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This paper argues for the need to better understand the role of mothers and schooling in shaping modern conservative cultural politics. Arguing that 1970s–1980s was a critical period for anti-progressive politics surrounding schooling, the paper examines the activism of Australian Christian morals campaigner Rona Joyner. Joyner's successful provocation of a 1978 governmental ban on social science curriculum materials was a signal event in an international Anglophone reaction against what she and others theorised as dangerously permissive forces in public culture. Pitting 'Christian' parental authority against 'humanist' state overreach in relation to the upbringing of children, Joyner created a detailed vision of the cultural-moral corruption of schools and other social institutions. This paper demonstrates how Joyner represented her labour as a project of both public motherhood and grassroots community activism, and how activist women like Joyner were foundational to the growth of a new contemporary grassroots conservatism expressed as a popular politics of 'the people' against the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intelligence scholars routinely portray intelligence oversight as a means of restraining intelligence activities, particularly covert operations. The consensus overlooks situations where oversight can instead channel popular passions. This paper documents how Reagan era activists recruited legislators to the Afghan resistance cause. Their legislative-civic alliance demanded the CIA launch more aggressive operations in Afghanistan, sidelining established oversight committees. The resulting covert action campaign risked Soviet escalation, eliminated plausible deniability, and gave advanced U.S. technology to potential terrorists. This episode highlights how well-organized lobbyists may affect the intelligence agenda and challenges assumptions that wider engagement in oversight will always restrain intelligence agencies' overreach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In two different occasions in the twentieth century John Dewey and Maxine Greene stressed the point that educators should attend to 'what the known demands of us'. Following this dictum, from a critical perspective and with a constructive pedagogical spirit, in this paper we portray a new paradigm for values education that addresses the major challenges to the sustainable futures of young people in the third decade of the twenty first century as well as proposing transformative and empowering educational strategies. Employing the terminology of sustainability in its wider sense, we begin with a widely acknowledged diagnosis of the five major global risks – interconnected and interdependent – that endanger the sustainable future of humanity and nature: environmental, political, social, health, and cultural. We then move to suggest a constructive solution, proposing three conceptual pillars for repairing the world and laying foundation for a thriving sustainable future: (a) Ecohumanism as the paradigm for values education – merging the humanist concern for human dignity, social justice and democracy with the ecological concern for climate stability, biodiversity and environmental sustainability; (b) education of democratic personality and for democratic culture that is holistic and transformative; and (c) a threefold notion of activist pedagogy that addresses the element of cultivating personal agency, empowering political literacy and agency, and engaging students in experiential, holistic, and active teaching-learning experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the issue whether feminism needs a metaphysical grounding, and if so, what form that might take to effectively take account of and support the socio-political demands of feminism; addressing these demands I further propose will also contribute to the resolution of other social concerns. Social constructionism is regularly invoked by feminists and other political activists who argue that social injustices are justified and sustained through hidden structures which oppress some while privileging others. Some feminists (Haslanger and Sveinsdóttir, Feminist metaphysics. In E. N. Zalta (Ed.), Stanford encyclopedia of philosophy. Stanford: Stanford University, 2011) argue that the constructs appealed to in social constructivism are real but not metaphysically fundamental because they are contingent. And this is exactly the crux of the problem—is it possible to sustain an engaged feminist socio-political critique for which contingency is central (i.e., that things could be otherwise) and at the same time retain some kind of metaphysical grounding. Without metaphysical grounding it has been argued, the feminist project may be rendered nonsubstantive (Sider, Substantivity in feminist metaphysics. Philosophical Studies, 174(2017), 2467–2478, 2017). There has been much debate around this issue and Sider (as an exemplar of the points under contention) nuances the claims expressed in his earlier writings (Sider, Writing the book of the world. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2011) and later presents a more qualified account (Sider, Substantivity in feminist metaphysics. Philosophical Studies, 174(2017), 2467–2478, 2017). Nonetheless, I propose the critiques and defences offered by the various parties continue to depend on certain erroneous assumptions and frameworks that are challengeable. I argue that fundamentality as presented in many of these current accounts, which are underpinned by the explicit or implicit ontologies of monism and dualism and argued for in purely rationalist terms which conceive of subjects as primarily reason-responding agents, reveal basic irresolvable problems. I propose that addressing these concerns will be possible through an enactivist account which, following phenomenology, advances an ontology of interdependence and reconceives the subject as first and foremost an organism immersed in a meaningful world as opposed to a primarily reason-responding agent. Enactivism is thus, I will argue, able to legitimize feminist socio-political critiques by offering a non-reductive grounding in which not only are contingency and fundamentality reconciled, but in which fundamentality is in fact defined by radical contingency. My paper proceeds in dialogue with feminists generally addressing this 'metaphysical turn' in feminism and specifically with Sally Haslanger and Mari Mikkola. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines transnational circulation of political and pedagogical ideas associated with éducation permanente with particular reference to post-war Western Europe. It offers a socio-historical reconstruction of pan-European dissemination and reception of policy repertoires articulated by governmental and non-governmental policy actors. It focuses on advocacy regarding permanent education as a pan-European repertoire associated with the Council of Europe during the 1960s and 1970s. The paper explores involvement of French and other francophone nationals in circulatory regimes, who were engaged in mediating partisan reform aspirations, exchange of information, and dissemination of innovative practices at national, transnational, and pan-European levels. The more specific focus of this paper addresses participation of 'rooted cosmopolitans' in policy formation, who are defined as policy actors rooted in specific national contexts, but who engage in regular activities involving their participation in transnational networks. The conclusions call for further research into circulatory regimes at local, sub-national, regional, national, bilateral, transnational, and pan-European during the 1960s and 1970s. Such research should focus on revisiting different expert, reformist, missionary, and militant networks responsible for building peripatetic 'scholar-militant-activist' coalitions that historically contributed to pan-European policy repertoires seeking to mobilise citizens to participate in the unfinished political project of pan-European cultural democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates how social media affects general voting patterns. Unlike previous studies investigating whether citizens' use of social media affects political participation, this paper considers the connections that social media users have with political activists on social media, and how this connectedness influences general voting patterns, using data from Ghana. With contemporary theoretical perspectives and exploratory techniques, trends from past literature are presented, from a social media-based propagated survey with 420 valid responses. Structural equation modeling was used to test the conceptual model, which demonstrates that the connectedness with political and social media activists is significant and positively influences modifications in voting patterns. Online political participation and political affect also present an effect on voting patterns. The relationship between connections with social media political activists and online political participation is significant, as indicated by a strong covariance observed in the model. The results of the multigroup analysis also indicate some cultural and social issues to shape the phenomena for further investigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public relations offers strategies that enable re-branding of an organisation's poor image. As branding refers to the image an organisation (corporations, non-profits and activists) presents to its broader public, then public relations is the work of image management. This conceptual paper uses these ideas to explore and understand the work carried out by one animal activist organisation, Animals Australia, to come to inspire and mobilise a mainstream audience in animal activism. Usually examined using social movement theory, animal activists have a long history of receiving only marginal attention from mainstream audiences, and, further, from being often branded and vilified as troublemakers, extremists, fanatics who are conceived as acting against the national interest, and ignorant of the realities of life and industry. At the same time they are extolled by some in strongly positive terms due to their demands for compassion, care and assistance for those who are voiceless and unable to protest their treatment or change the circumstances of their own suffering. This paper thus examines the public relations and counter-branding work carried out by one animal advocacy organisation, Animals Australia, to re-brand itself so as to effectively address and engage mainstream Australians in its public relations campaigns for improving the welfare of livestock animals. Through a conceptual and semiotic analysis of the organisation's investigative and campaigning work, and the way this has been constructed and framed more broadly, we demonstrate this counter-branding effort, and consider what it is making possible for the organisation and for its animal activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Uruguay is widely known as a pioneer country regarding cannabis regulation policies, as it was the first state to regulate the cannabis market for both recreational and medicinal purposes in 2013. However, not all aspects of the regulation have moved forward at the same speed. Medicinal uses keep facing several challenges that undermine patients' effective access to treatments and products. What are those persistent challenges for the medicinal cannabis policy in Uruguay? This paper aims to describe and understand the current state of medicinal cannabis in the country and identify the most critical challenges and conflicting forces for its proper implementation. Methods: To do so, we conduct twelve in-depth interviews with key informants, including governments officials, activists, entrepreneurs, researchers, and doctors. These interviews are complemented with information from the congressional committees' public records and other documentary sources. Results: This research shows that the legal framework was thought to assure quality products over access. The main challenges of medicinal cannabis in Uruguay are related to three issues: (i) the timid development of the industry, (ii) a limited and expensive supply, and (iii) the emergence of an informal productive sector. Conclusions: The political decisions regarding medicinal cannabis made in the last seven years have derived from a halfway policy that fails to guarantee patient access or promote the growth of a vibrant national industry. Positively, the several actors involved are aware of the extent of these challenges and new decisions have been made to overcome them, meaning that monitoring the future of the policy is very much needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The protests of December 2001 in Argentina were the most visible manifestation of a larger cycle of contention, which continues to have a substantial influence on the forms, tactics and goals of social movements throughout the country. This paper provides a critical overview of these lasting effects. In particular, we focus on three areas where the consequences of the crisis for collective action have been particularly strong: performative politics, coalition‐building, and institutional support for grassroots networks. We conclude by reflecting on the implications for participatory democracy and the consolidation of a highly engaged civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to understand the reasons behind youth's disinterest and disengagement in student politics in Pakistan through the experiences of politically active students. The methodology employed includes qualitative methods and in-depth interviews of student activists based on purposive sampling and snowball sampling. The findings reveal the complex relationship between the ban on student politics, violence, and disinterest of the students, by calling into question the oversimplified notion of violence. The findings also highlight the issues of relatedness and alienation within student organizations and emphasize the approach of building inclusive and meaningful relationships. The study adds to the body of knowledge by offering insightful analysis and suggestions for governments, academic institutions, and student organizations to re-engage youth in meaningful political engagement. In the end, the study seeks to create a more diverse and active student political climate in Pakistan by bridging the gap between student activism and the disengaged majority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal for Sociology of Education & Socialization / Zeitschrift für Soziologie der Erziehung & Sozialisation is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Part 2 of this article continues its investigation into the relationships between Scots and Italy, as seen through books of friendship, by considering additional socioprofessional categories beyond the academic and military worlds. Among the political activists considered is David Graham of Fintry, a Marian and member of the Catholic party, whose album is studied in great depth. It is a key document for our further knowledge of his activities as a courier and intelligencer for Scottish Catholic interests in Europe and adds to the scholarly understanding of his political involvement in the Counter-Reformation. More broadly speaking, friendship albums shed light on Scottish activists' politico-religious networking processes and their connections with middle-ranking and regional intermediaries, at times in key locations or seats of power. As with the military officers studied in Part 1, it transpires from these contacts that there were lighter moments for artistic and cultural activities or edification. In correlation, the few ecclesiastical contributions studied in this paper cast light on a fluid matrix of information and networks and highlight their potential influences, both negative and positive. Indeed, there were risks involved in being in contact with dubious characters, whereas tapping into a rich circle of contacts with courtiers could present opportunities and patronage. For Scottish scientists, the genre of alba amicorum is particularly important, not so much to highlight their side activities as to lay the foundations for their subsequent careers and establish the potential links and backgrounds that underscore their subsequent scientific tasks, achievements, and modus operandi in their professional roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the connections that social media (SM) users develop with social media activists (SMAs) aligned with a politically active military organization, and how this connectedness influences their political behaviours, using a survey data (n = 501) from Pakistan. Partial least square (PLS) structural equation modelling was used to test the conceptual model, which demonstrates that the citizen's connectedness with military related SMAs was significant and positively associated with their online political participation and voting realignment during 2018 general elections in Pakistan. The results further revealed that the offline political activities were strongly related with online political participation in Pakistan. The study brings novel insights into the military's use of social media and its impact on electoral politics during the post-authoritarian period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is generally agreed that sporting role models (SRM) can inspire behaviour and attitude. This paper explores the influence of three contemporary Indigenous Australian sportswomen, and in doing so, their role as SRMs for women and girls. By applying and extending Marianne Meier's (2015) theoretical lens, the actions, voices and influences of the women are considered. Meier recognizes and describes nine functions of SRMs. The voices of the Indigenous female athletes are portrayed through a media analysis including the athletes' own social media commentary alongside mainstream media over a four-year period from 2017 to 2021. Examining the Indigenous sportswomen's SRM status enables a layered and deeper understanding of the unique platform provided by sport, which can serve to strengthen their voices and influence. Indigenous Australian sportswomen are constructed in complex and sometimes contradictory ways, at times portrayed as advocates, deviants, sporting ambassadors, and political activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mapping the challenges and assets of a community for driving development strategies applies to many methods, yet it can be difficult to reflect residents' collective concerns and interests. This paper reports and critically reflects on an educational exercise of design thinking and story mapping in Cairo's Zabbaleen community, a hard-to-reach disadvantaged group comprised of exclusively low-income Christian garbage collectors. The article investigates the potentials and challenges of the tools employed to better facilitate the social learning process that is centered on understanding the underlying challenges and assets in disadvantaged communities. It concludes that designers and educators learned that they need to better incorporate community development principles of local self-determination, self-help and community participation into the design process. Students learned that community members cannot be passive recipients of academic concepts. The study demonstrates a need for an integration of professional or technical knowledge with indigenous knowledge and perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseño y Comunicación is the property of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseno y Comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The contemporary Religious Left (RL) in the United States has proven to be somewhat of an enigma, both for academics and for the activists and voters who desire such a movement to thrive. In this paper, I look at one piece of the puzzle: is the RL able to mobilize supporters to political activity? Combining data from both the individual and movement level, this paper tests whether activity at the movement level of the RL can translate into individual supporters' political activity. Using existing data for 2008 and newly collected data on the RL in the 2016 election cycle, I find that the movement was successful in mobilizing constituents in 2008, but not in 2016. This can be linked to the Democrats' effort to engage religious voters in 2008, and its inability to do so in 2016. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has over the decades been a recrudescence of francophobia in many francophone African countries. This has attracted the attention of scholars across the world and has fuelled a discourse which has myopically constructed francophone Africans' francophobic sentiments either as a purely xenophobic movement or a nationalist feeling. Meanwhile, for many members of the African diasporas and intelligentsia, francophobia is essentially an expression of their pan-African convictions. In effect, for many francophone pan-African political activists, the act of fighting and mitigating neocolonialism in their countries is inextricably tantamount to exhibiting francophobic sentiments. Such an act is also tantamount to deploying various forms of animosity against France. This is so perhaps because France is arguably perceived as the most dominant neocolonial force in their countries. In this paper, this popular trend is illustrated with close respect to the Cameroonian experience. Using secondary sources and critical observations, the paper specifically looks at how various manifestations of French neocolonialism have given birth to waves of anti-French sentiments among the intelligentsia and in the media; and how this anti-French feeling is mostly expressed in the name of Pan-Africanism. The paper thus examines how Pan-Africanism has, to both the Cameroonian intelligentsia and the media, meant adopting a virulent anti-French discourse or rhetoric. In line with this central objective, the paper answers three principal research questions: what body of evidence proves that there is French neocolonialism in Cameroon? How has French neocolonialism engendered a virulent pan-African discourse that is basically anti-French? And how has this pan-African francophobic discourse been observed or manifested among the Cameroonian intelligentsia and in the country's private media? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper, framed by debates around diasporic nationalisms, examines how the war in Syria is reconfiguring political orientations and affiliations within and beyond migrant Syrian-Australian communities. Focusing on activists involved in the Hands Off Syria movement, a response to Western involvement in conflict in the Middle East, it considers the relational and situated nature of these reconfigurations. This paper the entanglement of age, religion, technology and gender in local and global contexts. The paper argues that we can't simply continue to characterise long-distance politics through humanist and nationalist frames, but rather as a dynamic, cosmopolitical space which entails the negotiation of political positions and the articulation of diverse sites of the political, addressing questions of scale and audience across the local, national and international worlds these activists inhabit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Music, songs and chants are an integral part of the Yorùbá society. As a sequel to this, many scholars have carried out notable research works on the use of songs and chants in traditional festivals. However, not much has been done on their use for political satire, particularly as projected by Yoruba playwrights in their works. This paper therefore focuses on the use of songs and chants for the purpose of political protests, criticism and solidarity in Akínwùmí Ìṣhòḷ á’s Ṣaworoidẹ, (2007), a sociopolitical satire against dubious politicians in Nigeria. Fishman's definitional theory of sociolinguistics as modified by Olúwadorò (2018, 2019) was used as the theoretical framework. Our data comprise 9 songs and 5 chants used by the actors in the play. The songs and chants discussed in this paper could be grouped into three major parts, on the bases of the singers/chanters position in Jogbo kingdom and the purposes for which they were rendered. The first groups were used by concerned elders in the land to criticize and condemn the duplicity, greed and corruption of the politicians and warn them on the certainty of Nemesis. The second groups were used by political activists to denigrate the political leaders' incompetence and celebrate their downfall. The third groups were used by political sycophant's to secure patronage from the politicians and enjoy protection under their leadership. Songs and chants as used in Saworoide are veritable weapons in the hands of socio-political activists to criticize, warn or express solidarity for politicians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how the trope of authenticity is communicated and enacted in environmental movements. The paper employs Deleuze’s concept of le pli, or the fold, and Deleuze and Guattari’s concept of faciality to argue that political subjects in the environmental movement emerge through folding the preoccupation with authenticity that they observe in news media, oil pipeline advertising and environmental activists’ campaigns, as a relationship they can develop to themselves. Taking a de-centred audience studies approach, this paper shows how authenticity is a state that can be acquired, sustained and lost through authenticity enactments and image relationships that work in relation to hypocrisy micropolitics. The paper argues that the preoccupation with authenticity events as a technology of subjectification becomes an object of concern for political subjects in social and environmental movements, and authenticity becomes an affective texture that is spatially and temporally produced. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Social & Cultural Geography is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The idea of the “activist client” is intended to be taken both literally and metaphorically—applying to some extent to a wider range of clients than actual activists. The paper develops a set of ideas about a “political turn” in psychotherapy and psychoanalysis, using the tag “the inner politician.” There is a focus on working directly with political material in the session, and the pros and cos of this practice are reviewed. Wider issues such as social responsibility and social spirituality are discussed, as well as an exploration of the limits of individual responsibility. Some specific topics covered in the paper include the political roots of depression, difficulties with the concept of the therapeutic alliance from the point of view of democratic perspectives on clinical work, and a challenge to the unquestioned valuing of empathy (based on a reading of therapy though a Brechtian lens). There are numerous clinical examples. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Inspired by the life-altering passion of Alexander and Eliza Hamilton as depicted in the musicalHamilton, I read Samuels’s paper through the construct of revolution as an idea as well as a practice. Largely in agreement with the concepts of Samuels’s paper, this response presents a three-tiered pragmatic project for how to create the activist-client: client-centered narratives, diversity theory, and financial flexibility. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Purpose: This paper aims to shed light on the emerging position of companies taking stances on sociopolitical issues and the impact this has on consumers. Design/methodology/approach: The paper uses focus groups, interviews and consumer experiments in various countries, to provide insights as to why brands are taking sociopolitical stances. Findings: Consumers expect brands to take a stance on sociopolitical issues. However, to be credible, a stance needs to be rooted in a long-term commitment that aligns with the brand's strategy and values. Perceived authenticity is key. Research limitations/implications: Future studies should aim at broader generalizability and should address various industries. Practical implications: Differentiating a brand through a sociopolitical stance requires a strategic approach. Brand managers need to identify which issues they should support, how to engage with them and the risks and opportunities involved. Originality/value: While the impact of brands adopting a sociopolitical stance has been discussed in the mainstream media, there has been a lack of empirical evidence to support the arguments. The results of the four studies discussed in the paper provide insights and demonstrate the brand-related opportunities and risks of taking a sociopolitical stance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Filozofija i Drustvo is the property of University of Belgrade, Institute for Philosophy & Social Theory and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores the case of Barents Pride, an event organized collaboratively by Russian and Norwegian LGBT+ activists located close to the Norwegian–Russian border. The idea of the Pride is to bring LGBT+ people and activists from Russia, where state pressure limits possibilities of organizing prides, to Norway and to express solidarity across borders. We use this case to investigate pitfalls and promises of queer transnational solidarities, to contest notions of center/periphery, the North/South–East/West division and to analyze how sexuality simultaneously enforces and destabilizes these dichotomies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the collaborative process of creating covers for Feminist Review issues through collaging. It explores how this process embodies feminist values and promotes collective engagement. It also draws inspiration from the works of artists, activists, and zinesters like Ana Luísa Flores, Camila Mudrek, and Carla Duarte.

The village of Miska is one of the 530 Palestinian localities destroyed during the Palestinian Nakba (Arabic for great calamity, catastrophe, or devastation). Although the ruins of these places are part of the Israeli landscape, and most Israeli Jews have some knowledge about the Nakba, they do not understand its meaning. In this paper, I deploy Hannah Arendt's distinction between knowing and understanding to answer the question of how the Nakba can at once be known but not understood by Israeli Jews. Drawing on the tours conducted by the activist organization Zochrot (Hebrew for 'we remember') to the ruins of Miska, I argue that the embodied and symbolic practices conducted during the tours to Miska can work to challenge the gap between knowing and understanding by creating a different perspective on the Nakba. From this perspective, the Nakba is not only understood as the memory of the 'other'—that is, the Palestinian memory of the place—but is understood as a complex memory that embodies a dialectical relationship between Jewish and Palestinian remembrances: a potentially common memory of the place and the basis for the imagining of a common future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Claims of structural injustice are difficult to hear for those in positions of social advantage, where listening and response are needed most. Most activist strategies focus primarily on "disruptive" politics, which exerts pressure on decision-makers via a pragmatics of directness, expediency, and force. This paper argues that the particular "structures of feeling" that make listening difficult for advantaged groups call for a different kind of activism. It draws on interdisciplinary expertise from four sectors effective in fostering listening in the face of challenge – conflict mediation, therapy, education, and performance – to articulate three common features that enable transformation in these sites. Each of these more "poetic" qualities runs counter to the logic of most activist politics, and holds significant potential for civic interventions that seek to open closures and soften resistances to claims of structural injustice among socially advantaged groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper integrates the scholarship on compliance with international human rights courts to reflect upon how the literature approaches delays and compliance cycles. Building on this review, we propose a new analytical approach that helps distinguish between reparations prone to immediate or protracted implementation. We introduce two metrics to facilitate the interpretation of delays: the yearly probability of compliance and the expected time to compliance. We also show, using machine-learning tools, how scholars can reconstruct life cycles of compliance. The article illustrates the utility of this approach with an analysis of all cases decided by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR) between 1989 and 2019. This analytical framework provides critical insights for courts and activists seeking to promote interventions at key moments when compliance is most likely. Moreover, the study underscores important lessons for the Inter-American Human Rights System. Current concerns about a compliance "crisis" at the IACtHR partly reflect a failure to distinguish between reparation types and the Court's preference for reparations requiring protracted implementation. By modeling compliance life cycles, our study opens a promising research avenue that can facilitate effectual and timely policy intervention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical food scholars have argued that activists' political ideologies and environmental values are important influences on their food justice projects. However, this body of work has given little attention to religion and spirituality even though religious studies scholars maintain that religious values affect environmental and social action. Bringing together these perspectives considers the way religious values and meaning making intersect with actions toward food justice outside of traditionally religious spaces. This paper draws on qualitative research, including a dozen interviews and 11 months of participant observation, at Franklinton Farms, a nonprofit urban farm in Columbus, Ohio. I demonstrate that Franklinton Farms team members reference diverse religious values and practices when explaining the meaning and significance of their farming. In addition, I argue that they renegotiate their religious values in light of the injustices they see in the food system. By examining religion and spirituality within a secular food space, this paper sheds light on an underexplored influence on whether and how alternative food spaces realize food justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The papers in this Symposium reflect a growing body of work within and around the Academy of Management among scholars and activists who share a double conviction that (a) the socioeconomic structures that dominate the world today can and should be replaced by ones that better support human flourishing, and (b) the contours of more appropriate structures are already emerging. Members of this loose community of scholars and activists have different views of the root causes of the current structures' inadequacy, and different views on what kinds of alternatives are the most promising, butwe share a sense of urgency in questioning the prevailing political-economic (dis-)order. This introduction offers some thoughts on an agenda of research that might guide the work of this emerging community of progressive management scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We wonder if URBANISM and PLANNING can themselves become far less institutionalized, or if self-organizing and autonomous movements can find ways to bridge together what so far have remained disconnected and isolated experiences. We look for an urbanism won by the various agendas of the many social movements and activists that might also provoke theoretical reflection on what might be termed 'an extitutional urbanism'. In this paper we identify different approaches to urbanism in Latin America from an historical point of view, as well as from who is taking ahead the tasks of planning and managing our cities nowadays. This is a spatial world where the dynamics and non-linear movements of actors, spaces, technologies, and ecologies cease to be impediments and become resources for urbanism, economics, and contemporary politics (Manuel de Landa, 1997). The only thing that is not allowed is the non-relation of all of the multiplicities in space and time (Tirado and Domènech 2001). We need to go beyond political and capital control to generate these types of environments in order to promote socio-cultural, economic and environmental justice in making cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the conceptualization of freedom in the memoir of the Iranian-American journalist and media activist, Masih Alinejad. It examines The Wind in My Hair: My fight for Freedum in Modem Iran (2018) with respect to Alinejad's activism in the "Woman, Life, Freedom" movement in Iran. The paper utilizes a critical framework drawn from feminist critiques of neoliberal feminism and Derridean hospitality to focus on Alinejad's repetition of the narratives of model minority and American exceptionalism. These neoliheral narratives have the potential to turn both Iran and the United States into inhospitable places for women. The paper concludes that an intersectional examination of Alinajad' s neoliberal approach to the experiences of women in both the United States and Iran will demonstrate that it does not coincide with the demands of "Woman, Life, freedom". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos de Literatura is the property of Pontificia Universidad Javeriana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of the Institute of Croatian History / Radovi Zavoda za Hrvatsku Povijest is the property of Zavod za Hrvatsku Povijest, Filozofski Fakultet and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Nottingham French Studies is the property of Edinburgh University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Historical assessments of the 1907 Hague Peace Conference, such as its 1899 predecessor, are usually framed in verdicts of success or failure. Although some specialist accounts rightly portray the Hague meetings as both successful and important, most analyses of the period emphasize their shortcomings, not least the failure to prevent war in 1914. This article interrogates why the existing historiography is framed in this simplistic—and ultimately misleading—success/failure dichotomy. Focusing on hopes and aspirations regarding disarmament ahead of the 1907 Hague Conference, it contends that networks of European and American citizen activists, by doing so much to bring the conference about and legitimizing disarmament as a topic for diplomatic discussion, ensured that immediate verdicts of the conference's work focused on the (practically nonexistent) outcomes in this domain. This lack of progress overshadowed all other accomplishments of the second Hague conference and established, well before 1914, a prevailing narrative of failure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper offers a critical discursive and pragmatic analysis of a corpus of hateful Facebook and Twitters status updates of politicians, political activists and voters in the 2016 pre-and-post election period, in Macedonia. Aiming to determine how power is exerted on social media, the paper focuses on identifying the stance social media users take when posting messages with political content. The analysis first attempted to unveil what speech acts the hateful posts are predominantly composed of (e.g. assertive, directives, expressives), what roles the authors of the posts normally assume, who the hateful political discourse in the given socio-political context is directed to, as well as what are some of the predominant linguistic strategies underlying the analysed hateful comments. The results show that, by using mostly assertive and expressive speech acts, social media users assume mainly the roles of analysts and judges and only subsequently the one of activists, they mostly address politicians directly and they use a lot of negative lexis, rhetorical figures and boosters as interpersonal metadiscourse markers to express their negative stance and exert power and dominance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the history of how activists and intellectuals crafted the legacy of W.E.B. Du Bois as a Black radical intellectual. Topics covered include the specific roles played by Shirley Graham Du Bois and David Graham Du Bois in curating Du Bois' memory, a 1971 essay collection by scholar G. B. Starushenko commenting on Du Bois's legacy, and the rise of the W.E.B. DuBois Clubs and ceremonial gestures designed to commemorate his life and ideas around the same period.

Copyright of International Interactions is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The national economic position of Black Americans has for decades included unemployment rates that are double those of Whites and a racial wealth gap of 13 to 1. Barriers to employment in the construction industry are among the many contributing factors. In 2010, I participated in the creation of an alliance to challenge the exclusion of African American organizations from discussions on the Oakland Army Base redevelopment project. This paper introduces the broad range of urban activist scholarship and then describes this particular activist campaign and its success in raising the percentage of hours worked by African Americans in construction jobs on this project. It uses a critical race theory framework to explore the necessity of a race-conscious approach to campaigns on such issues as local hire. It also describes the methodology of a long-term resident participating in the daily life of a city as a scholar-activist analyzing the urban issues that emerge. The paper concludes with recommendations to activists, policymakers, and scholars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent climate activism has played a key role in denouncing the unsustainability of representative democracy. Previous research has investigated the attitudes of climate activists towards representative institutions along the conceptual distinction between 'environmental' and 'ecological' democracy. Yet, little attention has been paid to climate activists' critique of capitalism and how it relates to demands for democratic reform. Our paper addresses this gap by conducting a mixed-method analysis of protest survey data collected in Belgium in 2019. Our findings show that activists display low levels of trust towards representative institutions, but still abide by the ideals of environmental democracy within the boundaries of existing institutions. At the same time, we observe a widespread critique of capitalism, signaling attraction towards the ideals of ecological democracy. Overall, our findings challenge the binary distinction between environmental versus ecological democracy, and raises normative questions about the role of environmental social movements in economic and democratic reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This photographic essay reflects on fugitive forms of protest in Hong Kong. Photographs span the peak of the prodemocracy movement in 2019 to current postactivist practices of protesting otherwise in 2023. In the face of state surveillance and repression, even the slogan 光復香港時代革命 (Liberate Hong Kong! Revolution of our times!) became illegal, and spaces that were previously animated with revolutionary dreams now stand stark, quiet, and apparently immobilized. International media accounts portray today's Hong Kong as a monolithically hopeless place drowning in political despair. We offer these images to create a new narrative, one that insists on the ongoing fugitive experiments in what is still a dynamic and becoming-otherwise city. Coded language games proliferate around Hong Kong, from cupcakes to graffiti to license plates. Much of today's political action capitalizes on censorship itself, deploying gaps and absences such as blank pieces of paper as a mode of protest. We show how activists draw on the capaciousness of such symbols to build emergent cartographies of open experimentation, transnational solidarity, and defiant rebellion. Our invitation is to become fugitive anthropologists who might augment these possibilities percolating, harboring, and emerging in and from the cracks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper, coauthored by a graduate student, a professor of education, and four early-career teachers, extends recent scholarly efforts to understand how teachers develop activist identities and how teacher education might support this development. Four researcher-participants, practicing teachers, composed narratives that trace their journeys as secondary students through their undergraduate and graduate coursework and, finally, into the early years of their teaching careers, with specific attention to how they came to identify as educational activists. Drawing on practice theories of identities, we collaboratively analyzed these narratives, considering the intertwined internal processes, interpersonal dynamics, and contextual dimensions that shape early-career teachers' understandings of themselves as activists and approaches to educational activism. We conclude with implications for educator preparation programs, highlighting the importance of supporting individual reflection, providing sustained opportunities to develop critical consciousness through supportive relationships, and explicitly teaching aspiring and current teachers to seek out and create contexts that will allow them to engage effectively in educational activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Agenda 2030 with the Sustainable Development Goals makes the transformative pledge to 'leave no one behind.' This paper asks how Agenda 2030 bring certain gendered vulnerabilities to light and make others invisible, and how this affects that transformative pledge. Through a close reading supported by Chantal Mouffe and Ernesto Laclau's discourse theory we explore the concept of gender in Agenda 2030 and how it captures gendered vulnerabilities. For contrast, we analyzed a statement by Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity and Expression (SOGIE) activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the development of environmental activism in the Czech Republic since the country joined the European Union (EU) in 2004. We argue that even under similar contextual conditions political activists come up with and develop their course of action and strategies on the basis of their strategic capacity and do not necessarily follow a uniform pattern determined by the given contextual settings. In this respect, in addition to bringing a new analysis of post-accession activism in the Czech Republic, the article argues for an actor-centred understanding of political activism and social movements. Since the field of social movement studies is still dominated by the structuralist understanding of activism, this forms a relevant contribution to the discipline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The combined impacts of COVID-19 and global climate change are destabilising the infrastructures and future prospects of formal educational systems, with schools and universities struggling to adapt to conditions of radical precarity. At the same time, activist movements are generating alter-educational platforms that reappropriate the learning infrastructures of cities as mobile architectures of pedagogical resistance. Building on Harney and Moten's The Undercommons, this paper discusses transnational examples of radical pedagogies that engage the city as an ecology of deformalised study. We highlight examples from Melbourne's COVID-19 lockdown regime, emphasising how informal study enabled community-led responses to crisis at city-scale. We then turn to urban ecologies of study arising from contemporary activist movements, drawing connections between protest movements in Hong Kong and Deleuze and Guattari's concept of the 'war machine'. This leads to a speculative re-imagining of alternative educational values and futures within a milieu of activist study, care, and resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the career of the prominent intellectual and activist Zachariah Keodirelang Matthews and his efforts to promote higher education for black South Africans during the mid-twentieth century. Popular narratives of South African history often tend to downplay or discredit the moderation, pragmatism and cultural diversity of Matthews and his generation and instead emphasize the growth of black solidarity and militancy, but study of Matthews’ writings reveals the important role of old liberal ideas in African nationalism, including an enduring faith in the power of knowledge and an expectation that justice would eventually prevail. The life and work of Z.K. Matthews demonstrates how an African teacher and scholar could steadfastly resist European domination while simultaneously maintaining belief in the essential oneness of humanity and hope for the future of South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]