Search

China has recently become an agent of intensified agricultural production in Southeast Asia by constructing large‐scale irrigation systems. Funded with Chinese development finance, such infrastructure projects have been interpreted as a 'spatial fix' for capital accumulation in China, which helps explain the shifting balance of power within the region's political economy. However, we argue that explaining the local outcomes of these projects requires mapping out Chinese development finance in relation to the multi‐scalar network of actors, circuits of capital, and struggles over water that produce irrigated landscapes. We draw on our joint research about the Chinese‐funded and built Kanghot Irrigation Development Project in Cambodia. We explain how the construction of Kanghot was shaped by the historical and political relations between China and Cambodia. Since completion in 2016, Kanghot irrigation has transformed agricultural production by enrolling farmers into a network of volatile commodity markets and harmful pest ecologies. There have also been ongoing community struggles over Kanghot's water due to the project's design and institutional management. By broadening the idea of infrastructure as spatial fix to include these material and social processes of agrarian landscape production, this paper advances a political ecology of Chinese development finance in Southeast Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the relationship between crop yields and the environmental impacts of crop agriculture has been well‐documented, research on the relationship between farm size and the sustainability of cereal production is limited. Using survey data on 120 farms with both small‐ and large‐scale fields in Northeast China, this paper combines a life cycle assessment and the carbon‐based sustainability index (SI) algorithm to examine how maize productivity and agricultural inputs vary with farm size and to clarify how increasing farm size is correlated with energy use efficiency (EUE) and the SI. The results indicate that maize grain yield did not vary with farm size. Increasing farm size was shown to lead to reductions in the areal (per ha) rates of agro‐chemical inputs, energy depletion, and greenhouse gas emissions and increased in EUE and SI. Fertilizer‐ and fuel‐related agricultural inputs dominated the variations of EUE and SI. A scenario analysis indicates that, if farmers adopt a comprehensive management strategy (i.e., machines appropriate to farm size and recommended fertilizer application rates and crop management strategies), EUE and SI would increase by 68.5% (from 4.45 to 7.50) and 74.3% (from 10.1 to 17.6), respectively. Although increasing farm size could benefit maize sustainable production when matched with technical innovation and machinery coordination, supporting smallholder farmers to increase their resource use efficiency and sustainability is also key in China and other regions where smallholder farms comprise a large portion of the cropland area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper challenges the conventional wisdom that assumes widespread shirking and inefficiency in agricultural production under the collective system in Maoist China, and attributes these problems to egalitarianism in labour remuneration and difficulties in labour supervision. Drawing on interviews with 131 former production team members from 16 provinces, this paper re-examines the issue of work incentives by placing it in a historical and social context in which formal institutions, such as the different forms of collective organization, income distribution and state extraction, as well as informal institutions, such as indigenous social networks, communal norms and collective sanction, interacted with non-institutional factors, especially local geographical, demographic and ecological conditions, to constrain and motivate Chinese villagers participating in collective production. The complexity and fluidity of this context gave rise to a multiplicity of patterns of peasant behaviour in team farming, which accounts for the contrasting performances of rural collectives in different areas and periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's research and development (R&D) policy has changed considerably over recent decades, and great changes occurred in 2006 when the main programme objective of China's R&D changed from the 863 Programme and 973 Programme to the National Science and Technology Major Project. One topic that has drawn extensive attention is whether the investment reform improved R&D productivity in China. Using a unique panel dataset from 160 universities, this paper examines the effect of the investment reform on productivity improvement in China's agricultural biotechnology sector. We use a panel count data model with a dynamic feedback mechanism to model the knowledge production process. Strong evidence indicates that the investment reform greatly contributes to knowledge output production in China's agricultural biotechnology sector. We also find that the input quality is more important than the absolute quantity; human research capacity exhibits the greatest contribution to the output of patents; past knowledge accumulation helps produce more patents; and entry barriers to patent production exist in China's agricultural biotechnology sector. Moreover, the patent explosion in China may have been largely caused by improvements in the human capital input quality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Difficulty in labour supervision has been considered to be one of the obstacles to the development of capitalist agriculture. This paper presents two distinctive labour management strategies in China's large‐scale agriculture, which contribute to the development of agrarian capitalism in China. As shown in these cases, agribusiness companies engaged in grain crop production retreat from direct labour management by outsourcing crop cultivation, while acquiring profits from upstream and downstream activities. On the other hand, capitalist producers, who are involved in the labour‐intensive and capital‐intensive crop production, tend to mobilize local elites to manage the farmworkers. Although independent labour contracting services have not emerged, a specialized group of labour contractors is being cultivated. Rural social resources are utilized in labour recruitment and supervision to minimize the labour management costs in both strategies. However, the conflicts between capital and labour are covered or replaced instead of being settled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Crop residue returning (CRR) is known to improve the soil environment and thus increase crop production. However, the impacts of CRR on wheat (Triticum aestivum L.) yield have been contrary at times due to the differences in climatic conditions, soil traits, and management practices. These effects were evaluated using 351 paired observations published in 161 papers comprising studies conducted in 19 provinces (autonomous regions) of China. No publication bias or extreme values were found in the data, indicating that the analysis results are highly reliable. Compared with the practice of no crop residue returning (NCRR), the practice of CRR increased wheat yield significantly, on average by 8.29%, and proved more beneficial in Northwest China and in regions with average annual precipitation of 200 to 400 mm, average annual temperatures >11°C, sandy loam soil, and rotation with legumes (soybean [Glycine max (L.) Merr.]–wheat and pea [Pisum sativum L.]–wheat). The following aspects of CRR and crop management conferred greater benefits in yield: continuing the practice for 3 to 6 yr (compared with 1–2, 7–10, and ≥11 yr), using the residues at 3 to 6 t ha−1 (compared with <3, 6–9, and > 9 t ha−1), chopped straw (compared with intact straw), rainfed conditions (compared with irrigated conditions), and applying N at 200 to 300 kg ha−1 (compared with <100, 100–200, and >300 kg ha−1). The yield increase was significantly higher when the residues were returned in the form of mulch (12.56%) and for spring wheat (11.90%) than plowing them back into soil (4.53%) and for winter wheat (7.09%). The meta‐analysis thus confirms the benefits of CRR in higher wheat yields in China and also suggests that the benefits of CRR are site specific. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the situation of women left behind in villages when men out-migrate for work and what it implies for gender relations in rural China. It is based on questionnaire survey data that covers 400 left-behind women and extensive interviews in 10 rural communities. It reveals how the women take on multiple family responsibilities including mainly family care and agricultural production, and how they maintain their marital relationships in the context of a long separation. The discussion argues that even though the women's unpaid work becomes visible due to the absence of men in family life, there is a reaffirmation and reinforcement of gender traditions; women are more solidified in the unpaid and low-paid field of work in this new era of rural social transition in China. Moreover, separated married life has made women more vulnerable. In the end, it points to the fact that rural women are experiencing a new and deeper form of exploitation of their labour. Thus they are among those paying a heavy price for the development in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China is under pressure to improve its agricultural productivity to keep up with the demands of a growing population with increasingly resource-intensive diets. This productivity improvement must occur against a backdrop of carbon intensity reduction targets, and a highly fragmented, nutrient-inefficient farming system. Moreover, the Chinese government increasingly recognizes the need to rationalize the management of the 800 million tonnes of agricultural crop straw that China produces each year, up to 40% of which is burned in-field as a waste. Biochar produced from these residues and applied to land could contribute to China's agricultural productivity, resource use efficiency and carbon reduction goals. However competing uses for China's straw residues are rapidly emerging, particularly from bioenergy generation. Therefore it is important to understand the relative economic viability and carbon abatement potential of directing agricultural residues to biochar rather than bioenergy. Using cost-benefit analysis ( CBA) and life-cycle analysis ( LCA), this paper therefore compares the economic viability and carbon abatement potential of biochar production via pyrolysis, with that of bioenergy production via briquetting and gasification. Straw reincorporation and in-field straw burning are used as baseline scenarios. We find that briquetting straw for heat energy is the most cost-effective carbon abatement technology, requiring a subsidy of $7 MgCO2e−1 abated. However China's current bioelectricity subsidy scheme makes gasification ( NPV $12.6 million) more financially attractive for investors than both briquetting ( NPV $7.34 million), and pyrolysis ($−1.84 million). The direct carbon abatement potential of pyrolysis (1.06 MgCO2e per odt straw) is also lower than that of briquetting (1.35 MgCO2e per odt straw) and gasification (1.16 MgCO2e per odt straw). However indirect carbon abatement processes arising from biochar application could significantly improve the carbon abatement potential of the pyrolysis scenario. Likewise, increasing the agronomic value of biochar is essential for the pyrolysis scenario to compete as an economically viable, cost-effective mitigation technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]