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The starting point for this paper is the Colombian 'success story'. That is, the claim that a transition has taken place from a problematic conflict situation to a successful postconflict one. As the debates about the Colombian success story revolve around the presence or absence of violence, a proposal is made here to think of the postconflict period in terms of the transformation of the rules on the use of violence. The main aspects of the professionalisation programme accelerated and deepened via the Plan Colombia are analysed in an attempt to grasp the terms under which the Colombian military's expertise is understood. Finally, the reorganisation of violence in the postconflict period is discussed by mapping out the main features of military training programmes in the context of peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Peace Agreement or Final Agreement between the Colombian government and the FARC-EP brought the armed conflict with the guerrilla organisation to an end. The agreement is seen as a model due to several of its features: among others, its gender and ethnic perspective, and its methodology of negotiation in the midst of conflict. This introductory article seeks to present the background to the peace process and the main lines of the agreement reached. It also makes a preliminary assessment of compliance with the accords (as of April 2019) and the prospects of success. A general context is thereby provided to the papers included in this issue of Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals, which is dedicated to the peace process in Colombia, and to understanding the framework within which its contents should be interpreted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses how the Nasa indigenous community of Toribío (Cauca, Colombia) has configured mental reconciliation models in spite of the violent feedback they received during the armed conflict in Colombia. For this analysis, the theoretical perspective of cognitive institutionalism is used. Empirical evidence was collected mainly through semi-structured interviews and focus groups. The results suggest that strategies of peaceful resistance, such as the creation of Permanent Assembly Sites, the Community Life Plan and the Indigenous Guard, have contributed to producing successful solutions in the search for reconciliation and peace in indigenous territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The debate over the different possible Colombian postconflict scenarios led the aim of a stable and lasting peace to be connected with the realisation of agrarian reform and guaranteed access to land as a way to overcome territorial differences and the urban'rural divide. To achieve this, structural transformation of the Colombian countryside and acceptance of the territorial approach became central parts of the Peace Agreement (or Final Agreement) signed in 2016 between the Colombian government and the FARC-EP. This paper analyses the territorial approach adopted in this agreement, as well as its level of implementation so far, and accepts that the lack of progress on the territoriality of the Colombian conflict will make it difficult to achieve the objectives set out in the peace agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditional Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) processes focus on the individualisation of combatants, but the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People's Army (FARC-EP) opted for a collective reincorporation that combines conversion to a political party with the implementation of collective productive projects in the framework of the Economías Sociales del Común (Ecomún) cooperative. But although it was a strategic bet, environmental factors have not helped this model come to fruition. This paper analyses the strategic, organisational and operational changes undergone by the FARC-EP in its process of transition to legal political life, highlighting its strengths and weaknesses, as well as the challenges it faces to remain united in legality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, the world's armed conflicts have mainly taken place within countries. As a result, it is all the more important to investigate internal armed conflicts from underexplored perspectives, such as the use of non-violent tactics by insurgent groups. It is in this sense that some scholars are using the term 'rebel diplomacy' to refer to strategic relations between insurgents and international actors in order to achieve political and military objectives in times of war. Taking as a case study the recent peace process between the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People's Army (FARC-EP) and the Colombian government, this paper analyses the role of the guerrilla group's rebel diplomacy during the peace process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The start of the negotiations in 2012 between the government of Juan Manuel Santos and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People's Army (FARC-EP) over an agreement to put an end to the Colombian armed conflict was marked by the absence of women. In response, women's and feminist movements raised their voices to press the government for inclusion in the process. Due to their intervention, women's invisibility was alleviated by the creation of the Gender Subcommittee, the first of its kind in the world, and the gendered approach was mainstreamed. This paper analyses the meaning of war in the lives of Colombian women and the journey women's and feminist movements took to gain recognition for their experiences and needs in the 2016 Peace Agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the latest years, one of the major concerns with political systems around the world is what some authors have called the "democratic recession". Some recent discussions on these issues focus on the capacity of the state to respond to the demands of its citizens. This paper studies the relationship between state capacity -understood as state performance on areas such as providing security, justice administration, tax collection and guaranteeing rights-, and support for democratic principles and Colombia's regime. The empirical results show that lower levels of assessment of state's capacity are associated to lower levels of support for democratic principles and performance. These results are discussed in the context of the peace agreements between the Colombian government and the FARC guerrillas, as well as the implications posed by this relationship in regards to the challenges and opportunities for post conflict Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the latest years, one of the major concerns with political systems around the world is what some authors have called the "democratic recession". Some recent discussions on these issues focus on the capacity of the state to respond to the demands of its citizens. This paper studies the relationship between state capacity -understood as state performance on areas such as providing security, justice administration, tax collection and guaranteeing rights-, and support for democratic principles and Colombia's regime. The empirical results show that lower levels of assessment of state's capacity are associated to lower levels of support for democratic principles and performance. These results are discussed in the context of the peace agreements between the Colombian government and the FARC guerrillas, as well as the implications posed by this relationship in regards to the challenges and opportunities for post conflict Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper, examines the political costs that will have to be borne by farc; the Colombian military; Colombia's rightist politicians and elite and vested interests, internally-displaced people, the coca farmers, and Colombia's middle class. The analysis also touches on the roles and impacts of various other actors, such as bandas criminales and militant groups continuing to operate in Colombia, including the ELN. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to build a review to the correspondence between the discourse of political ideology, the discourse of urban ideology and its manifestation in architectural realization. The text generally consists of two main bodies. The first, reviews the process of building the modern movement in architecture and urbanism and then subsequent transit and implementation in Colombia, specifically in Bogotá. It is necessary to note that the political speech to revise is Colombian, although the Modern Movement has a European origin and American developments, the context to review is specifically limited by the interaction of these ideas with the historical-geographical space of Bogotá, embodied in the urban development of the city. Under these rules, the European political considerations are hardly references to contextualize the modern movement itself and its vicissitudes. Also, the definition of the time period of study, which is due to the appearance in the country of the need to consider the problem of urban planning through intellectual exercises grounded in architecture, urbanism and medicine; the latter as a driver of the concepts of modern ideology of healthy living and social hygiene (Ramírez, 2000b). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1949 World Bank mission headed by Lauchlin Currie recommended an integral attack on the interlocking vicious circles of underdevelopment through a widening of domestic and international markets and a reform of macroeconomic policy formulation. In 1950 Currie was invited by the Colombian Government to return as adviser to a new national planning board. In 1952 Albert Hirschman was also hired as an adviser to this board. This paper discusses the heated disagreements between these two distinguished economists, their influence on the theory and practice of economic development in Colombia and of the World Bank, and in particular their focus on planning based on an integral program versus individual project approaches to planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines policy connections between Colombian legislators (representatives and senators) during Álvaro Uribe's first presidential term (2002-2006). The analysis draws on information regarding the coauthorship of legislation. The joint sponsorship of a bill by a pair of legislators demonstrates their mutual intent to change the status quo in a specific direction. This cooperative effort to push bills forward reveals the similarities that exist between political actors. Examining the connectedness between different groups and the density within group connections can convey important information about parties and their members' policy preferences. This article investigates these aspects of the network of coauthorship ties developed in the Colombian lower and upper chambers. In addition to shedding light on the cohesiveness and alignment of legislative parties, the article finds that coauthorship ties appear to be influenced by regional and institutional forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2004, the district of Bogotá has built massively schools of great capacity and infraestructure known as Megacolegios (Mega-schools). By 2010, the city counted with 42 new school which were built in the areas of the city with the highest demand for educational access. This paper uses matching techniques to measure the impact of the megacolegios in the students performance on the Saber 11° estandarized test. The results show that the megacolegios have no impact on the students performance. Nevertheless, The megacolegios do mitigate the negative relation between performance and some students characteristics like over age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The principal objetive of this paper is to analyze possibilities and limits of production of the legal field of community justice in Colombia, particularly the development of equity conciliation processes into the context of social and population dynamics fractured by dispossession and forced displacement. The search is made from the previous investigations about case studies in the Caribbean Coast where were promoting equity conciliation processes, specifically in the areas of Loma de Peyé and Pozón, located in the city of Cartagena, and Siete de Abril and Bosque, located in the city of Barranquilla. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to approach the administration and functioning of justice of first instance in the Parish district of Manizales between 1855 and 1865. Through the analysis of the judicial processes for sluggishness, games and forbidden dances, we want to show the capacity scope of the Neogranadinian State to establish an order in a peripheral society, and the roles that prosecuted social actors played in the social and legal fabric of that time. Our hypothesis is that prosecuted individuals were not mere spectators but that they participated, altered and used the processes of normalization of their practices to negotiate punishments, accuse their enemies, defend themselves from justice and flee when there was nothing else to do. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]