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Demographic ageing in Europe is leading to an increasing need for care and a serious challenge for the sustainability of our social and healthcare systems. Informal carers across the EU currently provide over 80 per cent of all care. If not adequately supported, caring can have many difficult consequences for carers. Carers should not be socially and economically penalised as a result of their caregiving activities. Measures designed to support them should therefore aim to recognise them and their vital role in society, provide them with the essential information and counselling they need, give them access to allowances that offset the costs they face and truly values their contribution, develop flexible working arrangements and care leave schemes to allow them to maintain an active life, and improve the provision of equitable and accessible formal care services to ensure carers can rely on professional alternatives to informal care. This policy paper makes clear why it is necessary to address the challenges faced by young carers. It briefly discusses different forms of support measures and makes recommendations for better support for Young Carers

After 9/11, the academic study of terrorism flourished as more government resources were focused on counterterrorism efforts. As the focus slowly shifted towards P/CVE or Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism, more and more articles lauded the potential benefits of including Formers. The idea behind that was that experience equals expertise. Formers have been valuable data sources as research participants. However, the current trend has seen Formers leave that role and take on far more complicated and sophisticated roles, such as deradicalization experts, claiming to help people leave extremism. This policy paper focuses on the evidence, specifically the lack of evidence, to support the prevailing assumptions regarding the effectiveness of Formers and dissects the ethical issues arising from their involvement in P/CVE. The paper ends with policy recommendations to shift P/CVE activities and research toward a more empirically-grounded model. Since P/CVE initiatives involve a variety of actors, from academic researchers to the media to practitioners, this paper is not aimed at one field or profession. Rather, it is intended for everyone involved in P/CVE-related activities, including research.

The Panama Papers disclosures in April 2016 revealed information about tax avoidance and fraud among political elites and the wealthy on a global scale. But did the disclosures affect relevant political attitudes and behavior, including perceptions of corruption, redistributive preferences, and voting intentions? We leverage nationally representative surveys that were in the field at the time in two heavily impacted countries, France and Spain, and treat the disclosures as a natural experiment, comparing respondents questioned just before and just after the disclosures. Our design highlights the difficulty, at times, of interpreting natural experiments, given the potentially compounded treatments that arise as events unfold over time, and the common inability to properly determine views prior to the treatment. That said, the analysis indicates that the disclosures had limited effects on the domains most likely affected by such a scandal, consistent with them being interpreted based on existing beliefs and identities. Our results thus contradict prior findings which suggest that the Panama Papers had substantial effects on redistributive attitudes, and shed further light on voters’ learning and updating around uncertain, yet emotionally laden, political facts.

Over the course of less than a quarter of a century, two Brazilian Heads of State – Fernando Collor in 1992 and Dilma Rousseff in 2016 – have been removed from office by impeachment. There has been much controversy surrounding both proceedings, particularly the latter. The article seeks to discuss briefly the history of the proceeding of impeachment in Brazil and its significance for the country’s political life after 1988. Through an analysis of the impeachment cases of President Fernando Collor and President Dilma Rousseff, and overview of the literature on impeachment in Latin America, the paper will address the similarities and differences present in both cases in which a Brazilian Head of State was removed from office. The last part of the article will further discuss the disputes among Brazilian jurists triggered by differing evaluations of this legal measure and, in particular, the more recent case of its implementation in Brazil.

The EU Member States are characterised by long and varied institutional history, with different trajectories in their evolution. There is a complex system of relations between the institutions of the European Union and the authorities of the Member States, which are called as the European Administrative Space. This is a multidimensional concept, and it promotes intensive cooperation between administrative actors, and their activities from each level. The European Administrative Space is the area, in which increasingly integrated administrations jointly exercise power delegated to the EU in a system of shared sovereignty. This article explores the reasons for and the consequences of this development.

Inspired by methods used in risk assessment, this paper suggests a structured professional judgment approach (SPJ) to facilitate the decision-making process in expert group settings tasked with the development of narrative-based countering violent extremism (CVE) products. The added value of this concept is to systematically apply the relevant knowledge distributed among the literature and identify the strengths and weaknesses of the narrative-based CVE product in early stages like the baseline assessment. This may enable campaigners to avoid expensive mistakes and accelerate the development of products. A tentative checklist is provided. Furthermore, indicators for monitoring and evaluation are suggested.

In recent years, the pressure for educators to cultivate civic participation among Canada's apathetic youth voters has been mounting. Between 1998 and 2007, a national wave of curriculum reform introducing or enhancing civic engagement education occurred at the secondary level. In this study, we explore the role and place of civic engagement in the Canadian university curriculum. We have chosen to focus on curriculum in political science programs because calls to increase civic engagement originated with the goal of increasing participation in voting by young people, and because civic engagement is widely espoused as a central value in the discipline of political science. We report the findings of a national survey of politics instructors and their course syllabi regarding civic engagement as an intended learning outcome. Our analysis of the survey data involved a comparison of instructor responses with the assessment activities identified on their course syllabi. By analyzing the real and imagined audience(s) and purpose(s) of course assignments, we find that students are required to complete assignments that situate them within academic contexts involving academic purposes and audiences. The apparent conflict between civic education outcomes and academic assessment tasks relates to broader conversations about the purposes of political science education and higher education in general.

The first panacea for a mismanaged nation is inflation of the currency; the second is war. Both bring a temporary prosperity; both bring a permanent ruin. But both are the [...]

Drawing on a collaborative ethnographic study of the 2016 International Union for the Conservation of Nature World Conservation Congress (WCC), we analyze how Indigenous peoples and local community (IPLC) rights advocates have used a rights-based approach (RBA) to advance long-standing struggles to secure local communities' land and resource rights and advance governing authority in biodiversity conservation. The RBA has allowed IPLC advocates to draw legitimacy from the United Nations system—from its declarations to its special rapporteurs—and to build transnational strategic alliances in ways they could not with participatory discourses. Using it, they have brought attention to biodiversity as a basic human right and to the struggle to use, access, and own it as a human rights struggle. In this article, we show how the 2016 WCC provided a platform for building and reinforcing these alliances, advancing diverse procedural and substantive rights, redefining key principles and standards for a rights-based conservation approach, and leveraging international support for enforcement mechanisms on-the-ground. We argue that, as advocates staked out physical and discursive space at the venue, they secured the authority to shape conservation politics, shifting the terrain of struggle between strict conservationists and community activists and creating new conditions of possibility for advancing the human rights agenda in international conservation politics. Nonetheless, while RBAs have been politically successful at reconfiguring global discourse, numerous obstacles remain in translating that progress to secure human rights to resources "on the ground", and it is vital that the international conservation community finance the implementation of RBA in specific locales, demand that nation states create monitoring and grievance systems, and decolonize the ways in which they interact with IPLCs. Finally, we reflect on the value of the Collaborative Event Ethnography methodology, with its emphasis on capturing the mundane, meaningful and processual aspects of policymaking, in illuminating the on-going labor entailed in bringing together and aligning the disparate elements in dynamic assemblages. Keywords: Human rights, global conservation governance, collaborative event ethnography, Indigenous peoples

As the cradle of cultivating talents, universities are facing great opportunities and challenges in their education. Among them, IPE (ideological and political education), as an important foundation for the future growth of university students, is of great significance. This paper discusses the relationship between IPE and psychological fitness education in university teaching. This paper expounds the necessity and feasibility of playing the role of psychological fitness education in IPECU (ideological and political education in colleges and universities). Based on this, this paper gives the strategy of infiltrating psychological fitness education into IPE. This paper combines NN (neural network) method to construct an assessment model of IPE quality. In this paper, MATLAB is used for simulation and comparative analysis. The final experiment shows that the RMSE of this algorithm is 0.512, MAE is 1.089, and the accuracy of the algorithm is 0.958.

Hands-off data-driven learning is a data-based, student-oriented learning model characterized by inquiry and discovery. English context vocabulary teaching is the key to English teaching in colleges and an important indicator to evaluate the quality and level of college English teaching, which is a language teaching paradigm focusing on the language environment. Combining the two approaches can give students a more realistic, practical, and meaningful language learning experience. This paper analyzes the vocabulary learning level of two non-English major undergraduate classes at Southwest University of Political Science and Law before and after the application of the context experiment. The positive effect of context vocabulary teaching in the control groups is verified by comparing and analyzing the influence of context teaching based on hands-off data-driven learning on their scores and learning results between the experimental and control groups. It shows that the combination of context in English vocabulary teaching with hands-off data-driven learning can help to improve students' ability to understand, absorb, and apply English vocabulary.

This policy recommendation proposes the implementation of the Terrorism, Radicalisation and Extremism Disclosure Scheme (TREDS) as an additional measure to Prevent and counter violent extremism and terrorism in the United Kingdom. TREDS represents a viable mechanism for a responsible adult (‘the applicant’) to make a disclosure request to joint local authority and Police Prevent teams where they feel an individual (‘the subject’) may pose a risk to a young or vulnerable person (‘the person at-risk’) in relation to terrorism, radicalisation or extremism. A successful disclosure is intended to empower the ‘applicant’ to take proactive steps to safeguard the ‘person at risk’ from the risk of harm posed by the ‘subject’, and would include, where reasonable, proportionate, and necessary, information about a ‘subject’s terrorism related criminal offending history, including any Police intelligence held relating to terrorist group affiliations, associations or activities. TREDS takes inspiration from disclosure schemes already employed to safeguard and protect children and vulnerable people from other crime types such as The Domestic Violence Disclosure Scheme (DVDS), also known as Clare’s Law; and the Child Sexual Offender Disclosure Scheme (CSODS), known as Sarah’s Law. The Terrorism, Radicalisation and Extremism Disclosure Scheme (TREDS) was designed by the author of this policy recommendation between June 2018 and February 2019 in response to the decline in public or community reporting of concerns related to terrorism, radicalisation and extremism. This decline is evidenced by Home Office statistics, which identify that of the 7,318 total referrals made in 2017/18, just 292 (4%) came from communities (Home Office, 2018). TREDS represents a distinct departure from existing reporting processes, and is underpinned by the principle of two-way information sharing between the public and authorities. This signifies a seismic shift toward a more inclusive and reciprocal relationship, and one which is likely to better empower individuals and communities to report concerns as and when they arise.

The Stuttgart-based Foundation for the Rights of Future Generations (FRFG) and the London-based Intergenerational Foundation (IF) jointly award the biennial Intergenerational Justice Prize, endowed with EUR 10,000 (ten thousand euros) in total prize-money, to essay-writers who address political and demographic issues pertaining to the field of intergenerational justice. The prize was initiated and is funded by the Apfelbaum Foundation. For the 2020 prize, the FRFG and IF call for papers on the following topic: Intergenerational wealth transfers through inheritance and gifts Topic abstract Wealth transfers across generations combine justice between past, present and future generations (intergenerational justice) with justice within the present generation (intragenerational justice) as a major reason for the increasing inequality in a society is the accumulation of wealth within families over time. Inheritance taxes deprive the testator of the opportunity to pass on their assets to their direct descendants. Instead, the state distributes them to all citizens. On the one hand, there is the view that the acceptance of private property implies that it should also be allowed in family relationships: wealth may accumulate along family lines, instead of being redistributed to society as a whole at every change of generation. Conversely, it is maintained that the birth lottery (the question of being born into a poor or rich family) should not affect the life chances of the youngest generation. Undoubtedly, intergenerational transfers of wealth by inheritance and gifts (and related issues of inheritance and gift tax) are a complex issue that has been the subject of many political and philosophical discussions. In this Call for Papers we invite contributions that consider and analyse the topic from various perspectives of intergenerational justice. For instance: • Is it legitimate for wealth to remain within families, generation after generation? Or should the wealth be taxedby the state, for greater redistribution? Which philosophical arguments speak in favour of the dynastic approach, which ones support the societal approach? • To what extent do inheritance (and gift) tax systems differ in terms of tax rates and allowances according to degree of kinship in OECD countries or beyond? What percentage of the population is liable to these taxes? How are business assets handled? • How does inheritance tax relate to the welfare state? Does a higher inheritance tax empirically actually lead to less inequality? • How (un)popular are (high) inheritance and gift taxes among voters? Can this topic be used to win elections? Are there different opinions depending on age/generation? • Which relevant narratives and argumentation strategies can be identified in politics, business, society and the media, and where do they converge? Formalities The Intergenerational Justice Prize is endowed with EUR 10,000. The prize money will be distributed proportionally among the best submissions, which can be more or less than the top three submissions. Winning submissions will be considered for publication by the editorial team of the Intergenerational Justice Review (IGJR; www.igjr.org) for the summer issue 2021. For full entry requirements (details of required formatting, addresses for submissions etc, and an official entry form) email Maria Lenk (kontakt@srzg.de) or Antony Mason (awards@if.org.uk). Closing date for prize submissions: 1 July 2020, 23:59 (GMT+1)

Executive summary In this discussion paper, it is shown that the current housing affordability crisis in Germany is a problem of intergenerational injustice since it affects young Germans disproportionately negatively. To address these injustices, the following policy measures are suggested. 1. Policies to assure affordable rents a. Rent controls: Well-designed rent controls help keep rentprice increases in re-lettings in check, while still allowing landlords to pass renovation costs on to their renters and to increase their rents by a small percentage annually. This would especially benefit young individuals, since the young move more often than baby boomers and are therefore disproportionately negatively affected by price increases in re-lettings. b. Strengthening social housing: Local, state, and national governments must invest in the provision of social housing to provide below-market-priced housing for the most vulnerable households. This measure is especially important in large cities, where rents have risen steeply over the past decade, threatening to displace many poor households. 2. Measures to facilitate first-time homeownership for young Germans. Supporting young adults in becoming first-time homeowners is another important area in which public policy can help mitigate the negative effects of the housing crisis for young Germans. This can be achieved via: a. First-time home buyer programmes: First-time home buyer programmes support individuals who are buying their first home through grants or other financial stimuli, such as a first-time home buyer tax credit. Several countries, such as Australia or Canada, already have such programmes in place, helping young individuals to become homeowners. Such measures could also be adopted in Germany. b. Access to credit for first-time buyers: Young people often face credit constraints when buying their first home since they do not yet own a home they could use as collateral. Governmental programmes, such as the first-time homebuyers plan in Canada, can help young individuals to obtain resources for the down payment on a mortgage, thereby improving their chances to be able to obtain a mortgage at a reasonable interest rate. 3. Measures to increase housing supply. To address issues of housing affordability and intergenerational justice, public policy should aim to increase the housing stock. It should also provide for the needs of young generations, especially in urban areas. Concrete measures to achieve these goals include: a. Densification policies: Densification policies consist of relaxing zoning restrictions. This allows landowners to build more densely and taller, thereby increasing the overall housing supply. Relaxing zoning restrictions allows the housing supply to respond to an increased demand and can therefore prevent house prices from rising. Therefore, densification policies have become a widespread tool to address housing unaffordability and could be used more extensively in German cities. b. Using existing housing stock more efficiently: Another factor that hinders young people from finding adequate homes is that houses that could be occupied by a young family or multiple students are often occupied by an old couple or individual who continue living in the homes where they raised their children, even after the children have moved out. Online platforms, such as Tauschbörse, that connect young individuals currently living in a smaller property with older people currently living in a larger property can help in using the existing housing stock more efficiently. Since the current German housing crisis is a predominantly urban phenomenon, Germany’s large cities should be the primary focus of these policies. Yet, because of architectural and socio-economic differences between and within cities, there exists no one-sizefits-all solution. Nevertheless, the above measures can serve as a starting point for developing comprehensive measures to fight intergenerational injustice in the German housing market.

I do not know of any attempt to measure the real resource costs of an irredeemable paper currency and to compare such costs with the real resource costs of a [...]