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This welcome set of original and instructive papers illuminates and enriches the history of twentieth‐century ethology in multiple ways. It adds a wealth of actors, animals, methods, and places to those featured in previous treatments of ethology's development. Some of the papers extend the chronology beyond the heyday of ethology's disciplinary construction to consider exciting developments in the 1970s and beyond. Others consider animal behavior research programs pursued contemporaneously with but independently of mainline ethology's development from the 1930s through the 1960s. Another paper takes us inside an ethologist's archive of visual images to examine the importance of such images (and such a setting) for ethological practice. Collectively, the papers provide new opportunities to contemplate how research programs and disciplines evolve; the relations between concepts, practices, and places; ethology and politics, and much more. At the same time, the individuality of the papers is conspicuous. They have not been constructed on the same model. The authors have followed their own approaches, corresponding to their own, respective interests. A short commentary is not sufficient to do justice to each of them. Rather than attempt to review them one by one, I will consider a pair of themes that may help relate the papers to each other and to the history of ethology: (1) the ongoing challenge of defining ethology and identifying who the ethologists were (or are); (2) the practices and places of animal behavior study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can animals behave morally if they can't mindread? Does morality require mindreading capacities? Moral psychologists believe that mindreading is contingently involved in moral judgements. Moral philosophers argue that moral behaviour necessarily requires the possession of mindreading capacities. In this paper, I argue that while the former may be right, the latter are mistaken. Using the example of empathy, I show that animals with no mindreading capacities could behave on the basis of emotions that possess an identifiable moral content. Therefore, at least one type of moral motivation does not require mindreading. This means that, a priori, non-mindreading animals can be moral. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines similarities in the works of Epicurus, an ancient Greek philosopher, and B. F. Skinner, a behavioral psychologist. They both were empiricists who argued in favor of the lawfulness of behavior while maintaining that random events were included within those laws. They both devoted much effort to describing how individuals could live effective, rewarding and pleasurable lives. They both emphasized simple and natural pleasures (or reinforcers) and the importance of combining personal pleasures with actions that benefit friends and community. They both opposed punishment and all aversive measures used by governments and religions to control behaviors. And both created utopias: a real community, The Garden, where Epicurus lived with his followers, and a fictional one, Walden Two, by Skinner. We consider how a combination of the ideas of Epicurus and Skinner can contribute to their common goal of helping people to live better lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Widely used rodent anxiety assays like the elevated plus maze (EPM) and the open field test (OFT) are conflated with rodents' natural preference for dark over light environments or protected over open spaces. The EPM and OFT have been used for decades but are often criticized by behavioral scientists. Years ago, two revised anxiety assays were designed to improve upon the "classic" tests by excluding the possibility to avoid or escape aversion. The 3‐D radial arm maze (3DR) and the 3‐D open field test (3Doft) utilize continual motivational conflict to better model anxiety; each consist of an open space connected to ambiguous paths toward uncertain escape. Despite their utility, the revised assays have not caught on. This could be because no study yet has directly compared classic and revised assays in the same animals. To remedy this, we contrasted behavior from a battery of assays (EPM, OFT, 3DR, 3Doft and a sociability test) in mice defined genetically by isogenic strain, or environmentally by postnatal experience. One major motivation for this work is to inform future studies by offering a transparent look at individual outcomes on these assays, as there is no one‐size‐fits‐all test to assess rodent anxiety‐like behavior. Findings suggest that classic assays may sufficiently characterize differences across genetically defined groups, but the revised 3DR may be advantageous for investigating more nuanced behavioral differences such as those stemming from environmental factors. Finally, exposure to multiple assays significantly affected sociability, highlighting concerns for designing and interpreting batteries of rodent behavioral tests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent policy changes highlight the need for citizens to take adaptive actions to reduce flood‐related impacts. Here, we argue that these changes represent a wider behavioral turn in flood risk management (FRM). The behavioral turn is based on three fundamental assumptions: first, that the motivations of citizens to take adaptive actions can be well understood so that these motivations can be targeted in the practice of FRM; second, that private adaptive measures and actions are effective in reducing flood risk; and third, that individuals have the capacities to implement such measures. We assess the extent to which the assumptions can be supported by empirical evidence. We do this by engaging with three intellectual catchments. We turn to research by psychologists and other behavioral scientists which focus on the sociopsychological factors which influence individual motivations (Assumption 1). We engage with economists, engineers, and quantitative risk analysts who explore the extent to which individuals can reduce flood related impacts by quantifying the effectiveness and efficiency of household‐level adaptive measures (Assumption 2). We converse with human geographers and sociologists who explore the types of capacities households require to adapt to and cope with threatening events (Assumption 3). We believe that an investigation of the behavioral turn is important because if the outlined assumptions do not hold, there is a risk of creating and strengthening inequalities in FRM. Therefore, we outline the current intellectual and empirical knowledge as well as future research needs. Generally, we argue that more collaboration across intellectual catchments is needed, that future research should be more theoretically grounded and become methodologically more rigorous and at the same time focus more explicitly on the normative underpinnings of the behavioral turn. This article is categorized under: Engineering Water > Planning Water Human Water > Water Governance Science of Water > Water Extremes [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the widespread belief among the public and an increasing number of law enforcement personnel that individuals who harm animals often harm other people, the subject of animal maltreatment has received little attention from behavioral scientists. Advances in comparative neuroanatomy have highlighted the ability of animals to feel physical and emotional pain, including complex psychological reactions to traumatic events. These advances, and recent studies (however sparse) that support the notion that perpetrators of crimes against animals often commit other crimes, have arguably created an ethical and practical imperative for behavioral scientists to undertake a serious examination of animal maltreatment and potential mechanisms for responding to it. In addition, the close and complex relationships many Americans have with animals and the advancements in animal protection law in the past two decades necessitate expertise on the part of forensic psychologists and psychiatrists, who will increasingly be called upon to evaluate animal maltreatment offenders and consult on related policy and legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A reprint of the article "The Role of the Behavioral Scientist in the Civil Rights Movement" by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., is presented. He talks about efforts to enact social change in both northern and southern U.S. states. He mentions how the effectiveness of mass nonviolent protests in the South did not result in charges in the North and the role of urban riots as a social phenomena. He comments on the Civil Rights movement and the role of civil disobedience in restoring black-white unity.

Communicators of climate science seek ways to better educate and motivate individuals to personally commit to sustainable, energy-saving activities. However, critical psychological and social barriers to conservation make this task challenging. Behavioural scientists are well aware of the difficulties that individuals and groups have in responding effectively to information surrounding climate change and have used these insights to develop a number of techniques to aid in persuading people of the importance of the issue and motivating adaptive behavioural responses. This article consolidates research findings from behavioural economics, decision science, and social psychology to explore key insights and evidence around effective climate change education strategies aimed at enhancing conservation behaviours, including analyses of cognitive bias, social influences, values, and communication strategies. In addition, we note international, academic-private partnerships that have used interventions suggested by behavioural science to dramatic effects. We conclude by addressing implications for policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective Several competency models for training and practice in professional psychology have been proposed in the United States and Canada. Typically, the procedures used in developing and finalizing these models have involved both expert working groups and opportunities for input from interested parties. What has been missing, however, are empirical data to determine the degree to which the model reflects the views of members of the profession as a whole. Method Using survey data from 466 licensed or registered psychologists (approximately half of whom completed one of two versions of the survey), we examined the degree to which psychologists, both those engaged primarily in practice and those involved in doctoral training, agreed with the competency framework developed by the Association of State and Provincial Psychology Boards' Practice Analysis Task Force (Rodolfa et al., 2013). Results When distinct time points in training and licensure or registration were considered (i.e., entry-level supervised practice in practicum settings, advanced-level supervised practice during internship, entry level independent practice, and advanced practice), there was limited agreement by survey respondents with the competency framework's proposal about when specific competencies should be attained. In contrast, greater agreement was evident by respondents with the competency framework when the reference point was focused on entry to independent practice (i.e., the competencies necessary for licensure or registration). Conclusion We discuss the implications of these findings for the development of competency models, as well as for the implementation of competency requirements in both licensure or registration and training contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an obituary for C. Fergus Lowe, a behavioral scientist.