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It is well-known that former Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro used social media to spread fake news with the assistance of his public official supporters also known as the "hatred cabinet". This practice started during his campaign and continued throughout his government. This political strategy was guided by a selected group influenced by Olavo de Carvalho and inspired by his far-right thinking. This paper aims to analyze Bolsonaro's political strategy of using social media to manipulate his followers by applying Carlo Ginzburg's evidence method. The theoretical reference is based on Pierre Bourdieu, Jürgen Habermas from the vision of Mauro Wilton and Wilson Gomes, Zygmunt Bauman, Hanna Arendt, Yuval Harari, Pierre Lévy, Gilles Lipovetsky, Georges Balandier, among others. In the post-truth era, Bolsonaro and his supporters continue to disseminate fake news through a giant network in social media - such as Twitter, YouTube, and Facebook - about many different issues including politics, dictatorship, racism, homophobia, environment, COVID-19 treatment, and vaccines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In this paper it will be defended the hypothesis that the digital communication of the then president of Brazil Jair Messias Bolsonaro (2019-2022) used populist discourses to react to the worst moments of ratings on social networks, materialized through official statements, facts of the presidential agenda or factoids, published both in the professional press and on social networks. Thus, we will present data collected on Twitter between January 3, 2020 and March 18, 2021, regarding reactions and sentiments related to Bolsonaro. Additionally, we will take an analysis of the news that would have reacted to the downs of popularity of the then president in the mentioned social network. The theoretical framework of this work is anchored in the concepts of populism and presentism and the relation of these phenomena with social media; in the concept of emotional media and in the practice of spin doctoring. From an analysis standpoint, it can be seen that Bolsonaro's strategy on Twitter was to take advantage of the contemporary phenomenon of presentism, by overlapping negative facts with news that used populist and emotional aspects. Despite of somewhat working for deeper crises in digital popularity, however, it failed to make the president mentions more positive than negative. This article concludes that it is necessary to Eedited according to spin doctoring techniques. Without media regulation about that, the situation may degrade to levels difficult to recover from. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the Brazilian 2022 presidential elections, presenting Bolsonaro and Lula as the two frontrunners who have too many other candidates to face, who compose a third way that together joins around 30% of voting intention. Approaching the way how Bolsonaro arrived at power in the 2018 elections - when Lula could not be a candidate because he was incarcerated - this paper also discusses Bolsonaro's government so that it can be possible to understand from where Bolsonaro comes and who he is, which mistakes he is doing that justifies the low levels of popularity, especially compared to Lula. Looking forward to seeing what the best for Brazil is and based on the hypothesis that a coup led by Bolsonaro would never succeed, not because of the international support to Brazil but due to the resilience of internal defenders of the rule of law, this paper is theoretically supported on the paradigmatic theory and concludes from the scenarios structured that Lula seems to be victorious in all of them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Devastating forest fires in Brazil's Amazon rainforest, one of the most important biomes for Earth's climate balance, have captured the world's attention in 2019 and 2020. Foreign governments, non-governmental organizations and institutional investors pressured Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro to act and control the situation. Within this context, institutional investors threatened to divest from companies potentially linked to the wildfires and to sell government bonds, creating a divestment movement. Against this background, this article shows that Bolsonaro's responses varied for each of the groups criticizing the handling of the environmental situation. It is argued that the Brazilian government adopted a more conciliatory tone and took more concrete actions when responding to institutional investors' demands, compared to the responses for foreign governments and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Based on fifteen in-depth interviews conducted in 2021 with professionals involved in this divestment case, the paper concludes that institutional investors played a key role in Bolsonaro's winning coalition and electoral aspirations. Moreover, the shortage of financial capital due to the COVID-19 pandemic created further incentives for Bolsonaro to avoid conflicts with institutional investors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The last six years in Brazilian politics have been defined by tense polarization. Such polarization reached its peak during the impeachment process that removed former President Dilma Rousseff from office, often characterized by commentators as social, political and even affective turn in the country. Ample media discussions were held regarding corruption, nationalism, unemployment, inflation and even communism. Another important issue, however, related to the impeachment process is that of gender, which has not deserved the same attention, especially in mainstream media. During the course of the impeachment, a magazine article received wide public attention: "Marcela Temer: bela, recatada e do lar" ["Marcela Temer: beautiful, maidenlike and 'a housewife'"] was published by Veja magazine on April 18, 2016, featuring Brazil's then-future first lady, and circulated intensively on the Web. Against this backdrop, this paper analyzes the aforementioned article by tracking its trajectory online and by investigating how femininity is (re)performed at each entextualization until the campaign period in 2018. Partial results show that the figure of personhood projected for women by Veja is sharply contrasted with the one projected onto Ms Rousseff. Such figure of personhood was later picked up by right-wing extremists, who blatantly reject gender equality and emphasize the role of women in the private sphere. I argue that such conservative view of gender helped discursively construct Dilma Rousseff's impeachment in 2016 and was later integrated into the complex neofascist politics which elected Jair Bolsonaro President of Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its appearance in 2020, Brazil and Mexico have been among the most affected countries in the world by covid-19. Their respective presidents, Jair Bolsonaro and Andrés Manuel López Obrador (known as AMLO), have played a leading role in specific policies during the pandemic. Their choices were both singular and counter- intuitive. On the health front, AMLO initially underplayed the seriousness of the situation, and the Brazilian president, Bolsonaro, defended a frankly negationist attitude, with a dramatic balance sheet, without his popularity being seriously affected. On the economic front, they have chosen policies that contradict not only each other but also their own supposed ideological stances. Bolsonaro, who is ranked on the far right, has implemented an emergency transfer program on a scale comparable to those of developed countries and the most massive the country has ever seen. Conversely, AMLO, considered a progressist, provided just a minimum policy package, maintaining his previous electoral program. By adopting a comparative approach and mobilizing a unique and diversified set of data, the objective of this paper is to explore these apparent contradictions. After having established the precise diagnosis of the policies implemented to deal with the crisis and the economic and health situation in the two countries during the 2020-2022 period, we propose an original interpretation grid of the central role played by the two presidents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

News coverage of noteworthy environmental events is often fleeting, moving from one spectacle to another and rarely retaining global attention. But in August 2019, news of Amazon rainforest fires spread seemingly as quickly as the fires themselves, with sustained global coverage and funding pouring into environmental organizations. Yet Amazon fires regularly occur and fires were simultaneously burning in other important Brazilian biomes, with some causing worse damage. What was it about the 2019 Amazon fires that elicited such a strong and persistent global response? In this paper, we draw on distinctions between slow/immediate (Nixon, 2011) and structural/direct violence (Galtung, 1969) to answer this question. We argue that the Amazon's reputation as a global treasure and its association with climate change and biodiversity through 'giantness' (Slater, 2002) meant that the fires' local spectacular violence became felt as an instant global threat, shifting perceptions of violence from slow to immediate. Moreover, as the identified instigator of the violence, Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro became a sort of 'bridge' between structural and direct dimensions of violence, thus making the violence personal. These three dynamics combined to enhance visibility of the Amazon's destruction and its connection to planetary stability, thereby inspiring the 2019 fires' extraordinary reactions. Through this analysis, the paper contributes to psychological literature on perceptions of ecological crises and to discussions in political ecology/geography concerning violent environments by demonstrating how and why both the slow and structural violence of the global climate and biodiversity crises can be rendered more visible via localized effects. • Significant environmental events rarely receive sustained global news coverage. • In 2019, the Amazon fires stood out for their extended global news coverage. • The fires shifted the violence of environmental crises from slow to immediate. • Bolsonaro shifted the violence of environmental crises from structural to personal. • These dynamics made the violence of the climate and biodiversity crises more visible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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When far-right politician Jair Bolsonaro was elected president of Brazil in 2018, it marked the end of the dominance of two parties in presidential elections since 1994: the PSDB (Brazilian Social Democracy Party) and PT (Workers' Party). It also marked the return of a self-declared rightwing politician to power, which had not occurred since the end of the military dictatorship in 1985. In the 1985 mayoral elections and 1986 governor elections, the region that stretches from the beginning of the East Zone towards the North Zone in the City of São Paulo had been identified as a stronghold for the conservative right-wing vote (Pierucci 1999). This trend disappeared in subsequent elections with the lack of competitive conservative right-wing candidates. For the 2018 presidential elections, however, the region once again became a significant area of support for rightwing politics in São Paulo. This research project seeks to understand the views of the electorate in this region and their motivations to vote for Bolsonaro. Data was collected through semi-structured interviews and ethnographic observations from right-wing demonstrations, which were performed to recruit interviewees and to learn more about their agenda. Interviews were conducted with voters who campaigned for Bolsonaro in the 2018 elections and residents in the aforementioned region. This paper discusses some of the findings from this research, in particular the role of the military from the interviewees' perspective. Overall, they see the period of military rule as a positive one, associating it with virtues such as "order", "discipline", and "honesty". Research participants attribute a sort of "moderating power" to the armed forces; in their view, the military can - and should - interfere in politics if the situation demands it, even at the cost of democratic institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Right-wing populism and authoritarianism are on the rise globally after the financial crisis of 2008. This reactionary trend has widely channeled anxieties created by neoliberal insecurities into cultural and nationalistic backlash against the ostensible enemies of "Western" values (e.g., immigrants, racial and sexual minorities, feminists, and leftists). President Jair Bolsonaro's "Brazil above everything, God above everyone" and President Donald Trump's "Make America Great Again" are the most conspicuous examples of the resurgence of a populist reactionary right in the Americas. This continental trend promotes ultra-nationalism and more coercive neoliberalization processes combined with a reactionary authoritarianism that celebrates essentialized "Western" values, such as capitalist social relations, the heteronormative family, and Judeo-Christian morality. In this paper, I analyze the meanings of the West in the context of authoritarian neoliberalization processes. I also discuss and illustrate the role of civilizational discourses focused on "Western" values that have contributed to unify discursively and ideologically the transnational Right in the Americas. By focusing on right-wing actors in Brazil and the US, I analyze how the construction and dissemination of civilizational discourses around the celebration and defense of "Western" values is shaped and imbricated by the defense of neoliberal/authoritarian values and agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Global media have reported widely on the (in)actions of the Brazilian federal government, particularly of president Jair Bolsonaro, in dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic. This paper aims to describe media representations in terms of their transitivity choices (HALLIDAY; MATTHIESSEN, 2004) and to discuss how emerged language patterns may be indicative of particular ways life and death have been controlled in terms of a coupled conceptualization between biopolitics (FOUCAULT, 2008) and necropolitics (MBEMBE, 2019) which we call necrobiopolitics. Overall results indicate how the death of babies and mothers, the collapse of hospital and health service, the spike in hunger, the dismissal of the severity of the pandemic, and the purposeful delay in purchasing vaccines are instrumental in the way president Jair Bolsonaro has implemented a political agenda that defines whose lives are worthy and whose deaths are tolerated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to expose the forces of structural transformation unleashed in the process of extractive capitalist development in Brazil and the rise of right-wing populism in the form of Jair Bolsonaro. The methodology employed might be described as a the political economy of capitalist development. It is employed within the framework of historical materialism and a Marxist theory of capitalist development. Within this framework it is argued that Bolsonaro's populist and right-wing regime, and his environmentally destructive extractivist regime, represented an attack on the working class and a fundamental assault on the territorial rights of the country's indigenous peoples as well as more broadly the rights of nature, with particular reference here to the Amazon as one of the world's greatest repositories of resources needed for confronting the global environmental crisis. The interlude of the short-lived Bolsonara regime is used to draw out the implications of the global rise of populism and authoritarianism in the early 21st century in the context of a multidimensional social and environmental crisis on a global scale. Under Bolsonaro's policies Brazil was very much part of the problem, whereas Brazil could be an important part of the solution. Whether Lula's policies will take us there is an open question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In July 2019 Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro got public attention after giving controversial statements about the cause of death of a member of the revolutionary organization Ação Popular Marxista-Leninista, Fernando Augusto de Santa Cruz Oliveira, who was declared a missing person since 1974. Although the State had already taken responsibility for his death using transitional justice means, president Bolsonaro ignored that fact and blamed the political organization he belonged to, without showing any evidence. President Bolsonaro pleaded that Fernando Augusto de Santa Cruz Oliveira was killed by one of the organization members, because of loss of trust. Besides the fact that the president took the responsibility out of the State, he assigned the victim as a dishonored person. Assuming the facts that support Fernando de Santa Cruz was captured and executed by the repressive regime that was in place in Brazil, the goal of this paper is to analyze the dead and missing people cases related to members and leaders from the Marxist-Leninist Ação Popular. The intention is to review the events in the history of APML concomitant to its strategy of resistance and combat against the dictatorship. Also, the purpose of the paper is to analyze how the cases of dead and missing people were conducted by the transitional justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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President Jair Bolsonaro's government (2019-2022) brought unprecedented turmoil to the Brazilian democracy. In this paper, we argue that Bolsonaro's government builds on and expands pre-existing zones of authoritarianism embedded in the country. We illustrate the intricacies and perils of sustaining and expanding zones of authoritarianism in the Brazilian case in two domains: corruption and police violence, areas that represent some of the most important unsolved puzzles of redemocratization. They are bound together by the centrality of impunity, where unchecked power creates zones where the Rule of Law is contested. By illustrating the struggles to build accountability in these areas, we discuss the challenges that pre-existing zones of authoritarianism pose to democracy and how new autocrats have mobilized them. We also highlight analytical as well as empirical challenges for those studying autocratization processes in countries that are as hybrid or dual legal orders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aiming to debate the the power of the counter-mobilization that emerged on Twitter during the coronavirus pandemic in Brazil, we carried out a documental study on Twitter collecting texts and images associated with the #BolsonaroGenocida hashtag, between March 13 and June 6 of 2021, a period in which intense public demonstrations took place against the Bolsonaro's government in the country. We analysed 1243 tweets and 503 images, identifying the main contents anchored and objectified by the hashtags, revealing the various dimensions that compose the social representations associated with Bolsonaro and his management during the pandemic. The tweets' contents comprehend the social and political demonstration arising from part of the Brazilian people against the actions taken by the president of Brazil during the Covid-19 pandemic, which led to thousands of deaths that could have been avoided; regarding the images, the results point out an emotional anchoring of Bolsonaro's image to death. It is therefore important to demarcate the nature of Twitter as an specific platform for the mobilization of SR through the sharing of images and texts, which ends up evoking emotions that contribute to accentuating the social identity of the group that is expressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The arrival of Jair Bolsonaro to the Brazilian presidency brought many changes to foreign policy. Based on new ideas in a new foreign policymaking format, several patterns of international behavior were questioned and replaced by new guidelines and actions that created friction with international partners. Brazil's behavior towards South America was one of the areas most impacted by this shift. This paper reflects upon Bolsonaro's foreign policy for the region, influenced by these changes and marked by disinterest on policymakers' part, highlighting how ideational factors underpinned behaviors, actors, and actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper situates the 2018 Brazilian presidential election of Jair Bolsonaro within the rise of fascist politics globally and historically and within the specific historico-cultural context in Brazil. It is widely believed that Bolsonaro is a "reactionary political figure" to the large corruption scandal that ravaged the Partidos Dos Trabalhadores (Worker's Party, PT) alongside the economic recession of 2014-2016. While this is true, I situate Bolsonaro within a longue durée of the Brazilian state's configuration along racialized, patriarchal, heteronormative violence. The contradictions of Brazil's "racial democracy," its positivist and liberal politics, coincided with the double haunting in the country's history: first, from its silenced racist past, and second, from the unreconciled trauma of its military past. I draw on both the anthropology of fascism in Europe, as well as the anthropology of Brazil, to argue that Bolsonaro represents an uncertain, yet plausible alternative to class identification for many Brazilians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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