province, fragile Afghan security forces, upsurge in Afghan Drug Trade and discord among Pakistan, Afghanistan and India. All these factors are responsible for the mayhem and turmoil in Afghanistan and would have far reaching implications for Pakistan and Central Asia. It is imperative for the regional and global powers to support reconciliation and negotiation process with Afghan Taliban and other reconcilable groups to settle this issue amicably and open the gates for cooperation and development in the region. India and Pakistan must end their proxy war, resolve their outstanding issues, and collectively work for the stability of Afghanistan. Moreover, Pakistan and Afghanistan must overcome their differences, settle the border dispute, secure the border and collectively work for the regional connectivity and collaboration. The United States of America, China, Russia and European Union must support Afghanistan in rebuilding and reconstruction. Politically and economically stable Afghanistan would connect the land locked Central Asian states with rest of the world and pave the way for better connectivity and economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kabul River which originates in the mountains, North West of the city of Paghman, flows east and a few miles short of the Pak-Afghan border is joined by River Kunar. Later on it flows into Pakistan near Warsak. River Kunar which feeds most of the water to river Kabul has more water than the original Kabul River. River Kunar flows from Chitral to Afghanistan near Arandu in Chitral, and it becomes River Kunar. Kabul River is a life line of Peshawar Valley. Areas of Daudzai, Do Aba, and areas south of Peshawar all depend on water from River Kabul. Kabul River after entering Pakistan, divides into four tributaries that is why it irrigates a vast area of Peshawar Valley. With global warming, and rapid climate change the water level is decreasing rapidly, whereas population is increasing in both Afghanistan and Pakistan. With the increase in population demand for food is also increasing, more land needs to be brought under cultivation to produce more food so the demand for water is also increasing. There is pressure on land and water in both Pakistan and Afghanistan to get more food and feed their people. And for this both countries require water. Afghanistan with Indian assistance is building 12 dams on Kunar River (Kabul River). This would affect the flow of water to Pakistan, which would affect irrigation in Peshawar Valley. Since a large section of the population in Peshawar valley depend upon irrigation from Kabul River, this could lead to political unrest and could affect relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan. In order to avoid this diplomatic crisis, Pakistan and Afghanistan should sit together and sign a treaty on Kabul River so they both can get the benefit of this river and maintain good relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]