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Objectives: We study the influence of height on labour market outcomes using micro-data from a recent survey that cover 27 post-communist countries. Specifically, we focus on the influence of height on three dimensions of labour market outcome: (1) likelihood of employment, (2) occupational sorting, and (3) earnings., Methods: We use micro-data from 2016 Life-In-Transition survey (LITS) which was jointly conducted by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and the World Bank. We run several types of regression to show how height influences (1) likelihood of employment, (2) occupational sorting, and (3) earnings., Results: When controlling for a comprehensive set of covariates, for each 10 cm increase in height, the probability of getting a job increases by 1% points for males and by 3 for females. Equally, for each 10 cm increase in height, the probability of getting a job increases by 2% points in urban areas and rural areas. Our findings demonstrate that taller women and men are more likely: (a) being an employer rather than an employee; (b) to be employed in higher-paid and more prestigious sectors of finance, insurance, and real estate; (c) to be employed in private enterprises. Finally, when occupational sorting and socio-demographics are controlled for, a 10 cm increase in height results in a 5% increase in earning for men, and a 12% increase in earnings for women., Conclusions: Using a diverse sample of 27 post-communist countries, we found that taller individuals have better labour market outcomes in terms of employment, occupational sorting, and earnings., (© 2020 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.)

The operation of a religious organization under an oppressive regime, such as in communist countries, differs from that in a free society. There is extensive literature on the effects of regulation on competition in religious markets and on the religiosity of a population. Less attention has been given to the effects of oppressive regulation that aims to control and possibly eliminate religion rather than to promote a particular religious group. This paper focuses on the specific question of how churches deal with oppressive regulation, particularly how they choose between legal and illegal operation. It proposes that both the official and the black‐market way of supplying religious services have some advantages and disadvantages, and that dual operation is advantageous where the regulation is severe. The paper examines the operation of the Catholic Church in Central European countries under communist rule, particularly Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary, and Ukraine, and the different strategies adopted by the Church concerning official and underground operation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sweden has long been regarded as a 'model' for societal development. Recently, with the rise of an anti‐immigrant party and negative news coverage of crime, the image of a progressive Sweden has frayed. Positive models for societal development have existed in the past and included the United States during the heyday of modernization theory. This paper argues that positive models are useful, partly to crystallize options among the much‐debated varieties of capitalism, and partly as ideals which can be held up by social thinkers and publics as aspirations for the good society. This paper reviews the evolution of the Swedish model from a 'middle way' between Soviet communism and American capitalism to a welfare state under strain. It also examines how the Swedish model has been reinforced by its high international standing. The perceptions of Sweden abroad and domestically have changed in recent years. While these perceptions have correctly identified challenges not just for Sweden but also for other countries with similar problems, Sweden's government and civil society may be able to address them. The paper explores the lessons that can be learned from the current shortcomings and potential renewal of the strengths of the Swedish model, including its wider influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the differences in female work experience across Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs). We use retrospective SHARELIFE data to analyse women's work history from 1950 to 1990. We provide descriptive evidence that women's work experience varied across CEECs. Furthermore, we argue that comparing the former provinces of the Russian Empire in Lithuania and Poland provides a natural experiment, allowing us to disentangle the effect of the differential implementation of the Soviet regime from the pre‐existing differences. We find that during communism, Lithuanian women worked 2 years more by age 50 relative to their Polish counterparts. This effect is one‐third of that found in the East–West Germany comparison. We propose several potential mechanisms behind this finding: the degree of land collectivization, the Church's influence and the sectoral composition. Accordingly, this study's findings highlight the importance of country differences in CEECs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper theoretically and empirically investigates factional arrangements within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the governing political party of the People's Republic of China. Using detailed biographical information of political elites in the Central Committee and provincial governments, we present a set of new empirical regularities within the CCP, including systematic patterns of cross-factional balancing at different levels of the political hierarchy and substantial faction premia in promotions. We propose and estimate an organizational economic model to characterize factional politics within single-party nondemocratic regimes and its economic implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite President Richard M. Nixon's own statements that his time within the administration of Dwight D. Eisenhower was influential to his thinking on foreign policy, only recently has the relationship between Eisenhower and Nixon actually been examined. This article explores Nixon's experiences as vice president under Eisenhower, including Nixon's role in policy making. From there, this article illustrates the important role that Nixon's time as vice president played in shaping his approach to the war in Vietnam and to the very policy‐making processes he created in his own administration to debate, produce, and implement foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shortly before the Mexico Olympics, on 2 October 1968, student demonstrators were shot by the military on Tlatelolco Square in Mexico City, thus ending the local student movement and its mass protests. This paper explores the government's use of anti‐communism to ideologically justify this massacre in the context of the Cold War. The student movement was presented as a foreign, communist intervention that threatened Mexico's sovereignty. The paper analyses the weaknesses and contradictions of this official narrative by contrasting public and confidential reports. Finally, the marginal role of communism in the movement and its internal divisions are also outlined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Supporters of communism, national socialism and radical Islamism, but also people who incite racial hatred or deny the Holocaust, see their rights severely curtailed by the abuse clause of Article 17 of the European Convention on Human Rights. To make sense of this provision, this paper first introduces the distinction between abusable and non‐abusable rights in order to delimit the scope of Article 17. Then, this paper suggests a "test" to spot instances of abuse of human rights by borrowing the concept of performative self‐contradiction from speech act theory. Article 17 is reconceptualised as dealing with conduct that self‐contradictorily uses rights but simultaneously denies their very idea. In this way, it becomes possible to make sense of and to unify the disparate case law that Article 17 has generated so far: it equally targets political human rights abuse, attacking liberal democracy in general; and exclusionary human rights abuse, attacking the rights of other people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the National Liberation League (NLL), a Palestinian Arab communist movement which operated in Palestine between the years 1943–1948. The paper examines its short‐lived history in light of the relevant three contexts in which it operated: the local Palestinian national context; the regional context of communist activity in the Middle East and the external‐internationalist context of the Soviet Union. The paper further discusses the activities of the NLL during the period of the 1948 War in Palestine, as well as in the first period of military rule, imposed on the Palestinian citizens of Israel. An analysis of the NLL during the late Mandatory period and the early years of the State of Israel allows a close examination of the ways by which concepts of identity, nationalism, class and ethnicity were conceptualised, debated and contested during times of a national conflict and anti‐imperial struggle and brings to the fore tensions between ideology and practice, nationalism and internationalism. The NLL offers an important opportunity to look into the complex matrix of communist movements that combine anti‐imperial struggles with struggles for national liberation in the context of a national conflict and to examine their dilemmas and what may seem as internal contradictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article covers the consequences of the Bolsheviks' coup d'état in 1917 for the Soviet monetary system. I argue that the episode illustrates Gresham's Law, as three different currencies made an appearance in the Russian economy. This monetary disorder is scarcely mentioned by Marxist authors. It was a failure that would be mitigated by the subsequent New Economic Policy, an amendment to the Bolshevist War Communism programme of nationalisation and intervention in the economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a critical discussion of the political economy of hydropower construction in the communist space. We use political economy, economic history and political ecology literature in order to reveal the economic and political relations in which hydropower is embedded in socialist states. The case analysed is the Iron Gates, a joint Romanian-Yugoslav project which raises specific questions about the techno-political framework of the new 'hydraulic landscape' and its place in socialist economies and societies. The case reveals important transformations in the political and economic relations within the Soviet bloc and provides a description of the complex institutional setting used in the construction of the hydropower system. In parallel, the paper explores the contribution of political power in the construction of the Iron Gates and especially its use in connection with the ideological production of the new communist regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper empirically highlights the role of nationalism in the development of the semiconductor industry in Taiwan. First, it demonstrates how the pre-1980s Taiwanese developmental state mobilised Chinese economic nationalism against Japanese colonialism and Chinese communism and adopted the strategies of graduated sovereignty, selectively subsidising certain areas and sectors, and promoting national (homogeneously imagined) territorialisation to integrate with the international market. Second, the paper exhibits how in the late 1980s, when the outflow of capital to Mainland China became a compelling phenomenon and Taiwan democratised, popular sovereignty became the norm and Taiwanese nationalism emerged. In response, the democratised state started employing Taiwanese economic nationalism and implementing populist territorial policies to consolidate the support of 'us' (the Taiwanese/Taiwan) versus 'them' (the Chinese/China). This made China and everything related a security concern that had to be excluded as 'the other'. This paper responds to the appeals of political geographers to give nationalism a central place in contemporary theories of the nation-state and contributes to the theory of the developmental state by bringing 'the nation' back. While most of the existing developmental state literature focuses on how the roles and effects of 'the state' influence economic development, taking 'the nation' seriously can provide more accurate explanations for how and why the state focuses on development or not. Accordingly, through valuing the nation this paper promotes a theory of the developmental nation-state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper seeks to make a contribution towards a better understanding of the current global political unrest. It argues that this unrest reflects ongoing tensions between hierarchical and non-hierarchical interactions. It also argues that the opposition between hierarchical and non-hierarchical interactions is not ontological but rather is rooted in the way we approach reality and is, therefore, subject to our control. The tendency to exclude the process of construction from our frame of vision is characteristic for the view of reality that is dominant in our civilization. Contemporary theoretical perspectives that include, but are not limited to, systems theory, complexity theory, theory of self-organization, emergence theory and autopoiesis have much to offer in addressing and resolving this problem. The paper outlines some general organizing principles that should be part of this solution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to agrarian debates through a discussion of the interactions between the interests and incentives of the rural classes, focusing especially on the leadership exercised by middle-size farmers. In the recent past, class analysis associated with Marxism has given way to models of individual rational maximization, not least because of the lack of specific findings about the effects of peasant differentiation beyond the dichotomous class conflict between peasants and landlords. Information has replaced asset distribution as the main factor affecting effective governance and service provision. According to these theories, politicians did not deliver less because they were responding to the preferences of the large landowning classes, or because seemingly competitive elections were games of rotating chairs within a single dominant class but, rather, because the voters did not have enough information about the candidates and programmes. I bring the discussion back to peasant differentiation and class endowments using the case of communal action boards in Colombia, showing how the demand for information on candidates and developmental resources matters, but is dependent on class structures. I suggest that different rural groups access, use, and manipulate information with differing aims, and that the rural middle class is a fundamental actor in the demand for public goods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines ten years (1963-1973) of visits to Australia of Italian Communist Party (PCI) officials. In particular, the visits' origins, meaning and ramifications are analysed and framed against the background of post-war migrant worker identity discourses and radical politics. They appear to have shaped markedly the direction of the experience of Italian communists in Australia, especially in Sydney, and their interaction with both the Communist Party of Australia (CPA) and the PCI. Ultimately, they helped spread the message of Italian communism among migrants and encourage the replication on Australian soil of the successful experience of the Europe-based PCI federations with thousands of worker members. For the CPA, which had been looking for new ways to break through to the hearts and minds of the migrant proletariat, the visits heralded a stronger partnership with its Italian members, a closer link with Eurocommunism, and a potential new stream of recruits that would have reversed the hemorrhaging of membership. The visits were instrumental, as argued in this paper, for the establishment and promotion of an Italian cultural and language space for which far-left Italian migrants in Australia had long yearned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In section 1, I develop epistemic communism, my view of the function of epistemically evaluative terms such as 'rational'. The function is to support the coordination of our belief-forming rules, which in turn supports the reliable acquisition of beliefs through testimony. This view is motivated by the existence of valid inferences that we hesitate to call rational. I defend the view against the worry that it fails to account for a function of evaluations within first-personal deliberation. In the rest of the paper, I then argue, on the basis of epistemic communism, for a view about rationality itself. I set up the argument in section 2 by saying what a theory of rational deduction is supposed to do. I claim that such a theory would provide a necessary, sufficient, and explanatorily unifying condition for being a rational rule for inferring deductive consequences. I argue in section 3 that, given epistemic communism and the conventionality that it entails, there is no such theory. Nothing explains why certain rules for deductive reasoning are rational. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late 1950s, the concept of socialist patriotism in Hungary was reformulated as a basic political concept in the ideology and propaganda of state socialism. The definite appropriation of Leninist contraposition of socialist patriotism and bourgeois nationalism became paramount in the second half of the 1950s because of the nationalist sentiments of the 1956 revolution. I trace the history of the concept of socialist patriotism in the 1960s and 1970s in socialist Hungary. During this period, socialist patriotism served as a slightly undetermined, yet didactic counter‐concept to set against 'bourgeois nationalism' which was characterised as a xenophobic sense of nation. From the late 1960s, the doctrine of socialist patriotism confronted a new ideological enemy: supra‐nationalism or cosmopolitanism. In the mid‐1970s, a new ideological equilibrium was elaborated in Hungary between socialist patriotism and proletarian internationalism, which served the economic and political integration of the Eastern bloc countries. In this sense, socialist patriotism was meant to express a link with socialist political order, its achievements and its institutions, in contrast to the ethnic character and revanchist tendencies of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concerned with combined crises of the 1990s and 2000s in post-Communist Russia and the evolution of a conservative fiscal anti-crisis policy to address them. Against the background of transformation restructuring, external shocks, cyclical downswings, and, sometimes, social unrest, policy makers consistently aimed to foster economic growth, while controlling inflation. Successive crises resulted in a gradual shift of emphasis from transformative institutional change to stability, a choice of self-insurance via the Reserve Fund and Welfare Fund. There is indirect support for our argument in Schularick and Taylor's 'Credit Booms Gone Bust' (2012), which shows a global trend toward safer policies, caused by the severity of the impact of crisis in a modern market economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Teen‐Age Program, an international academic exchange program for high‐school‐age students established by the US government in 1949. Relying on dominant American child development theories, the officials who designed this program believed that all secondary school students, anywhere in the world, underwent the same critical period of psychological development during their acutely malleable teen years. They also claimed that all high school‐age students required adequate parental supervision to ensure that they developed well‐adjusted "democratic" personalities during this intense transitional phase from childhood to adulthood. Fearing the influence of what were considered to be authoritarian childrearing practices on secondary students in postwar occupied Germany and Austria, planners designed this exchange program to give select German and Austrian teenagers a chance to experience the American way of democratic living for themselves, by letting American sponsor parents raise these foreign young people as members of their own families for a full academic year. Believing the program was a success by the mid‐1950s, planners decided to expand it to target other secondary school students from world regions of geopolitical interest in the fight against Soviet Communism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1979, a group of activists belonging to the EPLF (the Eritrean People's Liberation Front) came across a materialistic interpretation of the national question, which was penned at the turn of the century by one Dov Ber Borochov (1881–1917), a Russian–Jewish intellectual who was a leading ideologue of Marxist Zionism. Among the fruits of this encounter was a book advocating the Eritrean people's right to self‐determination. Owing to developments in the Soviet Union and Marxist circles in the 1920s, Borochov's works were all but ignored throughout the remainder of the century. How, then, did a Spanish translation of his treatise, Nationalismo y lucha de clases (known in English as The National Question and Class Struggle), find its way into the hands of Eritrean nationalists? Furthermore, against the backdrop of Moscow and Havana's open support for Ethiopia, what attracted these Eritreans to the thought of an obscure Marxist–Zionist intellectual? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporaneously to the American McCarthyite response towards communism during the early cold war there existed a similar reaction in the United Kingdom. Like its counterpart in the United States, British McCarthyism not only attacked internal 'reds' but also non‐communist elements within the nation's borders. The phenomenon denounced and accused governmental and societal institutions and individuals for tolerating and even abetting the communist conspiracy then supposedly threatening the survival of the realm. Led by former Foreign Office mandarin Robert Vansittart and championed by the Conservative member of parliament Waldron Smithers, this British McCarthyism targeted the Church of England, the BCC and most notably the governing Labour party. The article explores how this politicised form of British anti‐communism functioned and transpired. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After several waves of COVID-19 pandemic, the October 2021 general election in the Czech Republic turned into a "referendum" about the government dominated by the populist party ANO (Action of Dissatisfied Citizens) led by Andrej Babis. I Party Politics in the Czech Republic: From Stable Party System to Populist Breakthrough The Czech party system emerged as an exception to the highly volatile party systems of the newly established democracies in central and eastern Europe (Lane and Ersson, 2007). At the same time, the parties of the SPOLU coalition have launched another campaign against the ANO party built on the party's "dark sins". A new populism vs anti-populism divide (for example, Moffitt, 2018) had become central to political contestation, supplanting the traditional competition between left and right parties, already shaken by the rise of populist parties in previous years. [Extracted from the article]

Did the International Monetary Fund (IMF) play a role in the United States and its Western allies efforts to contain the advance of communism during the Cold War? To answer this question, we construct a new database containing the number of conditions applied to over 500 IMF loans since 1970 and analyse how the distance from a borrowing country to its closet communist neighbour affected the IMF conditionality. We show that the Fund imposed fewer conditions on loans to countries geographically closer to the communist bloc. Results are stronger when neighbouring communist countries were not part of the Warsaw Pact. This pattern persisted during the 1990s, when the Fund helped former communist countries in their transition to market economies. However, we find no strong evidence of such discretionary treatment by the IMF after 2001, when the containment of communism had ceased to be the West's top priority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses Schmitt's concept of sovereign dictatorship—a departure from the normal legal order aiming to bring about a new mode of legality—as applied to the Marxist, and then Soviet, "dictatorship of the proletariat." Unlike Schmitt, Marx and Engels, as well as Soviet legal theorists, saw the space for law even while aiming to dispense with the legal form on the road to communism. This is best explained by Schmitt's failure to recognize the importance of legal systems not only for controlling social conflict, but also for coordination, the need for which does not disappear in extraordinary circumstances. *This article was initially written as part of my LLM studies at Harvard Law School. I thank my supervisor, Professor Adrian Vermeule, for his guidance and advice, as well as other friends (and enemies) for motivating my project. I am also grateful to the Ratio Juris production team for their exceptionally thorough editing of my original text. Any mistakes remain my own. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The collapse of communism in Central, East and South‐East Europe led to great hopes in the early 1990s. Three decades on, the initial optimism has given way to a mixed assessment: while the political transformation appears irreversible in some countries, a relapse to more authoritarian forms of government has occurred elsewhere. Similarly, the economic catch‐up process takes much longer than originally anticipated. Many of the challenges might not be a legacy of state socialism but could be more deeply rooted. We provide an overview of where quantitative economic history research stands on the origins and persistence of this fundamental West‐East‐divide, focusing on the period before 1870 (by which time income differences were well established). Serfdom was proposed as an early answer. Non‐agricultural explanations fall into three strands: demography, institutional weaknesses, and market access. We briefly discuss to what extent the factors identified here might have generated long‐run stagnation in region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the turn of French intellectual Georges Bataille to a theory of general economy. Topics include the argument of Bataille on the shared political-economic logic of capitalist accumulation and communism, Bataille's engagement with G. W. F. Hegel, Ludwig Feuerbach, and Karl Marx, and information on volume one of "The Accursed Share" by Bataille.

The 'Party and Youth League' model in the Chinese communist movement was copied from Soviet Russia, but its practice by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Youth League has been little studied, especially at the local level. This article draws on a variety of sources to analyse the model's operation in Shanghai. My findings reveal a lasting rivalry between the Communist Party and the Youth League in Shanghai, which both experienced a rise and fall from 1925 to 1927. Despite efforts from leaders on both sides, this conflict went unresolved. The Youth League's transformation from a 'younger brother' to a 'powerful competitor' within the revolutionary communist community vividly reflects the fact that the Chinese communists were far removed from the iron rule of Bolshevism at that time, and highlights the complexities and difficulties of localizing the international communist movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Since the dissolution of the USSR, the former Soviet countries not included in the enlargement of the European Union (EU) have experienced divergent development. While the so‐called Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries established closer ties with the EU, the Central Asian (CA) states mostly gravitated towards Russia and China. Thus, despite belonging to a similar economic and political system, the two groups of countries pursued transition to a market‐oriented economy and fostering development with varying results, creating a neat contrast to facilitate the study of patterns of growth and disparity. Purpose: Based on an analysis covering more than two decades, the article explores the growth paths of the EaP and CA countries. Given their bumpy economic performances, the article aims, first, to show how these affected economic disparities among them. Second, it aims to identify the factors which most influenced different development trajectories. Approach and methods: Through analysis of panel data, the article seeks to explain long‐term economic growth (1992–2015) in terms of endowments of production factors, macroeconomic stabilization and transition reforms, external conditions and institutional development. Sources of growth are identified to reveal how they affected income per capita and shaped convergence in the two groups of countries. Findings: The EaP and CA countries show different growth patterns since the end of communism. While the EaP economies shrank more during the 1990s compared to the CA group, they bounced back faster during the 2000s. The EaP economies, being more closely connected to the EU, were more affected by the Great Recession of 2007–2009 than those of the CA. Overall, economic disparities between these sets of countries have slightly increased. Physical capital, foreign direct investment, natural resources, openness to trade and the transition reforms significantly explain economic growth, with stronger effects in the EaP compared to CA countries, which suggests the EU's neighbourhood instruments have been effective in promoting growth. Policy implications: Our findings suggest that stepping up reforms, preserving macroeconomic stability, enhancing openness to trade and accumulating factors of production spurred growth in both EaP and CA countries. Pursuing closer ties with the EU economies fostered growth by strengthening investment, foreign trade, structural and market reforms, and by better use of natural resources. Given the large variations seen between countries in both groups, more detailed country diagnoses are needed to tailor interventions according to the specifics of each country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: As a one‐party state, the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party rule and the leader, Xi, stems from unique sources. This article examines those sources of legitimacy in China and compares those with the United States and its leader, President Obama. Methods: Data from the 2014 Pew Global Attitude Survey are analyzed using ordered logistic regressions to test three main hypotheses: the vertical trust leakage hypothesis, the new Cultural Revolution hypothesis, and the parallel upward mobility hypothesis. Results: Xi's anti‐corruption efforts against governmental officials create perceptions of Xi as a moral leader who protects citizens from corrupt local officials. Growing censorship in China prevents intellectuals from questioning Xi's power. The Chinese Dream campaign spearheaded by Xi blends nationalism and populism. Conclusion: The findings suggest that Xi's strategy to portray him as a moral leader, the suppression of intellectuals and advocacy of the Chinese Dream campaign yields strong confidence from Chinese citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to grasp the process of modernization in rural China during a period of social transformation that saw the overlapping of Communism and Modernism. Founded in 1958, Weixing Commune was the first funded People's Commune and a group of architectural professionals participated in its design. The analysis of the concept and planning method of Weixing commune clearly indicates that, when facing the task of designing the commune in the 1950s under the communist ideology, the design group tried to adapt the concept of modern urban planning from the west. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objective: Previous studies of American English isms terms have uncovered as many as five broad factors: tradition-oriented religiousness (TR), subjective spirituality (SS), communal rationalism (CR), unmitigated self-interest (USI), and inequality aversion (IA). The present studies took a similar lexical approach to investigate the Chinese-language isms structures in both mainland China and Taiwan.Method and Results: In Study 1, exploratory factor analyses with 915 mainland Chinese subjects uncovered four interpretable factors dimensionalizing 165 mainland Chinese dictionary isms terms. These factors represented contents of a combination of TR and SS, USI, CR, and a culturally unique Communist Party of China (CPC) ideology factor. In Study 2, exploratory factor analyses with 467 Taiwan Chinese subjects revealed four interpretable factors categorizing 291 Taiwan Chinese dictionary isms terms. These factors represented contents of a combination of TR and SS, USI, CR, and a culturally unique dimension expressing aspirations for happiness.Conclusions: The results gave evidence for the existence of the isms factors TR and SS, USI, and CR in Chinese culture. Cultural uniqueness was reflected in the merging of TR and SS into the factor Syncretic Religiousness and the culture-specific factors of CPC ideology in China and Happiness/Peace Promotion in Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: During the 1960s, the Yugoslav Socialist authorities gradually recognised Bosnia and Herzegovina's Muslims as a nation. Interestingly, in the 1940s, the Yugoslav Communist leaders refused to consider Muslims even as an ethnic group and saw them only as a religious community whose members had to designate themselves as Serbs or Croats. Why did the regime decide to recognise Muslims as a nation in the 1960s, whereas 20 years earlier they supported the opposite position? To understand the shift, this nation‐building process must be understood as the result of a dual dynamic on the federal and the republican level, where important changes occurred. At the federal one, the Communist authorities initiated a decentralisation process within the context of Yugoslav self‐management in the 1950s, which significantly reinforced the republic elites. This coincided with the resurgence of the national question in the whole of Yugoslavia. Simultaneously, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, a new elite progressively rose to power in the 1960s and put the ‘Muslim question’ on the political agenda. This led to the gradual increase in status of the Muslims from a religious community to an ethnic group at the beginning of the 1960s and then to a nation at the end of the decade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of Cuba's far-reaching, halting economic reforms, geopolitical rapprochement and trade openings with the United States (US) offer opportunities and risks for Cuban small-scale farmers and agrarian cooperatives: pressures, paradoxes and potential abound. Meanwhile, on the margins, agro-ecologically oriented tours bring admiring US students, farmers and agrarian advocates. Cubans concur that the country must solve key problems in its agricultural sector to overcome the contradictions of its agri-food model, and that this entails more exchange with the US - but in what capacity and on what terms? The current crossroads begs the classic agrarian question, even as it updates it. Having experienced and survived the promises and disasters of both capitalist and communist agricultural economies, Cuban farmers expand the original 'peasant' protagonist. As they navigate new non-state markets and recent re-entrenchment of state control of prices, Cuban farmers and cooperatives struggle to avoid monopolizing tendencies of unfettered capitalist as well as communist agricultural economies - both of which have historically been ecologically damaging. US agribusiness courts Cuba, but not as mere unidirectional capture: Cubans are inviting and leveraging trade to end the embargo, which is increasingly being modified altogether. Key Cuban agrarian principles of resilience and cooperativismo have persisted through capitalist and communist crises: could they influence prospects for agro-industrial hegemony from the North? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Sidney Mintz's passing on December 27, 2015, obliges us to recall and acknowledge the outstanding cohort of anthropologists who studied alongside him at Columbia University in the years immediately following World War II. Together, they transformed the discipline. They include, among other luminaries, Stanley Diamond, Morton Fried, Marvin Harris, Marshall Sahlins, Elman Service, and Eric Wolf. Armed with new research questions and theoretical interests, they freed anthropology from its Boasian moorings and pushed it in new and exciting directions. The cohort's collective and individual anthropological oeuvre from the 1950s to the 1980s reconfigured the practice of anthropology in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. [ history of anthropology, Columbia University, Marxism, modes of production, capitalism, world-systems, Sidney Mintz] El reciente fallecimiento de Sidney Mintz (27 diciembre de 2015) suscita recordar y reconocer a ese grupo extraordinario de antropólogos que estudió con él en la Universidad de Columbia, Nueva York, al finalizar la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Juntos transformaron la disciplina. Entre otros ilustrados se encuentran Stanley Diamond, Morton Fried, Marvin Harris, Marshall Sahlins, Elman Service y Eric Wolf. Armados con nuevas preguntas de investigación e inquietudes teóricas, libraron a la antropología de su arraigo boasiano y la impulsaron hacia nuevos y más interesantes horizontes. Su obra colectiva e individual, producida entre las décadas de los 50 a los 80, reconfiguró la práctica antropológica durante el siglo veinte y principios del vigésimo primero. [ historia de la antropología, Universidad de Columbia, marxismo, modos de producción, capitalismo, sistema mundial, Sidney Mintz] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the result of the communist terror in Poland, during years 1944–1956 more than 50,000 people died. Their bodies were buried secretly, and most places are still unknown. The research presents the results of identification of people buried in one of many mass graves, which were found at the cemetery Powązki Military in Warsaw, Poland. Exhumation revealed the remains of eight people, among which seven were identified genetically. Well‐preserved molars were used for the study. Reference material was collected from the closest living relatives. In one case, an exhumation of victim's parents had to be performed. DNA from swabs was extracted with a PrepFiler®BTA Forensic DNA Extraction Kit and organic method. Autosomal, Y‐STR amplification, and mtDNA sequencing were performed. The biostatistical calculations resulted in LR values from 1608 to 928 × 1018. So far, remains of more than 50 victims were identified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the various phases in the life of George Rudé (1910-93), starting with the son of a conservative family converting to communism following a chance trip to Russia as a twenty-two year old. He combined teaching modern languages in secondary schools with being an active functionary of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB), and in the late-1940s he redirected his interests to the study of French revolutionary history, finally securing an academic position in Australia. The purpose of this article is not to write about Rudé's academic life as such but, rather, to outline the nature and extent of his work on behalf of the CPGB and how this impacted on his life and work. In particular, why did he assume, and then shed, the mantle of party activist, and how did his Marxism affect the type of history he wrote? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We develop a simple model to study the effect of age structure on the interactions between the state and dissidents. Younger populations are more prone to protest. As the population grows younger, states that can discriminately target repression to different groups, but cannot concede discriminately, decrease repression. In contrast, states that can target concession, but not repression, increase repression. We test these results in nonmilitary single-party regimes and military regimes without political parties. Moreover, we study state response to dissent in East European communist regimes in the late 1980s, showing that state response was more repressive in countries with younger populations. ( JEL D74) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The political transformation of Eastern European countries heralded many fundamental economic, social, and cultural changes. One aspect of democracy - cultural democracy - focuses on the situation of minority groups. The treatment of minorities, while largely determined by law and actions of the government, is also influenced by the attitudes and opinions held by the citizens. This article analyses opinion polls conducted between 1994 and 2014 on attitudes towards ethnic and national minorities in Poland. The data comes from the Public Opinion Research Center (Centrum Badania Opinii Społecznej - CBOS) and was published solely in the Polish language. This analysis is situated within Poland's shifting political, social, and cultural contexts, and emphasizes current legislation concerning minorities in Poland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term 'culture war' has become a generic expression for secular-Catholic conflicts across nineteenth-century Europe. Yet, if measured by acts of violence, anticlericalism peaked in the years between 1927 and 1939, when thousands of Catholic priests and believers were imprisoned or executed and hundreds of churches razed in Mexico, Spain, and Russia. This article argues that not only in these three countries, but indeed across Europe a culture war raged in the interwar period. It takes, as a case study, the interaction of communist and Catholic actors located in the Vatican, the Soviet Union, and Germany in the period between the beginning of the Pontificate of Pius XI in 1922 and Hitler's appointment as chancellor of Germany in 1933. As revealed in Vatican and Comintern correspondence, Papal officials and communist leaders each sought to mobilise the German populace to achieve their own diplomatic ends. German Catholics and communists gladly responded to the call to arms that sounded from Rome and Moscow in 1930, but they did so also to further their own domestic goals. The case study shows how national contexts inflected the transnational dynamics of radical anti-Catholicism in interwar Europe. In the end, agitation against 'godlessness' did not lead to the return of a 'Christian State' desired by many conservative Christians. Instead, the culture war further destabilised the republic and added a religious dimension to a landscape well suited to National Socialist efforts to reach a Christian population otherwise mistrustful of its völkisch and anticlerical elements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Participatory responses to natural disasters are currently considered to be the primary tool for disaster risk reduction. However, the implementation of this tool in post-communist Central European countries is constrained by the strong position of the central government and a weakened civil society as a heritage of the former communist governments. This study analyses documentary sources to reconstruct social responses to five disastrous flash flood events (1897, 1907, 1925, 1926 and 1927) in northern Bohemia, Czech Republic. The reconstruction of social responses has revealed their complexity and strong component of a participatory approach. The analysis shows that certain historical measures and approaches to recovery from flash floods can be useful for re-establishing and reinforcing former social patterns in post-communist transition countries in terms of strategies for disaster risk reduction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the debate between the philosophers Moses Hess, an advocate of social communism, and Max Stirner, a supporter of capitalistic individualism. Issues covered include how Stirner's work "Der Einzige und sein Eigentum" aimed to present the atheistic and liberal humanism of his contemporaries as a deceptive restoration of religious faith and Hess's tripartite division of history in his "Holy History of Mankind."

The article focuses on the enlargement plans of European Union (EU). It states that Croatia, as well as several countries of Soviet Union are trying to get closer to EU, and discusses that the fall of communism is encouraging the countries to be members of EU and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). It mentions that the open markets and open societies, exhibitted by EU, attract the countries which have always stayed under socialism. It discusses the laws and regulations of EU and its relation with other foreign countries.

I study the preferences for redistribution in Eastern Europe. After the collapse of communism c. 1990, preferences for redistribution did not decrease by 2000, and if anything, they increased. One explanation is the so-called 'public values effect': individual beliefs shape preferences for redistribution. East Europeans continue to believe that it is the responsibility of the state to provide for the poor, and hence, they prefer redistribution. Income and expected income also affect preferences for redistribution but to a lesser degree than relative income and income history. The 'winners' of the transition, i.e., those who are better off after the collapse of communism, prefer less redistribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]