Search

This article examines the understanding of collectivism and sisterhood among Oraon tribal women in the Netarhat Field Firing Range movement. Further, this study discusses tribal women's consciousness of repressive operations of the state and of their experiences of triple oppression as a tribal group, as women, and as activists. Tribal women's goals, however, are much more than women's liberation; they demand tribal autonomy and the right to forest resources so that tribal people can live peacefully in their regions. This study also looks at how a group of women shared their gender-based grievances as well as their everyday struggle under militarized control of their villages. Often, women's groups are at the forefront of rallies and marches, mobilizing the villagers and attending village meetings, but the male-dominated society rarely views women's revolutionary accomplishments as an effort of sisterhood. The state government agreed to the tribal demand not to re-notify the Netarhat Field Firing Range Project, not only because of the efforts of the men of the society but also due to women's willpower, solidarity, and bravery within the movement. Using the narrative approach, this research aims to explore tribal women's lived experiences and everyday struggle during the Netarhat field firing range project with reference to fieldwork conducted in the villages of Mahuadanr, Banari, Navatoli, and Sakhuapani where tribal women activists played a key role. Until now, tribal women's lived experiences, narratives, and consciousness during the different contemporary movements of Jharkhand have been ignored by most scholars. Studying this site is very relevant to understanding tribal women's questions, issues, and feminist standpoints. The fieldwork for this paper was conducted as part of the author's PhD research in Chotanagpur and the Kolhan regions of Jharkhand state, India. The study found that the Netarhat Field Firing Range movement was based on truth claims and followed the Gandhian ideology of non-violence to achieve rights. Further, this paper explores the sisterhood and solidarity amongst tribal women activists, and how non-tribal activists helped strengthen the tribal movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through bringing history into conversation with ethnography, this paper re-examines scholarly understandings of Hindu nationalism and the practice of seva (service). Whereas much scholarship addresses Hindu nationalist service through a secular-liberal register, this paper considers what this language excludes. Giving critical attention to elite activists within the Hindu nationalist-led Vanavasi Kalyan Kendra (Tribal Welfare Centre), in Jharkhand, India, my research demonstrates how elite activists translate service into a religious language of somatic representation. This constructs marginal agents as passive subjects of a heavily moralistic ethical-self making project. This critical analysis opens up for study the differing ritual-politics of caste and gender which underlie the participation of marginal actors, practices which are not reducible to a discourse of religion or a universal category of acts. In order to grasp these more complex models, this paper gives importance to the ways in which its ethical discourses are inhabited in manifold ways. This tells a story of how Western models of religion are parochialized, and challenges the relationship between authority and agency which permeate our imagination of non-liberal discourses like those invoked by Hindu nationalist service projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: It is well acknowledged that India's community health workers known as Accredited Social Health Activists (ASHA) are the bedrock of its health system. Many ASHAs are currently working in fragile and conflict-affected settings. No efforts have yet been made to understand the challenges and vulnerabilities of these female workers. This paper seeks to address this gap by bringing attention to the situation of ASHAs working in the fragile and conflict settings and how conflict impacts them and their work.Methods: Qualitative fieldwork was undertaken in four conflict-affected villages in two conflict-affected districts -Kokrajhar and Karbi Anglong of Assam state situated in the North-East region of India. Detailed account of four ASHAs serving roughly 4000 people is presented. Data transliterated into English were analysed by authors by developing a codebook using grounded theory and thematic organisation of codes.Results: ASHAs reported facing challenges in ensuring access to health services during and immediately after outbreaks of conflict. They experienced difficulty in arranging transport and breakdown of services at remote health facilities. Their physical safety and security were at risk during episodes of conflict. ASHAs reported hostile attitudes of the communities they served due to the breakdown of social relations, trauma due to displacement, and loss of family members, particularly their husbands.Conclusions: Conflict must be recognised as an important context within which community health workers operate, with greater policy focus and research devoted to understanding and addressing the barriers they face as workers and as persons affected by conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Annie Besant was an Irish political activist, free-thinker and Fabian socialist. After embracing Theosophy under the tutelage of Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, a Russian mystic, Besant embarked on her mission of propagating theosophical ideals, and reached the shores of India in 1893. However, in India Hinduism fascinated her to such an extent that she devoted herself to promoting Hinduism. She toured the length and breadth of India, and lectured intensely on the lofty ideals of Hinduism. However, Besant was of the opinion that absence of religious education in government schools and colleges and teaching of Christianity in missionary educational institutions was responsible for religious neutrality and scepticism among Hindu youth, and hence the fallen state of Hinduism. To remedy this state, she emphasised the need for its revival, and propagated the idea that religious education of Hindu youths should become an integral part of their education. In order to concretise these ideas, Besant established a college and school for the religious education of Hindu youth in the holy city of Benares, in the then North Western Provinces of British India, in 1898. Besant is widely known in India for her political activities as founder of Home Rule Movement and as the first women President of Indian National Congress, the chief political party involved in the struggle for national freedom. Although Besant's political career in India has been extensively researched, little is known about her educational ideas and activities. This paper analyses Besant's ideas on education, and show how, rather than being a promoter of modernity, she supported, upheld and institutionalised caste hierarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 73rd Constitution Amendment Act, 1992 was a landmark one in institutionalising the Panchayati Raj System in India, constitutionally creating a space for women to become active in the public domain. The present study looks at the Elected Women Representatives (EWR) of the 2010 Panchayat elections of Kerala wherein the reservations of seats and positions of women became 50 per cent. The paper examines the motivating factor of the EWRs to contest the election, the encouragement and discouragement they received, and their political and organisational exposure before becoming EWRs. It was found that the majority of the persons who became elected women representatives did so because of the provision they got due to the reservation of seats and they became so due to the encouragement and motivation of others, especially political activists. The support of their family members was a crucial factor for them to become EWRs. For the self-motivated ones, it was their desire to do something for others, especially for women, that was the motivating factor to contest in elections. The previous organisational involvement of the EWRs was a positive factor which helped them to perform better in their current responsibility as people's representatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the initial criticism by teacher and revolutionary leader Zitkala-ša on India's education policy and how it evolves into a commitment of lobbying and advocacy for education as a survival tool for Indigenous people within white dominant society. Topics discussed include her fictional and non-fiction essays, criticism of her by scholars, her transformation from a teacher to a revolutionary leader and criticism in her autobiographical writings of boarding schools.

This exploratory study examined the twitter feeds of ten senior Indian journalists during a specific event of national importance to understand what type of tweets led to greater follower engagement. Further, we examined how followers engaged with congruent and incongruent messages. Analysis of tweets about a specific developing event – the arrest and release of a student activist – indicated that journalists largely tweeted opinions, and that this type of tweet attracted more follower engagement than purely factual tweets. Analysis of each editor's most commented upon tweets indicated that followers showed a higher level of engagement with incongruent messages than with messages with which they agreed. Practical and theoretical implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Globally, community health workers (CHWs) are integral contributors to many health systems. In India, Accredited Social Health Activists (ASHAs) have been deployed since 2005. Engaged in multiple health care activities, they are a key link between the health system and population. ASHAs are expected to participate in new health programmes prompting interest in their current workload from the perspective of the health system, community and their family.Methods: This mixed-methods design study was conducted in rural and tribal Primary Health Centers (PHCs), in Pune district, Western Maharashtra, India. All ASHAs affiliated with these PHCs were invited to participate in the quantitative study, those agreeing to contribute in-depth interviews (IDI) were enrolled in an additional qualitative study. Key informants' interviews were conducted with the Auxiliary Nurse Midwife (ANM), Block Facilitators (BFF) and Medical Officers (MO) of the same PHCs. Quantitative data were analysed using descriptive statistics. Qualitative data were analysed thematically.Results: We recruited 67 ASHAs from the two PHCs. ASHAs worked up to 20 h/week in their village of residence, serving populations of approximately 800-1200, embracing an increasing range of activities, despite a workload that contributed to feelings of being rushed and tiredness. They juggled household work, other paid jobs and their ASHA activities. Practical problems with travel added to time involved, especially in tribal areas where transport is lacking. Their sense of benefiting the community coupled with respect and recognition gained in village brought happiness and job satisfaction. They were willing to take on new tasks. ASHAs perceived themselves as 'voluntary community health workers' rather than as 'health activists".Conclusions: ASHAs were struggling to balance their significant ASHA work and domestic tasks. They were proud of their role as CHWs and willing to take on new activities. Strategies to recruit, train, skills enhancement, incentivise, and retain ASHAs, need to be prioritised. Evolving attitudes to the advantages/disadvantages of current voluntary status and role of ASHAs need to be understood and addressed if ASHAs are to be remain a key component in achieving universal health coverage in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: India has focused on incentivizing institutional delivery and introducing the ASHA worker as a key strategy to improve maternal health outcomes. We examined the determinants of institutional delivery and the role of the ASHA worker in shaping choice regarding place of delivery.Methods: We used data from the India Human Development Survey-II conducted in 2011-12, and extracted an analytic sample of women (N = 8711) who reported having at least one child since 2005. Logistic regression was used to examine influence of socio-demographic factors, frequency of antenatal care (ANC) contacts and exposure to ASHA worker on institutional delivery.Results: About 15% of the respondents had eight or more ANC contacts. The odds of having an institutional delivery were higher among those respondents who had 8 or more ANC contacts (OR = 3.39, p < 0.001, 95% CI: 2.26, 5.08), and those who had 4-7 ANC contacts (OR = 1.72, p < 0.001, 95% CI: 1.48, 1.99) as compared to those with less than 4 ANC contacts. About 26% of the respondents had any exposure to an ASHA worker. After controlling for ANC contacts, these respondents had three times the odds of institutional delivery (OR = 3.04, p < 0.001, 95% CI: 2.37, 3.89) compared to those who had no exposure to ASHA workers. Further, several sociodemographic variables were associated with institutional delivery. While age of spouse, age at marriage, level of education and urban residence were positively associated with institutional delivery; age of respondent and number of children were inversely associated with institutional delivery.Conclusions: Both frequency of ANC contacts and exposure to ASHA worker independently emerge as important determinants of institutional delivery. Furthermore, ASHA workers may have a crucial role in promoting antenatal care, thereby strengthening the association between ANC contacts and institutional delivery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the reframing of Hindu history, mythology and rituals in a WhatsApp group as part of a larger social movement called the 'Mahishasur movement' arising from a nation-wide controversy around a religio-political ritual. It addresses the mediatized controversy that led to the movement, the creation of this particular social media network, the material circulated on it and the nature of hierarchy between different participants. Contrary to existing scholarship, the findings from my fieldwork in different parts of India show that non-elite precariat groups involved in identity politics at different levels participate in social media activism which has so far been understood as a domain of Anglophone middle classes. The article shows the possibilities and challenges generated by the participation of these non-elite political activists in rural and small town India in social activism alongside their urban counterparts on social networking sites particularly WhatsApp. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An interview with the musician and activist Shital Sathe is presented who discusses her starting of singing and the cultural group Kabir Kala Manch (KKM), her song compositions, and musical genres. It also discusses the interconnectedness between the caste system and music, privatization in India, and Dalit people.

This article discusses the bias of the growing constituency of civil society activists in India against conventional water management solutions implemented by the government, and the ‘alternatives’ they champion, which force the government to enter into an endless debate with these groups. The article goes into the fundamental reasons for this bias, and identifies four types of civil society activist: ‘professional’, ‘ideologue’, ‘romantic’ and ‘doomsday prophet’. The article also argues that water bureaucracies in India should adopt evidence-based policy making, subjecting the ‘alternatives’ to the same degree of scrutiny as the conventional ones, to end the policy dilemma, while enhancing the overall quality of design, execution and management of projects for better outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]