Search

This paper introduces a novel framework for understanding the relationship between implicit and explicit preferences and political cognition. Existing work in political psychology focuses primarily on comparing the main effects of implicit versus explicit attitude measures. This paper rethinks the role of implicit cognition by acknowledging the correspondence between implicit and explicit preferences (i.e., the distance between implicitly and explicitly measured attitudes). Data from the 2008 American National Election Study are used to examine implicit racial ambivalence, or the gap between one’s implicit and explicit racial preferences, as it exists in the United States. Results indicate implicit racial ambivalence, which has been shown to yield effortful thinking related to race, is negatively related to education and Need for Cognition, and predicts race-related policy attitudes as well as vote choice in the 2008 election. Furthermore, implicit ambivalence moderates the influence of ideology on political attitudes, including attitudes toward outcomes that are only covertly related to race and cannot be predicted directly by implicit or explicit racial attitudes alone.

A pesar de que la ideología política es un constructo central para la psicología política contemporánea, en la literatura persisten desacuerdos respecto de su estructura y operacionalización. Teniendo esto en cuenta, el presente trabajo evalúa las propiedades psicométricas de la Escala de Ideología Política de forma operativa, es decir, contemplando los posicionamientos de las personas sobre temas políticos. Para ello, se tomó una muestra probabilística de la población de Córdoba, Argentina (N = 444) y se testearon las propiedades psicométricas de esta escala por medio de la teoría de respuesta al ítem. Como resultado, se encontró una estructura bidimensional con dos ejes independientes —conservadurismo y progresismo—, cada uno con propiedades de intervalo y ajuste del modelo satisfactorio. Como indicador de validez predictiva, los resultados de la relación de las dimensiones de ideología política con los valores sociales fueron consistentes con la evidencia empírica antecedente. En suma, si bien las propiedades psicométricas de la Escala de Ideología Política se seguirán estudiando, esta es un aporte significativo por la escasez de instrumentos de evaluación que la comprendan de un modo operativo, multidimensional y ecológicamente válido. Although political ideology is a core concept for contemporary political psychology, divergences persist in the literature regarding its structure and operationalization. This paper assesses the psychometric properties of the Escala de Ideología Política [Political Ideology Scale] operationally, that is, considering people’s positioning regarding different political issues. For this purpose, a probability sample was taken from the population of Córdoba, Argentina (N = 444) and the psychometric properties of this scale were tested by applying Item Response Theory. A two-dimensional structure with two independent axes-Conservatism and Progressivism-was found, each with interval properties and satisfactory model fit. Furthermore, political ideology was correlated with social values, in a way that is consistent with the previous empirical evidence. This provides evidence of predictive validity. In sum, although the psychometric properties of the Political Ideology Scale will be further studied, this paper represents a significant contribution, due to the scarcity of ecologically valid instruments of operational ideology. Fil: Brussino, Silvina Alejandra. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Instituto de Investigaciones Psicológicas. - Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba. Instituto de Investigaciones Psicológicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Psicología; Argentina Fil: Alonso, Daniela Rocío. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Instituto de Investigaciones Psicológicas. - Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba. Instituto de Investigaciones Psicológicas; Argentina Fil: Cupani, Marcos. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Instituto de Investigaciones Psicológicas. - Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba. Instituto de Investigaciones Psicológicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Psicología; Argentina Fil: Imhoff, Débora Soledad. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Instituto de Investigaciones Psicológicas. - Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba. Instituto de Investigaciones Psicológicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Psicología; Argentina Fil: Paz Garcia, Ana Pamela. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Instituto de Investigaciones Psicológicas. - Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba. Instituto de Investigaciones Psicológicas; Argentina Fil: Rabbia, Hugo Hernán. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Instituto de Investigaciones Psicológicas. - Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba. Instituto de Investigaciones Psicológicas; Argentina. Universidad Católica de Córdoba; Argentina

This paper discusses the family as a site of geopolitics. Bridging scholarship in feminist geopolitics, political psychology and sociology, we explore the psycho-social dynamics of family life and theorise the family as a multi-scalar, relational site of security. Original data collected with ethnic and religious minority youth in Scotland are presented alongside an analysis of how family relations, at interconnected scales, mitigate against and/or re-inscribe broad geopolitical narratives of security. We employ the concept of ontological security (OS) to analyse the role of the family, and the relationships within it, on shaping youth securities. We discuss (1) how family histories and intergenerational experience shape young people’s sense of security; (2) how young people negotiate and resist family norms and values that reproduce securitizing geopolitical narratives; and (3) how young people find security when family is absent or indeterminate. In each case, we analyse how geopolitics operates through family life. The paper makes two key contributions: first, we use original empirical data to theorise ethnic and religious minority youth securities; second, we show the value of OS as a conceptual tool for understanding psycho-social dimensions of familial geopolitics. Postprint

The paper tests the hypothesis that cultural and social background is far more influential to form preferences about policy than the level of fact-based knowledge a person possesses. The data for the case study stem from a web-based survey among a representative sample of the adult population in Norway. The degree of knowledge of agriculture in this paper is operationalized through questions on five key characteristics of Norwegian agriculture that frequently arise in the public discussion. The results show that the amount of fact-based knowledge of agriculture to a very little extent explains differences within the sample. The cultural background of respondents is much more suited to explain agricultural policy preferences. Knowledge, however, shifts the attention from food price issues towards the delivery of public goods. The results allow us to hint at hot cognition as a possible explanation for such findings.

Left-right political auto-identification has been used widely in socio-political research to interpret and organize political attitudes and opinions. In this paper we analyse whether the meaning of left-right orientation is the same in Eastern Europe and Western Europe. Using data from two big European survey programmes, European Social Survey and European Values Study, we show that while citizens’ support for economic liberalism is positively related to their left-right political auto-identification, their support for cultural liberalism is negatively related. More importantly, we also present evidence for the regional diversity hypothesis, which shows that this pattern was more prominent among citizens of Western European countries those of Eastern European countries. The results confirm the specificity of Eastern Europe when it comes to relationships between political auto-identification and other beliefs that are traditionally linked, implying that the concept of left-right political auto-identification cannot be transferred mechanically between Eastern Europe and Western Europe.

Jonathan Paquin and Patrick James, eds. Game Changer: The Impact of 9/11 on North American Security Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2014. 310 pp., $95.00 (cloth) $34.95 (paper) ISBN 978-0-7748-2706-5 (cloth): 978-0-2707-2 (paper)When I attended high school in Michigan in the early 1980s, students accepted that our US history classes would delve deeply into the causes and consequences of the American Revolutionary War, the Civil War, and the world wars of the twentieth century before touching lightly on the Korean War and the Cold War more generally. As the end of the school year approached, however, we knew that we would run out of time before getting to the Vietnam War. For our teachers, that war, which was ongoing when we were born and entering elementary school, was too painful and too personal. Some of our parents were veterans of the conflict, which led to sharply divided opinions within the country, and many of us knew someone who had died in the war.Something similar seems to have happened when it comes to the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks on New York and Washington-events that have profoundly affected and reshaped the relationships between the US, Canada, and Mexico. Just like the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), 9/11 engendered political division and ongoing controversies that linger today, 20 years after NAFTA and more than a decade since the World Trade Center fell.In the spring of 2012, I had the honour of co-teaching a course on US relations with Canada and Mexico at American University's School of International Service with the late Robert Pastor. Bob was one of the leading US scholars to address North American integration, its shortcomings and latent potential, most notably in his last book. The North American Idea (Oxford University Press, 2011). I sat beside Bob as he revisited the 1993 televised debate between then-vice president Al Gore and former presidential candidate Ross Perot, and presented a careful rebuttal of points made by CNN host Lou Dobbs. Yet, as we came to the events of September 2001, apart from a few choice words about President George W. Bush, it was a challenge for either of us to put these attacks, which had been among the formative events of our students' childhoods, into any kind of theoretical or scholarly perspective. These events were painful to us. We knew people who had died in the attacks and in the wars that followed in Afghanistan and Iraq. So we spoke of the border, wait times, and Mexican migration.Game Changer, edited by Jonathan Paquin and Patrick James, provides readers with what Bob and I laboured to give our students. The book is a collection of sparkling and provocative essays by leading scholars from across North America, including Mexico, on 9/11's impact on North American security.Paquin and James include four excellent theoretical chapters to lead off the volume. Charles F. Doran of Johns Flopkins University employs realism and his own power-cycle theory in a chapter that questions whether 9/11 was a watershed moment for the North American continent as a whole. Dalhousie University's Frank Harvey considers the political psychology and bargaining strategies of public attitudes and political and governmental reactions. …

EnglishThis investigation is set in the field of knowledge of Social Psychology, more precisely in the field of Political Psychology and Community Psychology. It analyzes cultural creation as a political expression—as political repertoires for expressing national construction and collective and individual identities, and the relationship they establish with the community, being those expressions characteristic of the emerging new social movements. Through a discussion process amongst thirteen cultural creators of different disciplines, all involved in social movements in favor of the language and the culture in the Basque Country, the paper analyzes the topics expressed in their works, the repertoires used for that task and their objective audiences. All this has been done looking at the value of micro-politics and strategies of emotional aspects, which can all become new definitions of the political, from a point of view of Political Psychology. The elements identified in the discussion process are, most of all, counterhegemonic discourses, individual and collective identities, sharing spaces, and aesthetic and political strategies. All elements agree on those new definitions. euskaraIkerketa hau Psikologia Sozialaren jakintza-esparruan kokatzen da, zehazki Psikologia Politikoaren eta Psikologia Komunitarioaren esparruan. Izan ere, sormen kulturala adierazpen politiko gisa landu da bertan. Herrigintza, identitate kolektibo zein indibidualak eta horiek komunitatearekiko duten harremana adierazteko errepertorio politiko dira. Adierazpen horiek sortzen ari diren mugimendu sozial berrien ezaugarriak dira. Euskal Herrian euskalgintzan eta kulturgintzan dabiltzan sormen-diziplina ezberdinetako 13 sortzaile kulturalen eztabaida-prozesu baten bidez, aztertu da haien sormen-lanetan aldarrikatzen diren gaiak, horretarako erabiltzen dituzten errepertorioak eta zein audientziatara zuzentzen diren. Horrela, mikropolitikaren balioa eta aspektu emozionalen estrategiak ikusi dira, zeinak Psikologia Politikoaren ikuspegitik, politikotasunaren definizio berriak izatera irits daitezkeen. Eztabaida-markoan, batik bat, diskurtso kontrahegemonikoak, identitate indibidual zein kolektiboak, hartu-emaneko espazioak eta estrategia estetikopolitikoak identifikatu dira; definizio berri horiekin bat etortzen direnak.

The drafting of this paper, the editing of the special thematic session, and the research programme that provided a key impetus for both, were financially supported by the Swiss National Science Foundation (r4d – Swiss Programme for Research on Global Issues for Development, Pluralistic Memories Project, SNSF grant numbers: 400240_146955 / 400240_171188). In this introduction to the special thematic section, we discuss the pre-eminent research orientation in the social and political psychology of peace and conflict, its current critiques, and what more multiple perspectives can add to the field. First, we outline key characteristics of the ‘simple road’ to conflict settings: a simple, often binary, definition of the sides involved, a focus on one conflict-induced negative outcome and on one causal pathway leading to it, and a motivation to derive policy recommendations from empirical findings. Second, we discuss constructivist, normative, ecological, and pragmatic critiques of the ‘simple road’, as four distinct strands grounded in different epistemological assumptions, but converging on the account that research priorities need to be revised and methodologies be expanded. Third, engaging with the fundamental questions raised by the critiques, we make a plea for more multiple perspectives: for multiple voices among research participants (more diversified samples), for multiple positions from where to listen to these voices (more time-points and multi-factorial approaches), and for multiple sensors with which to capture them (more mixed methods). We highlight how the different contributions to the section provide creative developments along one or several of the three axes. On the basis of the concrete inspiring examples they provide, we argue that a field growing along these axes would increase its capacity to bridge its most important critical developments and to expand its scope in relevant directions. Publisher PDF

Altres ajuts: Ramon y Cajal (RYC-2012-09861) Popular accounts of populist movements often point to negative emotions as a key motivating factor underlying their support. However, little systematic research has been devoted to examining differences in how distinct negative emotions affect levels of populism among voters. This paper attempts to fill this gap by focusing on the influence of the two emotions most frequently connected to populism in political commentary: fear and anger. Informed by appraisal theories of emotions, we hypothesize that populist attitudes are driven by feelings of anger, rather than fear. Using a three-wave online panel survey of Spanish citizens between 2014 and 2016, we find that anger expressed over the economic crisis is consistently associated with variations in support for populism both between individuals and over time, whereas no significant effects emerge for expressions of fear. We discuss the implications of these findings for understanding the nature of populist support.

Moral reframing involves crafting persuasive arguments that appeal to the values of the target, but argue in favor or against something that target would typically oppose (Feinberg & Willer, 2015). Past research has shown moral reframing to be an effective strategy for persuading liberals to be more supportive of conservative positions, and conservatives to be more supportive of liberal positions. Extending this work, the current paper investigated the effectiveness of moral reframing in influencing attitudes about candidates running for political office. We argued that messages criticizing a conservative candidate crafted in a way that appeals to the moral values of conservatives can decrease conservative support for that person, while messages criticizing a liberal candidate crafted to appeal to the values of liberals can decrease liberal support for that person. We tested these claims in the context of the 2016 American presidential election. In Study 1 (n = 397), conservatives who read a message opposing Donald Trump grounded in the more conservative value of loyalty supported him less than conservatives reading a message grounded in fairness concerns. In Study 2 (n = 392), liberals presented with a message opposing Hillary Clinton appealing to the more liberal value of fairness were less supportive of Clinton than liberals in a loyalty-argument condition. These results extend the applicability of moral reframing to political candidates and highlight how it can be a useful tool for overcoming rigid stances partisans often hold regarding political candidates, and may provide a means for opinion change and political acceptance.

This paper deals with the problem of interference within the context of language convergence in virtual space. The study aims to analyze in detail the role of virtual space communication as a new favorable environment for interferential processes not just on the structural level, on the conceptual level too, since deviation from language norms as a serving instrument in terms of formation of the linguistic picture of the world results in changing the way one conceptualizes reality. The major research methods are contrastive analysis and conceptual analysis. The practical significance of the research is determined by the fact that its results can be used in the educational process, for example, when teaching various courses in intercultural communication, political psychology, sociology, cultural and contact linguistics, (foreign) language teaching, cross-cultural pragmatics, etc. The authors come to a conclusion that significant modifications on the conceptual level occur due to language contacts intensification and because of a stable interference pattern in speech and affect communicants’ behavior. This in turn leads to conceptual transformation in language and, as a result, in the way of thinking. The most significant manifestation of this phenomenon can be seen in the political life of the society.

El presente artículo examina teóricamente las vinculaciones existentes entre argumentos desarrollados por la psicología política y una noción de “institución” de carácter dinámica. En dicha conexión se argumenta sobre la importancia de incorporar al análisis de los procesos investigativos e interventores la noción de “lo político”, en la medida que propicia aperturas para generar nuevas estrategias de trabajo en contextos institucionales, desde la misma psicología política. This paper theoretically examines the links between arguments developed by political psychology and a notion of “institution” dynamic character. In this connection it is argued about the importance of incorporating the analysis of the investigative processes and intervenors the notion of “political”, to the extent that favors openings to generate new work strategies, from the same political psychology.

Can’t we all disagree more constructively? Recent years have seen a dramatic increase in political partisanship: the 2013 shutdown of the US government as well as an ever more divided political landscape in Europe illustrate that citizens and representatives of developed nations fundamentally disagree over virtually every significant issue of public policy, from immigration to health care, from the regulation of financial markets to climate change, from drug policies to medical procedures (Koleva et al. Journal of Research in Personality 46:184–194, 2012). The emerging field of political psychology brings the tools of moral psychology to bear on this issue. It suggests that the main conflict shaping politics today can be explained in terms of people’s moral foundations (Graham et al. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 96(5):1029–1046, 2009; Haidt 2012; Graham et al. PLOS One 7(12):1–13, (2012); cf. also Rai and Fiske Psychological Review 118:57–75, 2011): progressive liberals, it is argued, view society as consisting of separate individuals with differing values and life plans, whereas conservatives rely on a thicker notion of political morality that includes traditions, communities, and values of purity (Haidt and Graham Social Justice Research 20:98–116, 2007). In this paper, I explore the normative implications of this theory. In particular, I will argue that its proponents take it to support an asymmetry of understanding: if deep political disagreements reflect differences in people’s moral foundations, and these disagreements cannot be rationally resolved, then overcoming them makes it necessary to acknowledge the moral foundations of the other side’s political outlook. But conservatives, the theory suggests, already do acknowledge all of the liberal moral foundations, and not vice versa. To overcome partisanship and the resulting political deadlock, then, it seems to be up to liberals to move closer towards the conservative side, and not vice versa. I wish to analyze what the argument for this asymmetry is and whether it holds up. In the end, I shall argue that the available evidence does support an asymmetry, but that it is the opposite of what Moral Foundations theorists think it is. There is such an asymmetry - but its burden falls on the conservative side.

ResumoA emergência das sociedades de controle trouxe um novo agenciamento que reformulou as formações sociais. O objetivo deste artigo é refletir sobre as novas configurações das instituições a partir da intensificação da axiomática do capital e do surgimento do diagrama de controle. Realizamos uma revisão bibliográfica sobre a obra de Gilles Deleuze e de pensadores contemporâneos. Diferenciamos as instituições abstratas e as instituições concretas para nos referir ao complexo fenômeno das instituições. Discutimos a troca do código pela axiomática do capital enquanto mecanismo predominante de operação social. Esta substituição fez que as instituições tradicionais entrassem num processo de transição a uma nova forma social que denominamos de instituições imateriais. Ao mesmo tempo em que os códigos são descodificados, são reterritorializados a partir da axiomática do capital.Palavras-chave: Análise Institucional; Esquizoanálise; Psicologia Política; Deleuze, Gilles, 1925-1995. AbstractThe emergence of societies of control has brought a new type of assemblage that is reformulating social formations. The purpose of this paper is to reflect on new institutional configurations from the point of view of the intensification of the axiomatics of capital and the emergence of the diagram of control. Through a literature review on the work of Gilles Deleuze and other contemporary thinkers, we differentiate between abstract and concrete institutions to express to the complex phenomenon of institutions. We discuss the replacement of the code by the axiomatics of capital as the predominant mechanism of social operation. This substitution has required traditional institutions to embark on a transitional process towards a new social form which we call immaterial institutions. At the same time that codes are decoded, they are reterritorialized through the axiomatics of capital. Keywords: Institutional Analysis; Schizoanalysis; Political Psychology; Deleuze, Gilles.