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The main task of the National Research Program "Smart crop production", supported by the Ministry of Education and Science of Bulgaria and approved by the Council of Ministers, is the development of a regional data center to facilitate the work of farmers. The regional data center is part of the implementation of a smart crop production environment called ZEMEL which provides personal assistants supporting the work of farmers. The environment provides intelligent services for crop analysis and prevention and assists farmers in performing basic tasks related to crop production. The objective of the proposed article is to present the implementation of the architecture, infrastructure, and data architecture of a regional data center in the Plovdiv region. In order to clearly present the results of this work, which are the architectural and physical implementations of a regional data center and the storage of dynamic data and background knowledge, a methodology consisting of several steps is followed: the system infrastructure of the data center and the data architecture are discussed; one of the local pieces of infrastructure, implemented in the Institute of Plant Genetic Resources (IPGR) in the town of Sadovo in the Plovdiv region, is presented in detail, including the different types of sensors and their connection to the data center in wheat cultivation; the data repositories are discussed where dynamic data and background knowledge are stored. The paper pays special attention to background knowledge developed as ontologies for winter wheat cultivation. The results are summarized by drawing some conclusions and recommendations for the design of the local infrastructure of the center and the stored data to improve its performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU has engaged with cultural policy especially after the Maastricht treaty in 1992. To compare the division within two EU institutions, this paper mainly analyses the EU official documents: the "European Agenda for culture in a globalizing world", published by the European Commission in 2007 - which was the first "Communication" regarding cultural policy - and "Work Plan for Culture" which was published as "Conclusions" by the Council of the European Union. The aim of this paper is to reveal that the Council focus only on a part of the policy of the European Commission on culture. It also concluded that the main strategies of the EU cultural policy have changed to incorporate some nonprofitable aims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Derechos y Libertades is the property of Dykinson SL and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

"Practice turn" can potentially influence both the theory and methods applied in EU studies. This paper attempts to grasp the most important features of this approach, as they could prove relevant to the study of decision-making at the European level. The point of departure is a research project on the role of socialisation mechanisms in the Council of the European Union, which was rooted in constructivism and used process tracing type case studies as its main method. The paper explores the principles and promises of practice turn and, more generally, of interpretive social science. It describes methods and practical considerations of tracing practices and studying the understandings they contain. Showing the limitations of a more conventional approach to issues such as supranational socialisation and decision-making, the paper argues for practice-oriented research by describing the opportunities and advantages it offers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the latest reform of the EU Transparency Register (TR). I will approach the negotiations on the TR from the angle of the legislative process and will focus in particular on the life cycle of the TR proposal all the way from its preparatory phase within the Commission until the trilogue negotiations and the adoption of the TR package. I will be arguing that peer pressure between EU institutions had a significant impact on the negotiations. Furthermore, peer pressure inside EU institutions was also important. The final outcome of the TR will be analysed with regard to the effectiveness and added value of the TR interinstitutional agreement and the accompanying legal and political instruments. Solutions aimed at increasing transparency will be discussed in terms of their practical effect on EU institutions, the European Commission, the European Parliament and the Council of the European Union. The findings of this paper suggest that the achieved compromise provides added value to the TR regime of the EU. Moreover, the compromise has contributed to transforming the EU TR towards a hybrid transparency system consisting of elements of a different nature. Finally, I will conclude by discussing the future prospects of developing the EU TR regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Prisma Social is the property of Revista Prisma Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Hooghe and Marks' update of Rokkanian European cleavages recognises the existence of a European political arena with opposite poles. The paper first contrasts rhetorics on a European level by two European Council members at opposite poles, the French President E. Macron and the Hungarian Prime Minister V. Orbán, then it compares their immigration policies on a national level. While a vast difference can be detected in the rhetorical dimension, their national regulations and executive decisions on immigration are stunningly similar. Such discrepancies are explained through an institutional analysis of the European Council, which gives structural incentives to perform "virtual politics" consisting of statements aimed at gathering domestic support against virtual "opponents", while avoiding any political risky decisions at home. Furthermore, as the neoliberal nature of the EU incentivizes the status quo in this area, only profound institutional reform can lay the ground for a change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

PC-CREAM is a tool for assessing the radiological impact of routine discharges of radionuclides to the environment. It can be used for prospective assessments, to calculate doses to members of the public for authorisation of proposed discharges, or for retrospective assessments of previous discharges where doses are compared with dose limits. These types of assessment are a fundamental requirement of regulations governing the control of radioactive discharges. However, the latest publications of the basic safety standards for radiation protection, EU (Council of the European Union, 2014) and the IAEA (IAEA, 2014), now include the requirement to demonstrate protection of the environment as well as members of the public. To this end, a module has been added to PC-CREAM for calculating dose rates to non-human biota (Anderson et al., 2022). The methodology used for this calculation is based on the recommendations contained in ICRP Publication 108 (ICRP, 2008), which provides a general framework for protection of the environment. The additional module means that PC-CREAM can be used to assess doses to humans and dose rates to biota in an integrated way, for the same set of discharges and using the same dispersion models. This paper describes an assessment of dose rates to biota living in the vicinity of the Sellafield nuclear site, carried out using the new biota module of PC-CREAM. Historical discharges from Sellafield to the sea and atmosphere were considered for the period 1951 to 2017, excluding those from the Windscale fire in 1957. Dose rates calculated for marine biota (flatfish, crabs and brown seaweed) are less than 1 mGy d−1 and are below the lower derived consideration reference level (DCRL) for the ICRP marine reference animals and plants (RAPs). Dose rates for terrestrial biota (bees, deer, earthworms, frogs, wild grass, pine trees and rats) are less than the relevant lower DCRL for terrestrial RAPs, ie 0.1 mGy d−1. Dose rates were also calculated for a user defined organism 'seabird' to represent birds which inhabit both marine and terrestrial environments near Sellafield. For seabird, the lower DCRL of 0.1 mGy d−1 is exceeded throughout the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s, when the discharges were at their highest, due to exposures from the marine environment. Since the mid-1980s, no dose rates were calculated that exceeded the lower DCRLs. • This paper describes an assessment of dose rates to biota living in the vicinity of the Sellafield nuclear site, carried out using the new biota module of PC-CREAM. Historical routine discharges from Sellafield to the sea and atmosphere were considered for the period 1951 to 2017. • Dose rates calculated for the ICRP terrestrial and marine reference animals and plants (RAPs) are less than the relevant derived consideration reference level (DCRL). • However, dose rates calculated for a user defined organism 'seabird' exceeded the lower DCRL of 0.1 mGy d−1 for this organism throughout the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s, when the discharges were at their highest. Since the mid-1980s, no dose rates were calculated that exceeded the lower DCRLs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What are the implications of that awareness about the role of evidence when it comes to policy making in the field of cultural heritage? On several occasions, the European Council has underlined the need to develop cultural statistics and the European Parliament has regretted the absence of data in this field. Still today, Culture statistics for the EU are not collected by a single stand-alone survey, but come from different Eurostat data collections. Starting from statistical conceptual frames established by ESS-net-Culture Commission, the paper discusses the characteristics of sources and data on cultural heritage available today for supporting policymaking at the EU level [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Przegląd Europejski is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The pandemic had a considerable impact on Flemish youth work, as many face-to-face activities had to shift online. For many organizations, this was their first encounter with digital youth work, either online or blended. Despite this recent boom, the concept is not new. It was mentioned in the 2017 conclusions on smart youth work1 by the Council of the European Union. Digital youth work is defined as using and discussing digital media/technology in different types of youth work, whilst still adhering to its objectives (Council of the European Union, 2019). This paper examines the effects of COVID-19 on Flemish youth work and explores the challenges and opportunities, using the quick-scan-method to map practices. Identified opportunities are strengthening participants' and youth workers' digital competences, combating social isolation, increasing accessibility and space to experiment and blended teaching methods to strengthen youth work. Barriers are the limited know-how amongst youth workers, digital exclusion, high cost of hard-and software, and the importance of the correct working method for the desired goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We assess the response of the European Council and the Council of the European Union (hereafter the Council) to the emergence and development of the European Green Deal (EGD). First, we conduct a literature review of the historical role of the two intergovernmental institutions in EU climate policy development, drawing inspiration from new intergovernmentalism, historical institutionalism, and discursive institutionalism. Next, we provide an overview of the EGD itself and three of its core elements: (1) the ambition to achieve climate neutrality by 2050; (2) its systemic and integrative nature; and (3) the just transition approach. We then present the results of a qualitative content analysis of all Council and European Council Conclusions from 2018 to 2020. Our findings show that the European Council and the Council have declared support for the EGD and its underlying principles. The European Council engaged with all three elements but mentioned the objective of achieving net-zero emissions by 2050 most frequently and with growing intensity over the years studied. The Council similarly discussed the three elements of the EGD and gave increasing focus to the integrated/systemic transition over the course of the years 2018-2020. Our empirical analysis suggests that, on paper, the Council and the European Council may manage to govern through the organisational turbulence of member state divisions on climate governance. Furthermore, environmental turbulence arising from external contexts (e.g., economic and health crises) did not dampen their declared support towards the goals of the EGD. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European Institutions and scholars are reflecting upon the nature of the requirements that are or can be used to implement sustainability through Public Procurement. As far as public organisations are concerned, the Portuguese government's actions are in the same wavelength as the European guidelines on the matter. Public procurement involves economic operators. Thus, it is important to try to understand if the European Union proposal for a directive on "Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence" is an interesting tool in the discussion. Recently, the Portuguese Council of Ministers issued Resolution no. 132/2023, of 25 October, defining the ecological criteria applicable to certain kinds of contracts and products, goods and services concerning some administrative bodies, a Resolution which, nevertheless, is prone to criticism. May the shift of the European Union Public Procurement paradigm help implement Sustainable Public Procurement through mandatory requirements? Can the future Directive help economic operators align with contracting authorities to implement Sustainable Public Procurement? Might the obligation to include environmental factors help fulfil the Directive's due diligence obligations? And, lastly, has Portugal taken the right step with the issuance of Resolution no. 132/2023? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wider extended academic concern regarding the decision-making system that the EU is and should be using, a voting frame rediscussed in the Brexit context and whose modification proposals are usually widely debated, this paper focuses on a peculiar aspect of the intra-institutional decision-making process, i.e. on what was known as the weighted votes component of the qualified majority voting used in the EU Council. What was the logic of establishing this system, how did it develop and why the member states decided to abandon it? These are the main questions to whom the article will answer, with the aim to indicate that the current modified Lisbon system, despite its alleged improvements in terms of legitimacy, transparency and adaptability to enlargement waves, offered a new QMV definition that is still locked in the blocking minorities safety nets of the EU power politics game. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVES: *The Belawan Harbor is the third largest port, which is located in an estuary, causing the port water area to be vulnerable to pollution, especially heavy metals. Conflicts between the community and the port authorities often occur due to pollution. Heavy metals are dangerous contaminants for waters, and total organic carbon in waters is needed but will cause eutrophication if the concentration is excessive in the environment. The level of heavy metal pollution in the waters of the Belawan Harbor and the factors that cause the pollution should be analyzed, because the level of heavy metal pollution has not been measured in the sediments of harbor waters. This study can be used as a reference for the actions of related agencies in dealing with heavy metal pollution in waters. METHODS: *Sampling of sediments was performed at 10 locations, starting before the harbor activity began and moving toward the open sea. Sampling was conducted using Van Veen grab. Heavy metal concentrations were analyzed in the laboratory using the atomic absorption spectrometer method to assess the essential heavy metal copper and non-essential heavy metal lead, cadmium, and mercury. Heavy metal pollution in sediments was assessed by analyzing sediment pollution index. The multivariate statistical analysis on the relationship among factors was conducted using Pearson correlation matrix method, principal component analysis, and cluster analysis. FINDINGS: *The environmental quality standards used indicate average concentration of heavy metals; lead (28,869 milligram per kilogram) and copper (8,003 milligram per kilogram) are below the quality standard. The mercury concentrations are undetectable (<0.00011 milligram per kilogram) at each station. By comparison, the concentration of cadmium (1,455 milligram per kilogram) exceeded the Interim Sediment Quality Guidelines from the Canadian Council of Ministers of the Environment. Results of the index analysis show that the average value of the pollution factor of copper is -0.177 (low contamination), that of lead is -1.433 (moderate contamination), and that of cadmium is -4.850 (high contamination); the geoaccumulation index value of copper is -5.328. (not polluted), that of lead is -0.190 (unpolluted), and that of cadmium -1.657 (moderately polluted). As mercury concentration in sediments is relatively low, it is not considered when calculating pollution levels. Overall, on the basis of a pollution index of 1.033 (1 < pollution load index = 2), this condition indicates that the waters of the Belawan Harbor are categorized as not polluted to lightly polluted. The highest total organic carbon is at the estuaries of the Belawan and Deli Rivers. The sediment fraction is 72.2 percent sandy, 16.4 percent sludge, and 11.4 percent clay substrate. CONCLUSION: Pollution in the waters of the Belawan Harbor is in the category of not polluted to slightly polluted. Although the pollution is still in the light category, this must be of particular concern to the relevant agencies, especially the local government, to make the right policies to overcome this pollution immediately. Pollution problems increase with the anthropogenic activities around coastal areas, as well as activities in the Belawan and Deli River watersheds, because the pollutant will flow from the upstream to the estuary area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bulgaria and Romania joined the European Union in 2007. For both of them, the taking over of the rotating presidency of the Council of the European Union has represented a crucial moment. Two former communist countries, east-central countries, have been in charge of the Council of the European Union. The article attempts to present some perception of the French press on the presidencies of these two countries, which has engendered a series of results indicating a subjectively different approach towards the Romanian and the Bulgarian presidencies of the Council of the EU. While the former has been regarded from a critical standpoint in the light of the internal political context, a more constructive view has been adopted in the case of the latter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In January 2022, the European Commission released a Proposal for a Council Recommendation on learning for environmental sustainability, in which it recognised that "[w]e are at a critical point in time: human action has brought us close to causing irreparable damage to our planet" and that "collective and individual actions are urgently needed to place our society and economy on a sustainable path" (European Commission, 2022, p. 1). The proposal was then adopted by the Council of the European Union in June 2022 with the "Council Recommendation on learning for the green transition and sustainable development" (Council of the EU, 2022), which focused on the key role of education in addressing the climate crisis and on the importance of preparing learners for the future. This chapter aims to critically analyse the aforementioned Commission Proposal and the ensuing Council Recommendation, as well as the Commission Staff Working Document accompanying the proposal (European Commission, Directorate-General for Education, Youth, Sport and Culture, 2022a), in order to discuss the main linguistic, pedagogical and political issues emerging from an ecocritically-informed analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A Water Quality Index (WQI) is a tool that describes the overall water quality by combining complex and technical water quality information into a single meaningful unitless numerical value. WQIs predict water quality since they reflect the impact of multiple Water Quality Parameters (WQPs) and allow for spatial-temporal comparison of water quality status. Most African countries employ adapted WQIs by modifying the original index (or indices) and propose their concepts for evaluating the quality of surface and groundwater, which is normally accompanied by irregularities. The current review examined the process(es) involved in WQI modifications for monitoring water quality in Africa, explored associated limitations, and suggested areas for improvement. A review of 42 research articles from five databases in the last ten years (2012–2022) was conducted. The findings indicated Weighted Arithmetic (WAWQI) and the Canadian Council of Ministers of Environment (CCMEWQI) as the most adapted WQIs. However, several limitations were encountered in WQI developmental steps, mainly in parameter selection and classification schemes used for the final index value. Incorporation of biological parameters, use of less subjective statistical methods in parameter selection, and logical linguistic descriptions in classification schemes were some recommendations for remedying the limitations to register the full potential of adapted WQIs for water quality monitoring in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this research paper is to evaluate the position of Germany, including the federal government and the parliamentary opposition, as regards the migration crisis in the European Union in the years 2011-2016. The first part of the article presents the course of the migration crisis in the presented time period. The second part discusses the evolution of the position of the governing coalition and the parliamentary opposition in Germany towards the first phase of the crisis in the years 2011-2014. The third part has been dedicated to analysing the position of the federal government and the parliamentary opposition towards the second phase of the crisis in the years 2015-2016. The fourth part presents the influence of the German government on the reform of the immigration and asylum policies, as well as the dynamics of the migration crisis in the European Union in the years 2015-2016. The author formulates a research hypothesis that the federal government did not control the migration crisis in the European Union but rather acted impulsively, thereby contributing to its deepening. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Bumbu River Watershed is an essential source for the drinking and sanitation needs of settlement communities within Lae, Papua New Guinea. However, poor sanitation and waste management practices have led to concerns over the safety and integrity of the watershed's resources. In this study, we explored the effect of these factors on water quality in the Bumbu river and its tributaries using water quality (22 sampling stations), geospatial (degree of urbanisation), and community survey (sanitation and hygiene practices) data. Water Quality Index (WQI) was calculated based on the Canadian Council of Ministers of Environment (CCME) template using pH, Total Dissolved Solids (TDS), conductivity, turbidity, alkalinity, calcium, magnesium, total hardness, mercury, manganese, iron, and Escherichia coli. Using geospatial techniques, principal component analysis, and forward regression analysis, we found that better water quality outcomes coincided with better community health conditions of Crime and Pollution, and better household health outcomes. Land-use itself was not significantly correlated with water quality, but distressingly, we found 19 of 22 water samples to be of "poor" quality, indicating a need for better community water regulation. The methodology and results presented can be used to inform policy decisions at the provincial/national level, and to aid future research activities in other watersheds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Healthy, organic, high-calorie and very tasty - these attributes are often associated with natural products such as honey. The aim of this study is to characterize the 135 honey samples collected in seven regions of central Serbia in terms of their physicochemical parameters (electrical conductivity, moisture, free acids, insoluble matter and reducing sugars, hydroxymethylfurfural, and diastase activity), the possible presence of tetracycline, sulfonamide and pesticide residues, and finally to perform a quality assessment for consumer protection. Considering the physicochemical parameters, it was found that almost all honey samples complied with the European Legislation (EC Directive 2001/110: THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION, 2001) for the parameters studied. From the point of view of antimicrobial agents, the commercial quality was considered good, and all samples were found to be free of harmful agents such as bacteriostatic, antibiotic and pesticide residues through analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The article presents the psychometric parameters and implementation of the adult education needs inventory (AENI) questionnaire, which is designed to measure the key competences of adult educators. It was constructed on the concept of key competences as proposed by the Council of the European Union. This model of competences is inscribed in the concept of lifelong learning and does not concentrate on the compensatory functions of the competences but merely promotes the insight of educators into their self-development. This article presents the construction process and psychometrical properties of AENI. Materials and methods: The reliability of the test is confirmed by the intercorrelated results. The accuracy of the questionnaire was confirmed through principal component analysis (PCA). Apart from this, the accuracy of the theory was verified by a correlation between AENI and the Social Skills Profile (PROKOS), which measures the level of such social skills as assertiveness, cooperativeness, sociability, social resourcefulness, and social activeness. To check the accuracy of the theory, hypotheses were formulated which were related to both the correlated overall results (AENI and PROKOS) and the chosen scales. Results: Six areas of need in development were distinguished: communication skills, multilingual and multicultural skills, digital skills, entrepreneurial skills, openness to science and culture, and social and civic skills. A low result on the scale indicates a need to develop a given skill because the respondent's skills are weak. Such information is vital for employers and educators who wish to diagnose the areas that need improvement. The measures of reliability and accuracy allow us to state that the questionnaire possesses acceptable psychometrical factors. This study contains propositions for further improvement of the questionnaire and a key to interpreting the research results. Conclusion: Adult education needs inventory questionnaire is a reliable research tool that can be used to assess the competences of adult educators. Also, it can be considered a voice of discussion regarding the necessity of raising the quality of education and raising the awareness of the education needs of individual adult educators and organizations that benefit from their services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Simple Summary: In recent years, there has been a large increase in consumers' demands for farm animal welfare. The Council of the European Union emphasizes that high animal welfare is an integral part of sustainable animal production. Farmers must be able to meet these requirements by assessing animal welfare on the basis of well-defined and structured protocols for each species and production system. Only then will it be possible to guarantee welfare certification throughout all the production chain, from farm to fork. This work aims to study and apply indicators already used and validated for animals with other productive aptitudes and in other regions of the world. To this end, three cattle farms in the Center of Portugal were analyzed. Each of these farms is dedicated to the production of a Portuguese autochthonous beef breed. The welfare on these farms was rated as good and excellent in most of the criteria. This evaluation will enable the farms to meet the conditions for certification and to modify some of the less positive aspects. The welfare of farm animals has become an increasingly important issue for society, especially for consumers of animal products. Currently, there is no standardized and validated protocol in Portugal for assessing the welfare of suckler cow herds in extensive systems. This work aims to study and apply previously used indicators, based on behavior, mental status, health, body condition, and interactions with the environment. Criteria and measures were adapted from protocols for cattle in other production systems (Welfare Quality®, WQ) or protocols set for pasture-based cattle in New Zealand. To the WQ measures, such as body condition, absence of injuries and diseases, positive emotional state and management indicators, we added behavior when in the chute, distance to water points, positioning of ear tags, and thermal comfort. The feasibility of the protocol was assessed in herds with cows belonging to three different Portuguese autochthonous beef breeds. The welfare of the herds was considered good or excellent, with only the behavior at the chute being negatively scored in the Brava breed. The application and validation of indicators to correctly assess animal welfare all along the production chain is crucial to achieve certification, and to the identification and correction of causes of poor welfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An analysis of three major aspects has been carried out that may apply to any of the successive voting systems used for the European Union Council of Ministers, from the first one established in the Treaty of Rome in 1958 to the current one established in Lisbon. We mainly consider the voting systems designed for the enlarged European Union adopted in the Athens summit, held in April 2003 but this analysis can be applied to any other system. First, it is shown that the dimension of these voting systems does not, in general, reduce. Next, the egalitarian effects of superposing two or three weighted majority games (often by introducing additional consensus) are considered. Finally, the decisiveness of these voting systems is evaluated and compared. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wider extended academic concern regarding the decision-making system that the EU is and should be using, a voting frame rediscussed in the Brexit context and whose modification proposals are usually widely debated, this paper focuses on a peculiar aspect of the intra-institutional decision-making process, i.e. on what was known as the weighted votes component of the qualified majority voting used in the EU Council. What was the logic of establishing this system, how did it develop and why the member states decided to abandon it? These are the main questions to whom the article will answer, with the aim to indicate that the current modified Lisbon system, despite its alleged improvements in terms of legitimacy, transparency and adaptability to enlargement waves, offered a new QMV definition that is still locked in the blocking minorities safety nets of the EU power politics game.

Water quality indices (WQIs) are efficient tools, globally used for the determination of the quality status of water bodies. In Greece, for almost a decade, the physicochemical quality of water in rivers has been determined by a rigorous, biologically-based, national classification system, developed by the Hellenic Centre for Marine Research (HCMR), through the calculation of a simple water quality index (HWQI) that takes into account six water parameters: five nutrient species and dissolved oxygen. Taking the HWQI as a reference, the present study attempts to implement the Canadian Council of Ministers of Environment Water Quality Index (CCME WQI), which is globally applied and flexible in the number of parameters used, to investigate its possible suitability for Greek rivers, which are characterized by a variety of climatic, geologic, and hydrological conditions and have experienced anthropogenic impact. A large dataset consisting of 111 river sites and multiple sampling campaigns for each site in 2018–2020 were used in the analysis, giving rise to a representative application of the CCME WQI on a national scale. Furthermore, the physicochemical quality results were compared with those derived by the HWQI. Apart from the original equation of the CCME WQI for calculating the classification score, a modified version from the literature was used as well. Moreover, apart from the six conventional parameters, which offered a direct comparison with the output values of the HWQI, the CCME WQI and its modified version were recalculated based on a larger dataset, including four additional physicochemical water parameters. The comparative results from all calculations revealed the conservative behavior of the CCME WQI and confirmed the indications from several other Greek studies. Estimated water quality represented a status that consistently belonged to at least a two-class inferior category than the HWQI, while adequate reductions in this deviation could not be achieved with the modified index or with the increase in the number of parameters used in the analysis. It is thus concluded that the first calculation factor and the class boundaries of the CCME WQI are the limiting factors for successful implementation in Greek rivers, independent of the hydroclimatic, geomorphological, and anthropogenic impact variability across the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Water quality indices (WQIs) are numerical measures used by researchers and water managers to communicate water quality status to the public. This study analyzes the official databases from the CONAGUA monitoring network of the main tributary rivers in the middle basin of the San Pedro-Mezquital River in Durango, Mexico, for a 6-year period (2013–2018). We applied three WQIs to 432 data (18 sampling sites, four samples per year, 6 years): Canadian Council of Ministers of the Environment (CCME) WQI, National Sanitation Foundation (NSF) WQI, and Secretariat of Urban Development and Ecology (SEDUE) WQI. The Canadian index proved to be a flexible, appropriate, and rigorous methodology for assessing water quality based on its use. Results classify the water quality in the studied reservoirs as good, while river water was rated for public use, as marginal to very poor. No statistical significant differences in the quality of water between the rainy (June–October) and dry (November–May) seasons were found. However, tendency shows that in the rainy season the water quality was lower, mainly attributed to agricultural runoffs and bank erosion. The main contamination problem was the presence of fecal coliforms in high concentrations, which is associated to the high population density in the area, low sanitation efficiency, and multiple non-point discharges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the decision making of the Council of the European Union to gain insight into how consensus decisions emerge and how they change power allocations and influence the behavior of negotiators and voting blocs. It surveys rationalist and non-rationalist accounts of consensus decisions in the Council and concludes that rationalist explanations are more convincing. In this connection, the central argument of the essay is that consensus emerges as rational negotiators (a) coalesce into blocs dominant enough to win over and suppress opposing coalitions and (b) undertake strategies to avoid blame for failing to win consensus around their own preferred policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We assess the response of the European Council and the Council of the European Union (hereafter the Council) to the emergence and development of the European Green Deal (EGD). First, we conduct a literature review of the historical role of the two intergovernmental institutions in EU climate policy development, drawing inspiration from new intergovernmentalism, historical institutionalism, and discursive institutionalism. Next, we provide an overview of the EGD itself and three of its core elements: (1) the ambition to achieve climate neutrality by 2050; (2) its systemic and integrative nature; and (3) the just transition approach. We then present the results of a qualitative content analysis of all Council and European Council Conclusions from 2018 to 2020. Our findings show that the European Council and the Council have declared support for the EGD and its underlying principles. The European Council engaged with all three elements but mentioned the objective of achieving net-zero emissions by 2050 most frequently and with growing intensity over the years studied. The Council similarly discussed the three elements of the EGD and gave increasing focus to the integrated/systemic transition over the course of the years 2018–2020. Our empirical analysis suggests that, on paper, the Council and the European Council may manage to govern through the organisational turbulence of member state divisions on climate governance. Furthermore, environmental turbulence arising from external contexts (e.g., economic and health crises) did not dampen their declared support towards the goals of the EGD.

Alongside other actors such as the European Ombudsman, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) plays what looks like, at first sight, a key role in improving the transparency of EU legislative procedures. To take two relatively recent examples, the De Capitani v. European Parliament (2018) judgment was perceived as a victory by those in favor of increased transparency of EU legislative procedures at the stage of trilogues, as was the ClientEarth v. European Commission (2018) judgment regarding the pre-initiative stage. Both rulings emphasize the need for "allowing citizens to scrutinize all the information which has formed the basis of a legislative act...[as] a precondition for the effective exercise of their democratic rights" (ClientEarth v. European Commission, 2018, §84; De Capitani v. European Parliament, 2018, §80). Nevertheless, while the CJEU's case law may indeed contribute to improving the legislative process' transparency, its impact on the latter is inherently limited and even bears the potential of having a perverse effect. This article sheds light on the limits of the CJEU's capacity to act in this field and the potential effects of its case law on the EU institutions' attitudes or internal organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Treaty of Lisbon introduced a new system of weighted votes in the Council, which radically departs from the principles on which the distribution of votes between the Member States of the EU was based for more than half a century. At the same time, the system of double majority is fundamentally different from the assumptions on which voting systems in federal states are based, including in the Bundesrat. Systems used in federal states are usually based on a compromise between the equality of states, and the equality of citizens. Consequently, in the Nice system, smaller Member States in the EU had relatively greater power compared to their populations than smaller federal units in the German Bundesrat. The results presented in this paper indicate that the Lisbon system of voting in the Council differs significantly from voting systems in federal states.

Copyright of Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces is the property of Gen. Tadeusz Kosciuszko Military Academy of Land Forces and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In December 2018, the Euro Summit endorsed the Term Sheet on the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) reform prepared by the Eurogroup. In this context, the Euro Summit did not acknowledge the proposal of the European Commission to transform the ESM into the European Monetary Fund (EMF), but simply gave the Eurogroup a mandate to draft the relevant amendments to the ESM Treaty and submit them to the European Council of June 2019. Nonetheless, the justifications for the incorporation of the ESM into the body of the European Treaties continue to be valid and may come back into play. In this respect, it is worth highlighting two flaws that have emerged in the proposed transformation of the ESM into the EMF. First, the ESM Treaty does not contain any rule about extinction and transfer of functions. Second, the Commission's proposal did not clarify what status the EMF would have enjoyed in the EU legal framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study we examine the representation of income groups in two EU-level institutions, the Council and the European Parliament. We find that the political positions of these institutions, and especially of the Council, are always on the right compared to European citizens, though closer to the wealthy among them. However, a more systematic analysis of congruence between different income groups and the Council reveals that while the poor are systematically underrepresented, the rich are not systematically over-represented. This holds both when we examine the poor and the rich across the EU as a whole and when we cluster them according to their respective member states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the results of research on the impact of the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union on Poland's ability to build small, minimal blocking coalitions in the Council of the European Union. To this end, the theory of voting games was used, but departing from the assumption that the creation of each possible coalition of players is equally likely. It was also assumed that they do not necessarily make decisions independently of each other, and the analysis focuses on the ability to build minimally blocking coalitions. The obtained results indicate that after Brexit, for Poland to build a blocking coalition in opposition to the German-French tandem will be a very difficult task, and the loss of the United Kingdom as a potential coalition partner in the Council may be irreplaceable in some matters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of transparency is widely regarded as a thermometer of the relation between the Council of the EU and the public at large. Relatively little attention however has been devoted to the implications of transparency (i.e., access for the general public) for inter-institutional information politics, even when the limited evidence suggests that the connection is considerable. This article asks how EU actors use Council transparency as a platform and for what reason. It approaches transparency as a policy that is developed in three arenas: the internal, the external political, and the external judicial arena. The article finds strong evidence in support of the view that the Council's transparency policy played a central role in EU institutions' attempt to advance their information ambitions. By strongly engaging with the issue of transparency particularly the European Parliament and its members succeeded at expanding their institutional information basis in an area where their political grip was traditionally at its weakest: the Foreign Affairs Council. Acting in turn as a bargaining chip, a political lever, or an alternative to institutional information, the Foreign Affairs Council's transparency policy was thus clearly used to advance information agendas of oversight and legislative prerogatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the decision making of the Council of the European Union to gain insight into how consensus decisions emerge and how they change power allocations and influence the behavior of negotiators and voting blocs. It surveys rationalist and non-rationalist accounts of consensus decisions in the Council and concludes that rationalist explanations are more convincing. In this connection, the central argument of the essay is that consensus emerges as rational negotiators (a) coalesce into blocs dominant enough to win over and suppress opposing coalitions and (b) undertake strategies to avoid blame for failing to win consensus around their own preferred policy.

The article discusses the influence of Germany to the accession process of Turkey in European Union. Topics discussed include the main intergovernmental institutions such as European Council and the Council of Ministers in European Union-Turkey relations, the German veto on Chapter 22 in Turkey's EU accession process and the refugee crisis and role of Germany in the finalization of the EU-Turkey deal.

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Debates on an EU-leaving referendum arose in several member states after Brexit. We want to highlight how the exit of an additional country affects the power distribution in the Council of the European Union. We inspect the power indices of the member states both with and without the country which might leave the union. Our results show a pattern connected to a change in the number of states required to meet the 55% threshold. An exit that modifies this number benefits the countries with high population, while an exit that does not cause such a change benefits the small member states. According to our calculations, only the exit of Poland would be supported by the qualified majority of the Council. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]