Search

The primacy of networks vs. identities divides research on activism. Analyzing activist commitment in CasaPound, a movement organization of the far right in contemporary Italy, this paper advances a sequential multipath theory of activist commitment. In the recruitment phase either networks or identities suffice for movement entry. During the follow-up phase of integration, networks and identities reinforce each other: each is a necessary but no longer a sufficient condition. In the final phase, commitment is solidified by affective ties and emotional investments. To make this argument, our theory introduces a typology that differentiates between coming home and finding home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Islamika is the property of Center for the Study of Islam & Society of UIN Jakarta and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Global Media Journal: Turkish Edition is the property of Global Media Journal, Turkish Edition and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines how working-class activists challenged and overcame political fear narratives during the anti-water charges campaign in Ireland (2014–2016), with specific focus on the ‘sinister’ narrative, an attempt by the government and its supporters to frame working-class protestors as violent, irrational and extremist. Rather than subscribing to the position that political fear is ubiquitous or the reflection of a general societal malaise, this paper follows Jeffries’ argument that political fear is mediated, contested and contradicted. While political fear operates most effectively when targeting expectations for normal living, it is these same expectations that offer fertile ground for opposing fear threats. Drawing on interviews from activists, this paper shows how the ‘normal living’ becomes a key context in which ‘deviance framing’ around class and gender can be reappropriated/reframed by activists, particularly through the deployment of counter spectacles and through the reframing of what constitutes legitimate emotional responses to government-initiated fear threats. Finally, while political fear can have an individualising effect, this paper demonstrates how subjective and individual acts of transgression are mediated through a collective and community lens as the crucial element in overcoming political fear. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this brief essay, I offer reflection on Norman Denzin's role as an academic activist in qualitative inquiry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper combines conceptual and documentary analysis to critique the recent introduction of ACEs (Adverse Childhood Experiences) in Scottish social policy, highlighting the role of the ACE-Aware Nation 'movement' and its positioning of the ACEs model through its campaigning activities. Consideration is given to the role of a sophisticated network of policy entrepreneurs and the commercial and political interests at play. Reflection is offered on the critical activist responses to this campaign that seek to highlight the socio-economic and political underpinnings of childhood trauma, which are largely absent in the ACEs model. The argument is that these policy developments amount to a recent turn to the ACEs model as a simplistic solution to complex social problems – a solution that is shown to be ultimately flawed in several respects. This analysis reveals the contradictions, conflicts and confusion that have emerged within the ACEs discourse, caused in the main by heuristic thinking and the conceptual inadequacies, misuses and misunderstandings of the ACEs model. The paper concludes that policy makers and practitioners should exercise caution in their appraisal of the ACEs model and the associated movement in Scotland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We use the events of the civil rights movement of the 1960s as context in exploring deployment of ethical principles associated with activist democratic theory by New York Times editors. The ethical framework helped shape coverage of perceived injustices against minorities and set the tenor of confrontation with public officials. Subscription to activist journalism ethics assumes a lack of fairness in liberal democratic processes that take place within unequal social, economic, and political environments. These media tend to challenge the status quo more vigorously than do other media. A content analysis shows that the Times pursued the civil rights story with an activist zeal that got it entangled in the historic Sullivan libel lawsuit of 1960. The paper did not scale back its tone in challenging the social order in the South – even in the face of physical intimidation of reporters and in spite of the widely assumed 'chilling effects' of libel. This suggests that when media cover certain issues in an activist spirit, conventional restraints engendered by fear of libel may lose effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the relationship between activism, the individual and the lifecourse, this paper argues for the importance of conceptualising activism as a dynamic temporal, as well as spatial, process. Transferring Nancy Worth's understanding of youth transitions "as becoming" onto activism, and using empirical research with adults who were involved in organisationally mediated activism as young people, three states of activism are offered and considered: circumstantial, dormant and embedded. Firstly activism that is circumstantial, important in the moment, is shown to play a significant role for young people in making possible multiple potential futures. Exploring these connections between the past and future unsettles the recent (over)emphasis in the studies of children and young people and P/politics, of the "here and now". Secondly, it is argued that when involvement in organisationally mediated activism has finished, these experiences of activism have not ended but are dormant. They may be rejuvenated and curated at a different position in the lifecourse or following a new moment of conscientisation. Thirdly, contributing to a growing body of literature within activist geographies, instances where activism has become embedded in everyday spaces are examined. Complex transitions to adulthood are suggested to contribute to the nature of activism in these spaces. Going beyond the documentation of small-scale activisms, these activisms are also presented as entwined with other scales. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is little existing research on the ethical issues facing researchers amongst resistance activists in conflict settings. This paper engages this research gap using the case study of field research amongst resistance activists in Moroccan-occupied Western Sahara. It argues that fieldwork amongst activists resisting authoritarian regimes involves unique ethical challenges. Researchers and academic institutions must overcome these challenges if Resistance Studies is to continue to flourish as a discipline. Sometimes, this paper contends, the most ethical way to surmount said challenges necessitates undermining some of the traditional plinths of academic ethical frameworks. The paper makes two further, interlinked arguments: firstly, research amongst resistance activists demands a highly-nuanced and politically- aware approach with regards to ethical considerations. Secondly, however, the researcher under review can only demand such flexible treatment if she is prepared to actively contribute to the resistance struggle that she studies. This is because an activist standpoint is the only ethical response, the paper argues, to the particular ethical challenges associated with researching resistance to an authoritarian regime. In summary, we need an understanding of activist ethics from researchers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose What it is like to experience being the subject of the research process when you are an actor within a new social movement organization? And what lessons can be learned for researchers engaging with members of New Social Movements? Debates on engagement and the relationship between the researcher and the researched so far have taken the perspective solely of the researcher. Based on insights gained by full participation in a horizontal worker cooperative, the purpose of this paper is to contribute to the facilitation of more fruitful, mutually engaging research relations between organizational theory scholars and members of New Social Movement organizations by voicing the researched in this debate.Design/methodology/approach After providing some accounts from the researched point of view, the paper focuses on crafting an appropriate research process based on participatory action research (PAR) ethos and experience.Findings Since the research findings suggest that PAR combines elements that both trouble and inspire research participants, namely, workload/availability and relevancy/contribution in practice, the authors introduce and provide a case study of responsive action research that emphasizes adaptation and responsiveness in the research process instead of shared governance.Originality/value The originality of this paper lies in voicing the research participants with the aim to aid both scholars and social movements adopt appropriate research designs for the mutual benefit of both theory/action and researchers/researched (even when researchers are already active in the field). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Networks of solidarity and reciprocity based on kinship, religious or political affiliations are often crucial for survival in the poorest neighbourhoods of the capital of Madagascar, but they are not the only social relationships that people can activate. Quite often, more informal networks based on friendship, the shared experience of living in the same neighbourhood, and generational links are an indispensable asset for navigating the social and economic marginality that characterises the everyday life of neighbourhoods in the bas quartiers. This paper explores how relationships of solidarity are developed, contested and renegotiated by elderly people of the bas quartiers whose friendship was forged during the demonstrations that in 1972 contributed to the fall of the First Republic. Their networks of solidarity show how notions and practices of mutual aid need to be actively constructed by individuals, not in abstract terms, but through a constant interweaving of social relationships that were the by-product of structural forces reproducing social and economic inequalities, particular historical events that marked the shared experience of a given generation and the practical and everyday efforts of people to navigate their marginality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Hispanic Higher Education is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper is devoted to a critical analysis of the discourse on Autonomní sociální centrum Klinika (Autonomous Social Centre Klinika) that was of high relevance in the Czech public sphere in 2014--2019. The Klinika centre was founded in Prague by a group of civic activists in a building owned by the Czech state which had long fallen into ruin. In 2014 they entered it without the owner's consent. Both demonstrations in support of the centre and repeated police interventions attracted intense media attention, while control over identities, meanings and relations was disputed until the police clear-out in 2019. We aimed to discover what discourse strategies were chosen by particular social actors and what meaning configurations were created in their texts. Based on a) a set of qualitative analyses of nomination and predication strategies (Wodak, 2001; Wodak & Reisigl, 2009) in five initial discourse phase texts and b) frequency analysis of two large corpora representing Klinika supporters and media mainstream, we carried out a detailed concordance analysis of the relation between the activists' group and the citizen category. Using the methods of corpus-assisted critical discourse analysis (e.g., Baker, 2006; Baker et al., 2008), we focused on the question of to what extent, in which contexts and via which discourse processes Klinika ended up outside or inside the ingroup. The main finding is that by keeping control over the concept of citizen, Klinika's final displacement in January 2019 did not mean its discursive defeat. In fact, activists managed to keep their story about a civic opposition against an incompetent power. State violence terminating the existence of the Klinika centre only confirmed its discursive victory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Latinoamericana de Geografia e Gênero is the property of Revista Latinoamericana de Geografia e Genero and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pedagogía Social is the property of Pedagogia Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper, I explore how teaching can be an act of activism; a way of hacking the neoliberal university. In doing so, I draw on our experiences with the course "Resistance, Power and Movements." I argue that activist teaching not only involves teaching about issues related to social justice and resistance, but also engaged, horizontal teaching methods, as well as self-reflection. This implies a process of double contention. On the one hand, the course resists the outcome-oriented university that we work in by focusing on learning as a process and a form of reflection. On the other hand, the lecturers of the course seek to equip students with tools and knowledge to not only understand social change, but also become part of it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Temas Americanistas is the property of Temas Americanistas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper assesses the Spanish housing activists Plataforma de Afectados por La Hipoteca (PAH, Platform for the Mortgage-Affected) as an example of left-wing convergence. From the perspective of the horizontal democratic practices and civil disobedience tactics they adopt, the paper acknowledges the anarchist, Marxist and reformist influences in PAH and reveals how the creative tension between activists of different persuasions has aided the movement's relative success. In harnessing and transforming the revolutionary subjectivity of the movement of the squares in 2011, PAH has in turn led to a broader urban radical politics. This new revolutionary subjectivity captures PAH's legacy and positioning within broader anti-austerity politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is twofold. First, this paper seeks to formalize a definition of activist entrepreneurship and differentiate it from social entrepreneurship. Second, this paper proposes a model that explains how the storytelling process, in the form of the message and means of communication, influences the activist identity process and consequently the legitimacy of the activist entrepreneur. Design/methodology/approach: This paper explains the historical method and offers an overview of the unique case of Madam C.J. Walker and analyzes how she gained legitimacy as an activist entrepreneur by conveying psychological capital (Psycap) concepts in her message and political skill in the means of her communication. The paper also analyzed books being written on her and also letters that were exchanged between herself and her lawyer F.B. Ransom. Findings: The authors have found out that Madam Walker used Psycap elements such as self-efficacy, hope, resiliency and optimism as message and elements of political skill such as social astuteness, interpersonal skill, networking ability and apparent sincerity as means to communicate the message toward her followers and built a legitimate social identity where she had won the trust of them. Research limitations/implications: The primary limitation of this paper is that it is theoretical in nature and uses only one case study to support the theoretical model. However, when analyzing complex relationships, historical cases offer a wealth of insight to solve the problem at hand. Originality/value: By using the elements of the model discussed in the research paper properly, people could create a legitimate identity for themselves where any message they give to their employees, colleagues and sub-ordinates would be viewed as a selfless one and that would increase the chances of their messages or orders being accepted and obeyed by the followers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the reaction of one particular American Jewish sector - the Jewish women - and their response to Nazi persecution of European Jews in the 1930s and the 1940s. As against the widespread accusations that American Jews did not do enough to help their co-religionists during those tragic years, this paper claims that Jewish women, of all social standing - from homemakers to professionals - were actively involved in organizing rescue operations and assisting refugees. Of particular note is one extraordinary woman - Cecilia Razovsky-Davidson. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indian nationalists considered the Khilafat Movement of 1919–1924 in India as an anti-colonial movement by the Indian Muslims. Most studies on the Khilafat movement perceive it as a pan-Islamic supranational phenomenon against the British hostility toward the Sultan of Turkey. This movement provided a platform for Indian Muslim leaders, such as Abul Kalam Azad, who represented Muslim politics in post-independence India. This paper aims to unravel the trajectory of the Khilafat Movement in India and its unity with the Indian Non-Cooperation Movement. Moreover, this paper examines the effect of this confluence that prompted change in the political ideology of Abul Kalam Azad, thereby influencing his path toward becoming a national leader in Hindu majority India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Disgusted by political institutions, many activists around the world are rejecting normal politics in favor of hands-on, tangible local action. This looks similar all over the world, including in the two countries on which the paper focuses, Russia and the United States. Is it? Scholars and activists alike compare one society's activism to another; this paper suggests ways of asking useful questions in cross-national ethnographic research. Controlling the variables of cultural, political/legal, social, and spatial conditions is impossible. With so many "out of control variables", can comparison make any sense? Activists have varied "styles" (Lichterman & Eliasoph The American Journal of Sociology, 120(4): 798–863, 2014) of coordinating local activism in any country. Each style encounters different frictions, depending on a nation's specific cultural, political, social, and spatial conditions. Local, interest-based, grassroot activism is a typical American "style" and is also venerated in American cultural narratives that celebrate local democracy. American activists encounter friction when trying to enact this style, when, for example, they realize that money brings power. For Russian activists, the very same style is a "surprising discovery". Russians encounter different frictions when trying to enact this style. Examining continual, recursive pragmatic tests shows how activists move towards more, towards less, or towards different kinds of politicization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Social & Cultural Geography is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Social Anthropology / Anthropologie Sociale is the property of Berghahn Books and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores the nexus between political remittances, political activism and narratives of belonging. Drawing on semi-directive interviews with activists of three Egyptian youth groups in Vienna and a discourse analysis of their Facebook activism between 2012 and 2017, it shows that major political events in the place of origin can play a key – albeit ephemeral – role in mobilising descendants of Egyptian migrants abroad. Political discussions and practices in Egypt were reproduced abroad, though to a far less extent. However, personal experiences in Vienna also heavily impregnated ideas about events in Egypt. Interviewees emphasised that the revolution in 2011 led to a renegotiation of their relationship to Egypt and for many, their activism was a way to claim their right to multiple identity constructions. Perceiving Egypt as an integral part of their dual identity, they sought to engage in political debates on integration issues in Austria parallel to raising awareness about political events in Egypt. However, as the government grew more authoritarian after the summer of 2013, identity constructions and political activities started to focus more on the Viennese context again, underlining how closely political activities and narratives of belonging are intertwined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cadernos PAGU is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 2003, the South African government shifted AIDS policy making HIV treatment available in the public healthcare sector. The antiretroviral roll out, while hailed as a success, has required continued activism to ensure genuine implementation. Women particularly the poor, traditionally bear the brunt of the impact of HIV/AIDS socially and economically. Very often they do this in most marginalised spaces. This paper draws on theories of participation and empowerment to understand female activism during the period of antiretroviral roll out in South Africa. The paper seeks to understand how processes of empowerment linked with the first stage - access to ARVs impacted on the second stage - ARV roll out. It also considers how female activists understand their empowerment in the context of their role. The focus is grassroots activism females in Lusikisiki and Khayelitsha. This paper draws from a qualitative study on bottom-up policy advocacy utilising participatory observation and in-depth interviews with activists and civil society organisations. The main findings are that during the roll out phase of the HIV/AIDS campaign women activists worked from transformed "ways of thinking and being" in terms of HIV/AIDS and in terms of their role in the struggle for health rights. Their contesting embedded notions of power contributed to the democratisation of HIV/AIDS services. The transformation also caused shifts in the ways women mobilised, framed their understanding of the struggle and accessed participation spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reconsiders contemporary digital activism in an increasingly pious Indonesia and responds to Eva F. Nisa's 2018 paper on young Muslim women as daʾwa (proselytization) activists published in this journal. This paper asks: How have today's socially mediated publics in Indonesia influenced the figure of the daʾwa activist? How are these daʾwa activists different from those in the past? I argue that the daʾwa activists are the products of a Muslimah intimate public, part of a networked public within which young women discuss, engage with, and express how they 'feel' about issues that interest them, and celebrate self-improvement and self-enterprise, combined with religious self-cultivation. Within this public daʾwa activists have two key characteristics. First, market logics and commercial interests are fundamental to their daʾwa. Second, the daʾwa accounts frame controversial and political issues through specific visual ethics that engender a sense of intimacy with their followers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is aimed at understanding how collective action has been organised, sustained and transformed in the wake of the 2008 economic crisis by looking at three different Italian cases of Sustainable Community Movement Organisations (SCMOs): the Gruppi di Acquisto Solidale (solidarity-based consumer groups or solidarity purchasing groups – SPGs), Addiopizzo (a relatively new anti-racket organisation which literally means 'goodbye to protection money' or 'pizzo' solicited by organised crime) and Rimaflow (an Italian factory 'recovered' by its workers in 2013). More specifically, the paper aims to discuss whether, how and why Sustainable Community Movement Organisations have grown even in times of crisis. Data for the analysis come from semi-directive interviews with key actors from the three SCMOs, surveys among activists and participant observation. Our findings suggest that pre-existing crises (social and political) have provided a context for new networks of solidarity-based economy to emerge – such as in case of SPGs and Addiopizzo – but the economic crisis has either provided a way to consolidate such experiences (as in the two cases mentioned above) or it has provided an opportunity for new actions to emerge and rapidly consolidate – such as in the case of Rimaflow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to explore the enactment of a pragmatic inclusionary strategy and related tactics as a form of feminist activism in one university. Design/methodology/approach: The paper uses analytic autoethnography. Findings: It shows how it is possible for a feminist activist to create limited change in what is typically seen as an intractable indicator of gender equality, i.e. gender parity at full professorial level. Research limitations/implications: Analytic autoethnography as a method has considerable methodological limitations although it also offers insights into insider strategies and tactics. Practical implications: The identification of such a strategy and tactics may be useful to activists, decision-makers and policy makers with an interest in tackling any source of inequality. Social implications: The identification of such a strategy and tactics may be useful to activists, decision-makers and policy makers with an interest in tackling any source of inequality. Originality/value: Five tactics, reflecting a pragmatic inclusionary strategy are identified, i.e. provocative misbehaviour; individualised managing management; perverse alignments; resisting silencing and gaining legitimacy; activating latent social movement ties to change national policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Birding has long been associated with environmental activism, from its origins as a scientific hobby in the nineteenth century to today's citizen scientist birders. My research with birders shows that despite their political activism, personal actions, and ecological beliefs, many disidentify as activists or environmentalists. Using data from 30 in-depth interviews and three years of ethnographic research with birders, I argue their disidentification comes from two interrelated sources. First, these birders followed the Audubon Society's approach of strategic centrism, espousing a centrist identity and strategy of conservation. Second, these birders disidentified with the identity of "environmental activist" because of negative cultural stereotypes about environmental activists, which was bolstered by the Audubon Society's strategic centrism. These mutually reinforcing phenomena create a situation that doubly discourages these birders from identifying as environmental activists. This paper contributes to sociological understandings of the interplay between culture, identity, and environmental activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cadernos PAGU is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article sets out an emerging discourse on defining and repairing the generational spiritual consequences of racism, victimization, marginalization, and isolation experienced by women of African descent, identified in this paper as "soul trauma." Drawing on the work of W.E.B. Dubois, Joy DeGruy, Iva Carruthers, and others, it establishes the deep and deadly effect of internalized white supremacy and cultural hegemony on the identity and socialization of Black women, an effect that requires substantial work and repair beyond what established human service delivery practices can provide to the essential core of one's being, the soul. This article posits the concept and practice of Sankofa as a form of holistic medicine in the repair of Black souls, specific to the use of Kindezi, a Kikongo education system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What happens when 'the margin of manouverability' (Massumi 2015, p.3) in a specific socio-political context is buzzing with promise and possibility? What might some crafty and serious play with the feminist posthuman ethics of research/er reponse-ability (Barad, 2007) cook up in such a conducive soup? This paper shares the pARTicipatory praxis that informed the making of 'AGENDA: A Young People's Guide to Making Positive Relationships Matter' (Renold, 2016). AGENDA is a 75 page youthactivist bi-lingual (Welsh-English) interactive resource co-created with and for young people in Wales to address gendered and sexual violence. Crafted with an affirmative cut and nurturing a run-a-way praxis that secretes its own co-ordinates, AGENDA invites a care-ful re-mattering of 'what matters' when it comes to conventional healthy relationships education. The paper offers a careful cartography of how AGENDA unfolded as a lively resource that continues to matter as it connects to policy and practice assemblages that push-pull the agential becomings of AGENDA on its way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The provision of mass urban transit is frequently tied to agendas of social justice and equity. Yet there are persistent challenges to locating justice within urban mobility regimes. Drawing on two cases of transit activism – Free Transit Toronto and Black Lives Matter in the San Francisco Bay Area – this paper identifies three limitations to transport justice scholarship and practice, namely the theorization of mobility, space, and justice. These activist struggles demonstrate that justice cannot be adequately defined through an abstract accounting of how harms and benefits are distributed, but also concerns the contextual and conflictual processes of producing space and subjects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Omran for Social Sciences is the property of Arab Center for Research & Policy Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Antipode is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As in other African countries, activists in Uganda play an important role during political campaigns. Monetary handouts, called 'transport refund', often facilitate their participation. Although these handouts often cover more than just the costs of transportation, the label indicates that mobility is seen as an important financial item for campaign activists. Despite this, little has been published about the role that mobility plays in the processes of political mobilisation in Africa. This article therefore examines mobility as an important yet neglected aspect of political mobilisation by evaluating the role of motorcycle taxi riders during elections in Uganda. Usually referred to as Boda‐Bodas, they are essential short‐distance transport providers in the country. Beyond that, being Boda‐Boda has become a way of survival, a form of social organisation, and a promise that every youth can make a living if he dares to face the dangers of the country's accident‐prone roads. Politicians have since discovered the potential of these bold young men and recruit them en masse ahead of elections. Based on fieldwork conducted between 2018 and 2022, this paper examines the unique mobilities inherent in Boda‐Bodas. It finds that characteristic mobilities enable their movements as transport providers and argues that these mobilities also enhance political rallies. Boda‐Boda motorcycle riders have therefore become a crucial activist group during political campaigns in Uganda. This acticle reviews the role of Boda‐Boda motorcyclists during political rallies in Uganda. It uses a mobility lens to highlight how political mobilisation modernised through the inclusion of more mobile activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the effect of party primaries on women's chances of winning a leadership contest in eight Western parliamentary countries since 1985. By doing so, we revisit an ongoing debate about a possible trade-off between the democratic values of 'inclusion' of party members and 'representation' of excluded groups that this type of selection method may involve. Using an original data set consisting of 608 candidates who participated in 168 leadership mixed-gender contests at the national or regional level, we show that female candidates perform worse under party primaries. This finding holds even after controlling for the type of candidate competing. We therefore sustain the argument that this leadership selection mechanism, in its current format, involves a trade-off between 'inclusion' and 'representation'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociedade e Estado is the property of Sociedade e Estado and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Born in 1855, Lady Florence Dixie was a prolific writer and women's rights activist until her death in 1905. She was a poet, dramatist, novelist, travel writer, children's writer, and war correspondent. She campaigned outspokenly for educational and professional equality, the amendment of divorce and marriage laws, Scottish and Irish Home Rule, animal rights and dress reform. Yet despite this high volume of productivity and public notoriety during her lifetime, her work has been critically neglected in both the Scottish and British literary fields. This paper seeks to contribute to the ongoing work by scholars such as Valentina Bold, Catherine Barnes Stevenson, Nan Bowman Albinski, Precious McKenzie Stearns and Taryne Jade Taylor who have endeavoured to rediscover and reaffirm Dixie's life and work. This paper explores Dixie's utilisation of the speculative text for consciousness-raising (CR) purposes. It demonstrates that by combining the speculative text with an overtly political message, Dixie was able to expand the boundaries of literary genre in this period. The examples discussed illuminate Dixie's attempt to explore a more nuanced and fluid conception of gender politics, which moves beyond gender inversion or the invasion of the masculinist 'public' sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This study aims to broaden the understanding of activist public relations in developing contexts. The power of formal laws and policies in developing contexts diminishes by traditional norms and authorities, and therefore, a great deal of activist public relations efforts is devoted to controlling destructive norms and informal authorities. Activist public relations literature often assumes powerful formal institutions that are capable to control behaviors. The authors challenge this assumption by exploring activist public relations against gender-based violence (GV) in Bangladesh. Design/methodology/approach: This study took an interpretative and social constructionist approach to examine public relations practices of two GV activist organizations in Bangladesh. The data were collected through observation, interviews and document analysis of four campaigns. The data were coded in NVivo. Findings: The data show that the activist organizations used public relations campaigns for informal institutional work. The campaigns included educating various publics and storytelling to build supporting identities, norms and networks to address GV in Bangladesh. Research limitations/implications: The study has been limited to advocacy campaign of the non-governmental organizations. Practical implications: The knowledge from this study can be applied to the social development sectors where public relations is used to activate activism. In addition, the public relations practitioners and scholars can find how activists public relations is emerging in developing context. Originality/value: The findings suggest that activist public relations in developing contexts carry out institutional work and create informal institutions to compensate for the formal institutional voids. In addition, this paper highlights the role of public relations in institutional work, to create and maintain contributory institutions or disrupt disturbing institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Allied forces in occupied Japan had two main tasks: to punish and eliminate from public life those found responsible for war crimes, and to democratise the country. One of the tools used to achieve these objectives was a large-scale political purge targeted against the pre-war military and political elite, members of nationalist organisations, employees of the state administration and media, educators and business leaders. The paper examines the rationale behind the purge organized between 1945 and 1952, the assumptions upon which it was based, procedures used and the effects that it had. The main focus is on the fate of political activists. It also presents the efforts to prepare the ground in parliament for a vote on a new, pacifist constitution and the way in which Cold War tensions changed the priorities of the US occupation and lead to the so-called red purge. Selected individual cases are analysed, including that of Hatoyama Ichirō whose removal from politics and subsequent conflict with Yoshida Shigeru had far reaching implications for the post-war political scene in Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces a set of workarounds for early-career feminist academics. Successful senior women academics in feminist and other critical disciplines were asked about their experiences within the academic system, how they thrived in the neoliberal academy while practicing feminist scholarship and activism. They revealed how they paid the price for unmasking the rules of the game and working the cracks within the system. Based on their experiences the new generation of feminist activists in academia is encouraged to B-E-L-I-E-F. Altogether, the findings reveal that gender and feminist commitment add to the complexities of academic career making, and while the suggested workarounds will not bring instant revolutionary change, they can help academic activists thrive and create change through feminist scholarship and activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]