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Ever since Beijing has launched its grand transcontinental Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), President Xi's key foreign economic plan has ignited interest of policymakers and academia alike. This paper explores that under the BRI framework, China has invested billions of dollars in infrastructurebuilding in diverse regions across the globe, including South Asia where Beijing has expanded its footprints by implementing projects in various sectors. India, being wary of Chinese ambitions and intentions, has declined to join the venture as it has reservations over Xi's 'project of the century'. In response, India has come up with various initiatives to counter the growing role of Beijing in South Asia and beyond. Key Indian initiatives are examined aimed at rivalling China. For enhancing regional integration and connectivity, India, in partnership with Japan, has launched Asia-Africa Growth Corridor (AAGC). International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) is another such venture to dwarf the Chinese BRI. In collaboration with the Group of 20 (G20), New Delhi unveiled another connectivity initiative -- India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) as an alternative to the BRI. The paper concludes that although India is eager to compete with China, it does not have enough resources to match China's regarding investing and implementing mega infrastructure projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Belt and Road Initiative rattled the South Asian security environment vigorously as it involved strong territorial sensitivities of India, which found itself engaged on two fronts with Pakistan and China. The BRI has been the geoeconomic drive projecting China's peaceful rise. It has been welcomed with hope and suspicion as Western powers are equally interested in containing China in the Asian order. This paper examines BRI as a source of external transformation to the regional security complex model devised by Buzan. South Asia's inadequacies in bringing internal transformation, as envisioned by Buzan, allow the BRI to be a source of cold peace in the region. The BRI looks at decentered region-building with an appeal of great power overlay. This tier is relevant in diluting the South Asia geopolitical polarities. The paper claims that BRI influences South Asian geopolitics, where India and Pakistan are no longer locked into bipolarities. The smaller states are bandwagoning with China, and that calibrates the South Asian regional security complex. The cold peace laced with geoeconomic transformation can render a regional transformation to the security complex such that the South Asian regional security complex might dissipate into two or more mini-complexes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phenomenal increase in global temperature and variation in climate change are the replications of nature, alarming governments to limit the emissions of greenhouse gases (GHGs) and adopt green innovation and environmental-friendly clean and green technologies. In this paper, we empirically investigate whether there are any changes in excessive consumption of energy from conventional sources, expansion of urbanization, carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions, and economic growth in six different regions, namely, East Asia (EA), South Asia (SA), Southeast Asia (SEA), Central Asia (CA), Eastern Europe (EE), and the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), under the Belt and Road Initiatives of panel data over the period of 1985 to 2017. The empirical methods include a panel co-integration check, heterogeneity test, panel Granger causality test, pooled mean group (PMG), and augmented mean group (AMG). To verify the outcomes, robustness tests were carried out using the fully modified ordinary least squares (FMOLS) and dynamic ordinary least squares (DOLS) approaches. Our results confirm that CO2 emissions are primarily influenced by excessive utilization of conventional energy, economic growth, and expansion of urbanization. The findings confirm the co-integrating relationships among the variables in all six regions. Moreover, the panel causality analysis identified a bidirectional causal relationship between energy consumption, economic growth, urbanization, and CO2 emissions. While these results can play an instrumental role in formulating CO2 emission policies among our selected countries, our research can also assist policymakers and governments in other developing countries implement important policy initiatives. In this regard, the findings suggest that the current environment-related polices of Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI) do not efficiently tackle CO2 emissions. In order to achieve the CO2 emission degradation objective, the Belt and Road countries should restructure their environment-related policies by limiting the consumption of conventional energy and expansion of urbanization. The adaptation and establishment of such a panoramic policy program can assist emerging economies to acquire consolidated and environmentally sustainable economic growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a development plan proposed by China that aims to build a new platform for international cooperation and create new drivers of shared development. South Asia is a key area in the Belt and Road Initiative, including eight countries. As the BRI implemented, China's trade with South Asia has been gradually strengthened. This paper explores the influencing factors of China-South Asia trade under the background of the BRI by using Gravity Model of Trade. The results show that economic growth in China and South Asia, increase of savings rate and improvement of industrialization in South Asia has a significant positive effect on China-South Asia trade. While the development gap between China and South Asia has negative effect on China-South Asia trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its launch in 2013, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has attracted frequent commentary and analysis. Much of these discussions have focused on its effectiveness and viability as a large-scale economic as well as geopolitical project. This paper contributes to that discussion by exploring BRI's impact on regional organizations, specifically in South Asia. Using South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) as a case study, I argue that BRI's impact on regional organization is inadequately understood. BRI is not a competitor to regional organizations, but its presence in a region creates a priority conundrum for member states i.e., members who join effectively must mainline the BRI into their national interests. By offering transactional functionality, BRI offers member states the opportunity to access immediate tangible benefits like foreign investment and infrastructure development. While states continue to be the members of various international and regional organizations, their commitment and policy priorities inevitably end up aligning with BRI if they choose to sign up. With BRI as a part of their national interest, states inadvertently cede policy autonomy, especially on issues of concern for China. This creates a situation that grants China a voice in organizations where it's not even a member. This impacts the character and culture of regional organizations creating relevancy and effectiveness concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Belt and Road Initiative is China's global infrastructure program. This long-term investment strategy is aimed at improving regional cooperation, increased trade and economic integration by linking Asia with Europe and Africa through maritime and land networks. South Asia is vital for Belt and Road Initiative of China. China views South Asia as a priority zone because its geostrategic location will contribute a lot in the preferment of the BRI. This research intends to highlight the geo-strategic and geo-economic implications of BRI on security and economy of South Asian states. This study is carried out using qualitative research methodology. Data was collected through primary and secondary sources including books, journals, research papers, articles and videos of seminars and conferences on the concerned topic and interviews of experts of BRI and CPEC were also conducted. According to the research, BRI is the manifestation of Mackinder's heartland theory. BRI fortifies intra-state transport connectivity, improves international connectivity, will help to ease power shortages and facilitate economic modernization and industrialization in South Asia. The findings of this research show that China is expanding its diplomatic influence through its economic presence in South Asia causing serious challenges to India's power in the region and USA's status of global hegemon. Along with the opportunities of BRI, there are a number of risks of political instability, poor law and order situation, corruption, terrorism and extremism in South Asia, hindering the smooth functioning of BRI projects. Also there is a fear of Chinese debt trap and loss of sovereignty in South Asian states making them reluctant to fully permit the execution of Chinese led projects on their land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper empirically examines the nexus between CO2 emissions and international trade for the 65 Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) economies over the period of 1985–2017. We first consider the cross-sectional dependence and slope homogeneity test in the panel, and we observed from the results that there is substantial heterogeneity and cross-sectional dependence. We employed the results of the common correlated effects mean group (CCEMG) estimator and determined that for all 65 BRI economies, foreign direct investment inflow, gross domestic product (GDP) squared and urbanization had a positive and significant impact on carbon emissions (CO2). Moreover, this study found that foreign direct investment inflow led to an increase in carbon emissions in BRI countries across South Asia, Southeast Asia, East Asia and Europe. Finally, on the basis of the panel causality test, we found evidence of various causality associations among the selected variables across the regions. These findings are significant for the related policymakers in BRI countries, as they can assist in developing appropriate carbon emission, trade and energy policies with the goal of reducing carbon emissions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we argue that China is seeking to establish a balance of power favourable to its interests in South Asia and the adjoining waters to curtail India's rise. Military balancing, economic engagement, and the new multi-regional connectivity project – the "Belt and Road Initiative" – are the key components of China's policy against India. By roping in the South Asian and the Indian Ocean states, China has effectively deployed the "string of pearls" strategy with an express purpose to box-in India within the region so that it cannot challenge China's primacy in Asia and beyond. To neutralise Beijing's assertive activities, New Delhi has evolved its Asia policy with a clear motive to enhance its ties with the key Indo-Pacific states – the US, Japan, Australia, and the Southeast Asian countries – so that it could develop counter-leverages against China and simultaneously manage its rise as a major Indo-Pacific power. Given that both India and China are vying for similar power position in the same region, it is highly likely that their clashing interests might intensify their power competition in the near future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan's geographical location is ideal for China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) Project, and it formally recognizes as an iconic model of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) plan. This corridor is laid at the cross intersection of three regions of economic growth include: China, Central Asian Republics and South Asia. It plays a vital role of inter-connectivity between these three regions, where three billions of inhabitants live, which is roughly half of the world population. The central argument of the paper is sternly conceptual and based on the subsequent arguments: foremost, the foundation of CPEC project is a green signal for the regional connectivity, mutual cooperation, economic growth and stability of the entire region of South and Central Asia. Secondly, the topographical position of Pakistan has an incredible potential for corridor development and manipulation process. Thirdly, due to the iconic model of belt and road initiative plan, the CPEC corridor has broad potential for regional economic growth because of shared boundaries and cross intersection position with China, CARs and South Asia. Finally, with the copious fruitful opportunities, this project facades somber challenges internally and outwardly. Hence, this study uses a positive-sum logic to analyze central argument and also discusses the policy inputs that may be prolific for regional growth and reforms of the project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China’s economic resurgence augurs the possibility of a recalibration in the global balance of power. Many contend that this process is already underway in East Asia – specifically in relation to the South China Sea. In other parts of the world, China’s growing footprint is discernible through infrastructure projects, under Beijing’s Belt and Road initiative. Does China leverage its economic power to realise its interests by forcing smaller nations to accept conditions and agreements which are not in the latter’s interests? This paper examines whether evidence to this effect is visible through a case study of Sri Lanka. The island’s geographic location – astride the Indian Ocean Sea Lanes of Communication – continues to draw the attention of regional and extra-regional powers. Sri Lanka’s constraints in size and poor pace of economic development also grants leeway for India (the regional hegemon) and China to leverage bilateral ties in their interest. Is there evidence to suggest that China has utilised port infrastructure to realise its national interests at the expense of Sri Lanka? Or, has Sri Lanka managed to thread a fine line between the two Asian powers: the neighbouring regional hegemon – India; and the resurgent great power – China? Does the truth lie somewhere in between? This article delves into these questions by examining the approaches and stances which Sri Lanka has adopted towards both nations, particularly during President Gotabaya Rajapakse’s government, from 2019 leading up to the end of 2021. By doing so, it aims to shed light on how Sri Lanka handled bilateral ties with both Asian powers as well as the degree of Sino-Indian competition visible within the island’s port infrastructure landscape. It concludes that the decisions reached with regard to port infrastructure projects represent a mixed picture. A key finding is the ability of domestic interest groups to shape Sri Lanka’s foreign policy during this period, which has significantly dented the island’s ties with other regional allies such as Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term "One Belt and One Road", firstly initiated by the Chinese Government, has brought new opportunities for the effect of China on South Asian countries in the economic and trade cooperation. From 2005 to 2016, the scale of goods trade between South Asian countries and China increased significantly, and South Asia gradually became an important trading partner of China. The structure of China's export products to South Asian countries has not changed much and most of which are technology and capital-intensive processed products. However, the elements of China's import products has changed a lot under marine water conservation and tends to be diversified and rationalized. This paper analyzes the complementarity and competitiveness of trade between China and South Asian countries by applying existing indicators, e.g., revealed comparative advantage index (RCA), trade integration index (TII), trade complementarity index (TCI), export similarity index (ESI) and trade competitiveness index (CI).The results show that China's trade with South Asian countries is more complementary than competitive, and there is great potential for international logistics between China and South Asian countries. According to the situation of marine water conservation, we should make use of trade complementarity to improve the structure of foreign trade, strengthen trade negotiations and advance the development of free trade zones, as well as strengthen infrastructure construction and promote connectivity, in order to increase international trade value and promote logistics industry in China and South Asian countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study establishes a risk index system to evaluate the financial risks of foreign agricultural investment in Belt and Road countries. Agricultural foreign investment risk prevention has emerged as a crucial concern across various sectors globally. We assess the four key dimensions such as political and military risk, economic market risk, social and cultural risk, and resource and environmental risk. We employ the Vertical and Horizontal Leveling Method and Entropy Weighting Method (VHSD-EM) for measuring and analyzing foreign agricultural investment risk levels in Belt and Road countries from 2014 to 2021. Moreover, we used spatial correlation analysis, the Getis-Ord Gi* statistic, to identify hot and cold spots of agricultural foreign investment risks. First political & military, and environmental risks are the main influencing factors of agricultural foreign investment risk. The average AFDI level exceeded in Southeast and South Asia, and certain spillover effects were found in Southeast Asia. Second, the Belt and Road" initiative effectively reduces the risk of AFDI and helps to weaken the spillover effect among fellow countries. A significant spillover effect in AFDI from neighboring countries can lead to high-risk areas for sustained AFDI formation. Third to address such challenges, the Chinese government has prerequisites to enhance foreign agricultural investments in Belt and Road countries and establish a measurement index for agricultural investment risks. Government needs to establish a public service system to enhance the development of large-scale multinational agricultural enterprises. Foreign cooperation is essential for multi and bilateral investment negotiation and optimizing the financial tools to mitigate agricultural foreign direct investment risk in Belt and Road countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The space race reflects terrestrial geopolitical anxieties, with the Indo-Pacific witnessing an extension of its rivalries into space. India and China, prominent players in this arena, showcase terrestrial conflicts influencing their space strategies. China, evident through projects like the Belt and Road Initiative in South Asia, emphasizes its strategic space policy. India, although lacking a dedicated space force like China, has established itself regionally. Both nations possess antisatellite capabilities and reject the UN resolution banning antisatellite missile tests. This study investigates China's expanding space influence, raising security concerns in the Indo-Pacific, particularly South Asia. Employing explanatory research, the article explores the geopolitical implications, shedding light on perspectives often overlooked in the context of great-power rivalries: those of smaller aspiring spacefaring nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the evolution of the port network along the Maritime Silk Road (MSR) motivated by the need for sustainable development. First, considering the influence of sustainable development on the attraction of ports, we optimize the AB model, a generator based on connectivity. After this the evolution simulation is carried out based on the data of 55 major ports along the MSR. The results of evolution simulation show that, due to sustainable development, ports in Southeast Asia and South Asia are expected to become the core nodes in the network while the status of China's ports in the network will decline significantly. The results further show that the frequency of nodes close to the mid-value increases significantly and that ports currently under construction, such as Melaka Gateway, Hambantota and Gwadar, will have an important impact on the network structure. This study serves as a useful reference for port development along the MSR from a sustainable development perspective. • This paper explores the evolution of the ports network under the influence of sustainable development. • Evolution simulation is carried out based on the data of 55 major ports along the marine silk route. • A useful reference for ports development from the perspective of sustainable development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's foreign policy shift in South Asia has been largely driven by its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which seeks to enhance connectivity and economic cooperation across Asia and beyond. South Asia, with its strategic location and growing economic potential, has emerged as a key area of focus for China under the B RI. In this context, China has pursued a multipronged approach, which includes infrastructure development, economic cooperation, and strategic partnerships with key countries in the region. One of the key components of China's foreign policy shift in South Asia has been its emphasis on infrastructure development. China has invested heavily in the construction of roads, railways, ports, and other infrastructure projects in the region, with the aim of improving connectivity and facilitating trade and commerce. These investments have been largely made through the BRI framework, which has provided China with a platform to promote its economic and strategic interests in the region. China has also sought to deepen economic cooperation with South Asian countries through the BRI. This has involved the signing of a number of bilateral and regional trade agreements, as well as the establishment of special economic zones and industrial parks. Through these initiatives, China has sought to increase its access to South Asian markets and promote the growth of its own economy. In addition to these economic initiatives, China has also sought to establish strategic partnerships with key countries in the region. This has involved strengthening its ties with countries such as Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh, which have strategic significance due to their location and their potential to provide China with access to key markets and resources. These partnerships have also involved cooperation in areas such as defense and security, with China seeking to establish a greater presence in the Indian Ocean region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The effect of quality institutions on growth-environmental nexus is a generally ignored topic, especially in South Asia economies affiliated with the belt and road initiatives (BRIs). To fill this gap, we have examined the effect of BRI policy, economic freedom (EF), and institutional quality (IQ) on growth-environmental nexus in the South Asian region from 1984 to 2019. We have used CO2 emission as a proxy for the environment in this study. To prevent variable bias, we also included energy consumption (EN) and trade openness (TO) as key factors in the model. To solve the problem of cross-sectional dependence, we have used the second-generational unit root test. The results of unit root tests indicate that the variable IQ is stationary at the level and other variables are stationary at the first difference. Furthermore, all of the variables are cointegrated, according to the panel cointegration test. Thus, we have used the panel autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) method to estimate the long-run (LR) and short-run (SR) impact of response factors on economic growth. Furthermore, this research utilized the Granger causality test among the selected variables to inquire into the causalities. The basic findings are as follows: (i) A significantly positive interaction variable (CO2IQ) among CO2 and IQ suggests that effective and fair political institutions are critical for increasing economic development and decreasing CO2 emissions simultaneously. (ii) Economic growth is invigorated by energy consumption, trade, economic freedom, and institutional quality. (iii) Since 2013, more significant economic growth has been stimulated by BRI policy in BRI-associated countries; thus, both the SR and LR results are significantly positive. Hence, it is essential to improve the quality of institutions to reduce carbon emissions during economic growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic vulnerability is an important indicator to measure regional coordination, health and stability. Despite the importance of vulnerabilities, this is the first study that presents 26 indicators selected from the dimensions of the domestic economic system, external economic system and financial system in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) countries. A quantitative analysis is conducted to analyze the characteristics of spatial heterogeneity of vulnerability of the economic subsystems and the comprehensive economic system of the BRI countries and the main influencing factors of the comprehensive economic system vulnerability (CESV) are identified based on obstacle degree model. The results show that the CESV of the East Asia, South Asia and ASEAN countries are lower than that of the Middle Eastern Europe, Central Asia and West Asia countries. The CESV of the BRI countries are generally in the middle level and the average vulnerability index of highly vulnerable countries is twice as much as that of lowly vulnerable countries. In addition, in terms of the vulnerability of the three subsystems, the spatial distribution of vulnerability of the domestic economic system (DESV) and financial system (FSV) is basically consistent with the spatial distribution pattern of CESV, both of which are low in East Asia and South Asia and high in West Asia and Central Asia. While, the vulnerability of external economic system (EESV) shows a different spatial pattern, with vulnerability of West Asia, Central Asia and ASEAN higher than that of East Asia and South Asia. The main obstacle factors influencing the CESV of BRI countries include GDP growth rate, saving ratio, ratio of bank capital to assets, service industry level, industrialization level and loan rate. Therefore, the key way to maintain the stability and mitigate the vulnerability of the economic system of BRI countries is to focus on the macroeconomic development and operation, stimulate the economy and market vitality, promote the development of industries, especially the service and secondary industries, and optimize the economic structure, banking system and financial system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's re-emergence as a great power, and the ensuing competition with the United States over the norms, rules and values underpinning the international order, has signalled the return of great power rivalry in global politics. Asia is at the very heart of these dynamics, as testified by the competing Belt and Road Initiative and the Free and Open Indo-Pacific strategies, with significant implications for Asian states that are learning how to navigate the US-China rivalry. Situating the analysis in the literature on hedging, this article focuses on Pakistan's «hedging dilemma», centred around the country's bilateral relations with the US and China. Drawing on a range of archival material and interviews, the analysis shows that Pakistan's hedging options are limited, as a result of two intertwined trends, namely the implementation of the Beijing-backed China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), the «flagship project » of the BRI, combined with the US withdrawal from Afghanistan and Washington's recalibration towards competition with China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is an attempt to empirically investigate the impact of foreign direct investment (FDI) on socio-economic development in the "Belt & Road" initiative (BRI) countries. It employed panel data for the period 2005 to 2018. This study used three socio-economic development indicators, life expectancy, GNI per capita, and human capital development, as outcome variables. This study found a long-run association between FDI and socio-economic development. The baseline regression results indicate that FDI does not contribute to socio-economic development in BRI countries and these findings are robust with Fully Modified Ordinary Least Square (FMOLS). However, when taking into account the region-wise analysis it is found that FDI has a positive and significant impact on poverty reduction in South Asia (SA) and Central and Western Asia (CWA) region and a negative impact in Central and East Europe (CEU) and Middle East North Africa (MENA) and it has no effect on poverty reduction in Sub-Sahara Africa (SSA) and East Asia Pacific (EAP) region. FDI has a positive effect on improved health facilities in SA and CWA region and it has a statistically insignificant or negative impact in the rest of the region. Finally, there is a positive and significant impact of FDI on human capital development in CEU and EAP region and negative association in MENA, however, it has no role in SA, CWA and SSA region. This finding postulates an idea that foreign direct investment is not a black and white mechanism. It is recommended that governments of BRI countries must prioritize public health facilities, social safety programs, poverty reduction initiatives, and human capital development strategies when looking for foreign direct investment in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study provides some observational evidences to reveal that some discrepancies appear in the long-term variation in the South Asia High (SAH) based on geopotential height field (HGT; termed as HGTSAH), and eddy HGT field calculated as that HGT at each grid is subtracted by the zonal belt mean HGT (EHGT; termed as EDDYSAH). Noticeably increasing trend exists in the HGTSAH intensity and the global mean HGT. The HGTSAH intensity is closely connected to the global mean, which indicates that the increasing trend in the HGTSAH may be forced by the apparent increment of the HGT under the global warming. However, after removing the global mean value, significant weakening trend is observed in the EDDYSAH intensity. Multiple SAH-associated variables such as the horizontal winds and the relative vorticity are thereby examined. The distributions of horizontal winds and relative vorticity are nearly the same as those in the EHGT and eddy tropospheric temperature (ETT) field. Simultaneously, the EDDYSAH is noticeably negatively correlated with the Silk Road pattern (SRP). The SRP shows a noticeably increasing trend, and the SRP-associated cyclonic circulation and negative EHGT over western Asia and southern Tibetan Plateau are preferentially enhanced, which may result in a reduced EDDYSAH. Therefore, via investigating the distributions of the multiple SAH-associated variables, it is found that the variations in the EDDYSAH coincide well with those in the horizontal winds and relative vorticity, indicating that the EHGT field is more appropriate to present the long-term variation in the SAH. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]