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As the primary domain of ideological and political education in higher education institutions, ideological and political courses must align with principles rooted in human psychology and education. Integrating educational psychology into ideological and political teaching in universities enhances the scientific, targeted, and forward-thinking nature of such education. The burgeoning exploration of knowledge graph applications has extended to machine translation, semantic search, and intelligent question answering. Diverging from traditional text matching, the knowledge spectrum graph transforms information acquisition in search engines. This paper pioneers a predictive system for delineating the relationship between educational psychology and ideological and political education in universities. Initially, it extracts diverse psychological mapping relationships of students, constructing a knowledge graph. By employing the KNN algorithm, the system analyzes psychological characteristics to effectively forecast the relationship between educational psychology and ideological and political education in universities. The system's functionality is meticulously detailed in this paper, and its performance is rigorously tested. The results demonstrate high accuracy, recall rates, and F1 values. The F1 score can reach 0.95enabling precise sample classification. The apex of the average curve for system response time peaks at approximately 2.5 s, maintaining an average response time of less than 3 s. This aligns seamlessly with the demands of practical online teaching requirements. The system adeptly forecasts the relationship between educational psychology and ideological and political education in universities, meeting response time requirements and thereby fostering the scientific and predictive nature of ideological and political teaching in higher education institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: I investigated the authorship gender gap in research on political psychology. Methods: The material comprises 1,166 articles published in the field's flagship journal Political Psychology between 1997 and 2021. These were rated for author gender, methodology, purpose, and topic. Results: Women were underrepresented as authors (37.1% women), single authors (33.5% women), and lead authors (35.1% women). There were disproportionately many women lead authors in papers employing interviews or qualitative methodology, and in research with an applied purpose (these were all less cited). In contrast, men were overrepresented as authors of papers employing quantitative methods. Regarding topics, women were overrepresented as authors on Gender, Identity, Culture and Language, and Religion, and men were overrepresented as authors on Neuroscience and Evolutionary Psychology. Discussion: The (denigrated) methods, purposes, and topics of women doing research on politics correspond to the (denigrated) "feminine style" of women doing politics grounding knowledge in the concrete, lived reality of others; listening and giving voice to marginalized groups' subjective experiences; and yielding power to get things done for others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper argues that post-socialist neoliberal democracy is hindered by the exposed or conditioned ethnic symbolic radical populism, particularly in the post-Yugoslav ethnonationalism political behavior. Moreover, the approach toward the fascist ideology symbols disregards the communist social memory of stability and human security and a collectivism-oriented community. Neoliberal globalization has strengthened national identities, supported by the war-related creation of ethnic homogenous territories. Consequently, former Yugoslavia’s historical conflicting memory cultures from WW2 to the Yugoslav wars present enduring processes within sociopolitical ethnic-religious traditions. The collective historical and social memory that forms people’s identities is manipulated, falsified, reduced, and politically instrumentalized. Contemporary ethnic-symbolic politics communicate through conservative political orientations: re-traditionalism behavior (including some left-wingers) advocates public acceptance. Historical anti-fascism actors have been stigmatized within attitudes toward fascist ideology symbolism and traditional Balkan sociopolitical mythologies. Frequent use of (often) antagonistic ethnic symbolism in textual, rhetorical and visual forms expresses it. Various methods of conducting historical revisionism in the symbolic and ideological vocations decrease Yugoslavia’s social memory. Institutional and non-institutional engagement is normatively needed in a battle for correct memory. Citizens’ participation in political decision-making outside the ethnoreligious paradigm is crucial. The consequence of populist political orders in ethnoreligious partitioned post-socialism is ethnic-symbolic collectivism. It oppresses individual identity and excludes the possibility of distinct classification. Contemporary notions of autonomy and mind, adapted to modern society, provide a theoretical framework for formulating political strategies in a post-national context. Acquisitive components of civil society and the society’s stagnation due to slow consolidation can abruptly transform into political apathy motivating violent disorder. Accordingly, many sociopolitical realities symbolize and indicate that "democratized" post-socialist and post-Yugoslav states are more "inadequate" and "ineffective" than Yugoslavia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special thematic section spotlights the current state of political psychology in Southeast Asia. Drawing from various research methodologies, five papers published in this special thematic section provide psychological insights into different political topics in the past and present-day Southeast Asia, including 1) Islam and politics; 2) terrorist labelling; 3) violence against minorities; 4) moralised policies; and 5) vote-buying. Overall, this special thematic section contributes to the understanding of the political psychology of non-WEIRD (Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic) populations, particularly in Southeast Asia. The need for more publications with non-WEIRD samples in the field of political psychology is discussed, as are some strategies to actualise this goal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research in the wake of the contentious 2016 presidential primaries contends both Democrats and Republicans were internally divided along psychological lines. Specifically, MacWilliams (2016) finds authoritarian personality was strongly related to Trump support among Republican primary voters, and Wronski et al. (2018) finds authoritarianism was strongly related to Clinton support among Democratic primary voters. In this paper, I reassess the relationships between authoritarianism and 2016 primary candidate preferences for both Republicans and Democrats. I analyze two new large, probability-based surveys and generate random effects estimates using these surveys and two national surveys from Wronski et al. (2018). Overall, I find authoritarianism was moderately associated with support for Clinton over Sanders among Democratic primary voters, but weakly associated with support for Trump among Republican primary voters. My findings indicate authoritarianism may have played a more limited role in shaping Americans' candidate preferences in the 2016 presidential primary elections than past studies have suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper examines assumptions concerning the relationship between citizenship, justice, and well-being, based on representative political philosophies, including egoism, utilitarianism, libertarianism, liberalism, and communitarianism. A previous paper raised the possibility of an inter-disciplinary framework for collaboration between psychology and political philosophy. This study picks up that thread and attempts to actualize a collaborative research effort based on a framework grounded in positive political psychology. The first part of this study reflects on the methodology situated between empirical psychology and philosophy in reference to the debates caused by psychological and philosophical situationism. In response to its criticism against virtue ethics, the possibility of reconstructing it on empirical psychology has paradoxically emerged. Similarly, this study validates assumptions on political philosophies employing the psychological method concerning well-being. Accordingly, the central part examines the plausibility of the assumptions by empirical evidence obtained from two internet surveys (2020, N = 5000; 2021, N = 6885) in Japan. The relationships between citizenship, justice, and well-being are the most substantial in the communitarian assumption. The exploratory factor analysis of the two surveys illuminates that the correlations between citizenship, justice, and well-being (or political well-being) are substantial. This relationship denies the egoism assumption. Moreover, almost all correlations between the three are higher based on virtue-related indicators than hedonic ones. These findings are not in tune with the utilitarian assumption and are most congruent to the communitarian assumption. In addition, citizenship and justice correlate more with political well-being than overall well-being. As these are more directly associated with political well-being in the communitarian assumption, this result aligns with the assumption. Furthermore, the positive relationship between disparity elimination and well-being fits the liberal rather than the libertarian assumption. Nevertheless, the substantial correlation between ethical justice and well-being is higher by virtue-related indicators than hedonic indicators, suggesting distributive justice is associated with the ethical dimension. Again, this fits the communitarian assumption rather than the liberal assumption. Thus, philosophical psychology empirically verifies the interdependence of the three conceptions and the relative plausibility of the communitarian assumption. Moreover, as the relationship between the three is essential for political philosophies, the result increases the reliability of communitarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The presented paper focuses on the issue of voting behaviour. It aims to determine the importance of selected cognitive factors, decision-making styles and emotional factors in electoral decision-making and behaviour in voters with different political preferences and voters of specific Slovak political parties. The cognitive style was evaluated using the Cognitive Reflection Test - Version 2. Decision-making styles were explored using the General Decision Making Styles Questionnaire and emotion preferences in information processing were evaluated using the following affective states test. Within the research sample (N = 308, average age 36.2 years), distinct groups of Slovak voters were created: 1. based on parties with different ideological orientations, and 2. based on specific Slovak political parties. The predictive significance of the observed characteristics for the choice of a political subject with a particular ideology and the choice of a specific Slovak political party was explored. All the variables monitored -- cognitive style, decision-making style, and emotion preferences in information processing -- proved to be significant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Professor Janusz Grzelak was a chief adviser to Solidarity on negotiation strategy, and deputy negotiator at the Education Table (another component of the overall Round Table process which, as the name suggests, was responsible for reshaping Education at all levels in the new Poland). Thus, our target paper authors are not only social psychologists with a deep interest in the theory of conflict resolution, but also practitioners, personally engaged in hard but ultimately successful negotiations. Remaking history and remaking psychology: On the contributions of Janusz Reykowski and Janusz Grzelak to the Polish Round Table negotiations. [Extracted from the article]

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Some artificial intelligence (AI) systems can display algorithmic bias, i.e. they may produce outputs that unfairly discriminate against people based on their social identity. Much research on this topic focuses on algorithmic bias that disadvantages people based on their gender or racial identity. The related ethical problems are significant and well known. Algorithmic bias against other aspects of people’s social identity, for instance, their political orientation, remains largely unexplored. This paper argues that algorithmic bias against people’s political orientation can arise in some of the same ways in which algorithmic gender and racial biases emerge. However, it differs importantly from them because there are (in a democratic society) strong social norms against gender and racial biases. This does not hold to the same extent for political biases. Political biases can thus more powerfully influence people, which increases the chances that these biases become embedded in algorithms and makes algorithmic political biases harder to detect and eradicate than gender and racial biases even though they all can produce similar harm. Since some algorithms can now also easily identify people’s political orientations against their will, these problems are exacerbated. Algorithmic political bias thus raises substantial and distinctive risks that the AI community should be aware of and examine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Psocial is the property of Revista de Investigacion en Psicologia Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Soletras is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Climate action is conventionally framed in terms of overcoming epistemic and practical disagreement. An alternative view is to treat people's understandings of climate change as fundamentally pluralistic and to conceive of climate action accordingly. This paper explores this latter perspective through a framework of philosophical psychology, in particular Bernard Williams's distinction between internal and external reasons. This illuminates why the IPCC's framework of 'Reasons for Concern' has an inefficacious relationship to people's concerns and, hence, why additional reason giving is required. Accordingly, this paper recommends a model of truthful persuasion, which acknowledges the plurality of people's motivations and sincerely strives to connect the facts of climate change to people's subjective motivational sets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics including the rationality of the political setting, the threshold of understanding between speaker and listener, and the concept of understanding.

Objectives: The C19PRC study aims to assess the impact of the COVID‐19 pandemic in the adult population of the UK, Republic of Ireland, and Spain. This paper describes the conduct of the first two waves of the UK survey (the "parent" strand of the Consortium) during March–April 2020. Methods: A longitudinal, internet panel survey was designed to assess: (1) COVID‐19 related knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors; (2) the occurrence of common mental health disorders as well as the role of (3) psychological factors and (4) social and political attitudes, in influencing the public's response to the pandemic. Quota sampling (age, sex, and household income) was used to recruit a nationally representative sample of adults. Results: Two thousand and twenty five adults were recruited at baseline, and 1406 were followed‐up one‐month later (69.4% retention rate). The baseline sample was representative of the UK population in relation to economic activity, ethnicity, and household composition. Attrition was predicted by key socio‐demographic characteristics, and an inverse probability weighting procedure was employed to ensure the follow‐up sample was representative of the baseline sample. Conclusion: The C19PRC study data has strong generalizability to facilitate and stimulate interdisciplinary research on important public health questions relating to the COVID‐19 pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colleges and universities continue to work toward innovative high-impact learning experiences to promote informed citizenship. Pedagogical research highlights the value of both interdisciplinary teaching and community-based participatory research (CBPR) in undergraduate civic development. Yet, research is limited in examining undergraduate student learning outcomes employing both pedagogical approaches. Utilizing mixed methods (i.e. surveys, concept maps, and focus groups) this study investigates the student learning outcomes of an interdisciplinary course (political science and criminal justice, community psychology, and social work) consisting of a CBPR project to inform local policy surrounding homelessness. Findings highlight student growth in the domains of: 1) interdisciplinary collaboration (applying an interdisciplinary lens and resolving diverse perspectives), 2) transference of course knowledge to real-world application, 3) critical consciousness building (specifically, critical reflection), 4) civic development, and 5) increased self-awareness. Finally, this paper highlights implications regarding course development, lessons learned, and future assessment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Korea made a democratic transition and adopted new electoral systems on the presidential and National Assembly election in 1987. The paper provides an overview of the studies on Korean voter behavior in the last thirty years. We begin our discussion with the works on two salient electoral cleavages and their changes: region and ideology. Then we discuss the generation and gender as two increasingly important explanatory variables on vote choice. Next, we canvass the works that focus on party identification, issue voting, political psychology of Korean voters. We conclude with a brief discussion on the agenda for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australian governments have a long and inglorious record of establishing valuable, valued and successful science-based initiatives that address issues of major continuing importance, only to later abolish them. The results are loss of focus, loss of group knowledge, loss of expertise, loss of analytical capability, wasted effort and resources, wasted expenditure - and most of all, wasted opportunity and wasted priceless time. There are so many instances of this highly destructive political behaviour over so many years, committed by governments of both major political persuasions at both national and state level, that it should be recognised as an ingrained political behaviour and a basic endemic flaw in the Australian political system - a flaw that urgently needs correction, if Australia is to achieve a peaceful, sustainable future. This paper presents a necessarily incomplete account of nine science-based bodies that met premature and unnecessary deaths at the hands of politicians - the Commission for the Future (CFF), the Resource Assessment Commission (RAC), Land & Water Australia (LWA), Queensland's Regional Open Space System (ROSS), the National Land and Water Resources Audit (NLWRA), the Sustainable Rivers Audit (SRA), the Native Fish Strategy (NFS), the National Water Commission (NWC) and the Climate Commission (CC). It describes some of their successes and some of the deleterious consequences of their abolition, the political reasons for their axing and the rationales used to justify the executions. The paper calls for academic study of (and insider perspectives on) these and other valuable science-based initiatives killed off by Australian state and federal governments, so that the worth of these endeavours is recognised and remembered by the scientific community and by society at large. It concludes with a discussion of how this destructive political silencing of scientists might perhaps be reduced in frequency and significance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ekonomika is the property of Society of Economists 'Ekonomika' and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The McFadden Act of 1927 was one of the most hotly contested pieces of legislation in U.S. banking history, and its influence was felt over half a century later. This paper studies the congressional voting behavior surrounding the act's passage. We find that congressmen in districts in which landholdings were concentrated and credit was costlier were significantly more likely to oppose the act. The evidence suggests that whereas the law and the overall regulatory structure can shape the financial system far into the future, they themselves are likely to be shaped by elites, even in countries with benign political institutions. This paper was accepted by Amit Seru, finance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Each nation tends to rationalize the situation, the past -- the present and the future -- in order to ensure normal living conditions and possible welfare. However, some internally and externally created policies aim to focus or defocus the public's attention in order to distort the real picture. In political psychology, lies and intrigues are often associated with political effects. All these additional attributes guide the policy into the desired direction. The situation in Ukraine is a real example of a kind of "psychological warfare" of citizens caused as a result of claims made by the neighbouring Russian Federation, political steps and tactics of the European Union and the NATO Alliance. In order to prevent future negative development in this field, there is a need to create a common security strategy for Eastern Europe, as a result of the creation of successful Trans-Atlantic relations and good-neighbourly relations with the Russian Federation. The purpose of this paper is to describe the need for encouraging the creation of a rational attitude of the nations in order to strive for the improvement of the region in which they are located. The theory of public choice is applied as a basis of encouraging a better future in public policies and strategies in a country/region. Political psychology is the main thread utilised to disclose the real picture of relations in Ukraine, and the final impact (results) need to be used in the area of creating a new security strategy for Eastern Europe. This work includes empirical research conducted within the Republic of Macedonia. The same applies to the theoretical frame of the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rationalist bargaining literature explains how public statements and military mobilizations can signal resolve. But recent political psychology scholarship shows how such actions can "provoke" targets, increasing their resolve by arousing emotions among their leaders and public. While rationalist models have largely omitted provocation, psychological approaches have neglected its strategic consequences. We model provocation in bargaining, assuming that a challenger's signals endogenously increase the target's resolve. Our model shows that introducing provocation can make signals of resolve more credible precisely because their provocative effects make them more costly to send. Moreover, against the prevailing intuition that provocation uniformly promotes conflict, the information from these signals can mitigate their provocative effects and elicit more generous offers than not signaling. Thus, in contrast to psychological accounts, we show that taking provocative actions can be rational and necessary for reaching peaceful bargains. We illustrate these findings with the 1911 Agadir Crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

IntroductionI investigated the authorship gender gap in research on political psychology.MethodsThe material comprises 1,166 articles published in the field’s flagship journal Political Psychology between 1997 and 2021. These were rated for author gender, methodology, purpose, and topic.ResultsWomen were underrepresented as authors (37.1% women), single authors (33.5% women), and lead authors (35.1% women). There were disproportionately many women lead authors in papers employing interviews or qualitative methodology, and in research with an applied purpose (these were all less cited). In contrast, men were overrepresented as authors of papers employing quantitative methods. Regarding topics, women were overrepresented as authors on Gender, Identity, Culture and Language, and Religion, and men were overrepresented as authors on Neuroscience and Evolutionary Psychology.DiscussionThe (denigrated) methods, purposes, and topics of women doing research on politics correspond to the (denigrated) “feminine style” of women doing politics grounding knowledge in the concrete, lived reality of others; listening and giving voice to marginalized groups’ subjective experiences; and yielding power to get things done for others.

Behavioral economics presents a 'paternalistic' rationale for benevolent government intervention. This paper presents a model of public debt where voters have self-control problems and attempt to commit using illiquid assets. In equilibrium, government accumulates debt to respond to individuals' desire to undo their commitments, which leads individuals to rebalance their portfolio, in turn feeding into a demand for further debt accumulation. As a consequence, (i) large (and distortionary) government debt accumulation occurs, and (ii) banning illiquid assets could improve individuals' welfare. These results offer a new rationale for balanced budget rules in constitutions to restrain governments' responses to voters' self-control problems.(JEL D2, D72, D78, H62, H63) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we analyze elections when voters underestimate the correlation between their information sources ('correlation neglect'). We find that this cognitive bias can improve political outcomes. We show that the extreme beliefs which result from correlation neglect induce some voters to base their vote on information rather than on political preferences. We characterize conditions on the distribution of preferences under which this induces higher vote shares for the optimal policies and better information aggregation. (JEL D72, D83) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mass public has become affectively polarized—ordinary Americans increasingly dislike and distrust those from the other party, with negative consequences for politics. Drawing on work in political and social psychology, this paper tests two mechanisms for reducing this discord, both of which have been shown to reduce similar biases in other settings: heightening partisan ambivalence, and using self-affirmation techniques. A population-based survey experiment shows that neither strategy reduces affective polarization in the aggregate. But this null finding masks an important heterogeneity: Heightening partisan ambivalence reduces affective polarization for ideological moderates, but increases such discord for those with more extreme ideological identities. Efforts to depolarize the electorate can make it more deeply divided, with important implications for our understanding of contemporary politics and the durability of affective polarization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Popular accounts of populist movements often point to negative emotions as a key motivating factor underlying their support. However, little systematic research has been devoted to examining differences in how distinct negative emotions affect levels of populism among voters. This paper attempts to fill this gap by focusing on the influence of the two emotions most frequently connected to populism in political commentary: fear and anger. Informed by appraisal theories of emotions, we hypothesize that populist attitudes are driven by feelings of anger, rather than fear. Using a three-wave online panel survey of Spanish citizens between 2014 and 2016, we find that anger expressed over the economic crisis is consistently associated with variations in support for populism both between individuals and over time, whereas no significant effects emerge for expressions of fear. We discuss the implications of these findings for understanding the nature of populist support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document explores the psychological processes and pathways that contribute to insider threats and radicalization. It emphasizes the importance of understanding the similarities between these concepts in order to identify areas of concern and mitigate the associated risks. The document discusses the complexities of assessing vulnerability and risk at the individual level and highlights the challenges of underreporting insider threat incidents. It also discusses the dynamics of insider threats and the significant impact and costs associated with these incidents. The document further explores the ideological, psychological, and situational dimensions that contribute to insider threats and emphasizes the importance of understanding an individual's perspective and psychological state. It discusses various models and approaches to understanding insider threat risk in the field of information technology (IT) and highlights the significance of situational factors in understanding insider threats. The document also discusses the topics of radicalization and the factors that contribute to it, such as gender, age, and psychological distress. It emphasizes the complexities of radicalization and the need for ongoing analysis and effective response strategies. The document explores various perspectives on the profiles and motivations of radicalization and critiques the rational choice paradigm. It highlights the importance of understanding the individual's journey through interconnected stages and identifies existential concerns and the drive for group belonging as significant factors in radicalization. The document also discusses the gender-sensitive dimensions of vulnerability to terrorism and violent extremism and examines the UK government's response to radicalization through the Prevent principle. It emphasizes the need for accurate risk assessments of individuals vulnerable to extremism and terrorism and highlights the role of identity, social bonds [Extracted from the article]

In his very interesting paper Harry Kunneman argues for an alternative view on voluntary work which not so much stresses the economic aspect (as many present-day politicians do) but primarily its existentially meaningful aspect. To underpin this, Kunneman makes use of a broad range of hermeneutical, social-philosophical, complexity theoretical, biological and other ideas. This multipolar structure of the article might also prove to be its very weakness, because the rich train of thought remains highly abstract. This could be overcome by using examples and casuistry to elucidate and specify the many distinctions in the article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Applications of automated text analysis measuring topics, ideology, sentiment or even personality are booming in fields like political science and political psychology. These developments are to be applauded as they bring about novel insights about politics using new sources of (unstructured) data. However, a divide exists between work in both disciplines using text as data. In this paper we argue in favor of more integration across disciplinary boundaries, structuring our case around four key issues in the research process: (i) sampling text; (ii) authorship as meta data; (iii) pre-processing text; (iv) analyzing text. Along the way we demonstrate that an assessment of speaker characteristics may crucially depend on the text sources under study, and that the use of sentiment words correlates with estimates of policy positions, with implications for interpretation of the latter. As such, this paper contributes to a critical discussion about the merits of automated text analysis methods in political psychology and political science, with an eye towards advancing the considerable potential of text as data in the study of politics.

Reliability, transparency, and ethical crises pushed many social science disciplines toward dramatic changes, in particular psychology and more recently political science. This paper discusses why sociology should also change. It reviews sociology as a discipline through the lens of current practices, definitions of sociology, positions of sociological associations, and a brief consideration of the arguments of three highly influential yet epistemologically diverse sociologists: Weber, Merton, and Habermas. It is a general overview for students and sociologists to quickly familiarize themselves with the state of sociology or explore the idea of open science and its relevance to their discipline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista Colombiana de Psicología is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Departamento de Psicologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this paper is to examine political psychological implications of individualism and collectivism among the citizens of thirty OECD countries in the domain of attribution of responsibility, utilizing the five waves of World Values Survey data. First, this paper will evaluate the effects of individualism and collectivism on the individual's feeling of freedom and control over his or her life in general. It will touch upon the question of agency, which should affect one's expectation for the role of the government among others. Second, it will take a close look into the effects of those cultural values and frames on the individual's opinion about government responsibility in general and her role in economy in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Data was collected from 552 people from the United States every two weeks for one year for a 26-wave panel study. Participants recruited on Prolific completed measures of political attitudes, political identification, perceived threat, perceived stress, and social distance at every wave. They completed demographic measures at the first wave. They completed political behaviour intentions (e.g., voting, signing a petition) in four waves spread over the last half of the study. They completed items related to COVID-19 for the last four waves. Data is stored on the Open Science Framework. It can be used to study longitudinal associations between politically-relevant variables, assess stability overtime, and test for the influence of discrete events on attitudes during the course of the study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the link between personality traits and attitudes of Swiss citizens toward equal opportunities for immigrants. In particular, we examine the extent to which this relationship is moderated by the socio-structural context. We test the assumption that the direct links between personality traits and attitudes toward equal opportunities are strengthened by perceived ethnic diversity. Based on our empirical analyses, we are able to replicate central findings of the research on personality traits and attitudes toward immigrants for the Swiss context. While openness toward experience and agreeableness are positively related to a preference for equal opportunities, conscientiousness is negatively linked to these attitudes. Furthermore, our results reveal that the link between conscientiousness and attitudes toward equal opportunities is significantly moderated by the perceived share of foreigners in the neighborhood. This finding is especially relevant for future research on the effects of personality traits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to review the previous works of political culture and cross-cultural psychology in order to establish why we need to introduce such cultural constructs as individualism and collectivism in the scientific study of cultural influences on citizens' political preference and behavior. First, this article will advance that the empirical investigation into the implications of political culture for the individual level has been largely missing. Second, it will examine previous works about individualism and collectivism in order to make a case for how we can enrich the study of political culture by taking advantage of interdisciplinary efforts. Third, this paper will propose some of the solutions for the political psychological study of individualism and collectivism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Temida is the property of Victimology Society of Serbia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Computer algorithms that analyze language (natural language processing systems) have seen a great increase in usage recently. While use of these systems to score key constructs in social and political psychology has many advantages, it is also dangerous if we do not fully evaluate the validity of these systems. In the present article, we evaluate a natural language processing system for one particular construct that has implications for solving key societal issues: Integrative complexity. We first review the growing body of evidence for the validity of the Automated Integrative Complexity (AutoIC) method for computer-scoring integrative complexity. We then provide five new validity tests: AutoIC successfully distinguished fourteen classic philosophic works from a large sample of both lay populations and political leaders (Test 1) and further distinguished classic philosophic works from the rhetoric of Donald Trump at higher rates than an alternative system (Test 2). Additionally, AutoIC successfully replicated key findings from the hand-scored IC literature on smoking cessation (Test 3), U.S. Presidents' State of the Union Speeches (Test 4), and the ideology-complexity relationship (Test 5). Taken in total, this large body of evidence not only suggests that AutoIC is a valid system for scoring integrative complexity, but it also reveals important theory-building insights into key issues at the intersection of social and political psychology (health, leadership, and ideology). We close by discussing the broader contributions of the present validity tests to our understanding of issues vital to natural language processing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]