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Copyright of Pegada is the property of Pegada and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Sustainability within food systems (FS) transcends approaches that only consider FS transformation via changing agricultural practices or consumption patterns. The essence lies in addressing the root causes of current unsustainable FS and their associated social and environmental ramifications. This paper aims to outline the solutions needed to revamp these challenges, by paying special attention to the state-capital nexus in the context of the FS'global core-periphery dialectics. Thereby, we embrace radical political agroecology as being essential in promoting sustainability within the FS, especially in the Global South. Agroecology is proposed as the strategy to address the food system's complexity in terms of the social, environmental, and economic embeddedness. We conclude with potential solutions that contribute to the pathway for FS sustainability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The three articles were originally presented as papers on a panel organized by Robert Latham, at the Socialist Studies Conference at York University in 2023. While more or less focused on Marxism in academia, the articles deal with different regional contexts: Hyun Ok Park deals with South Korea, Robert Latham with the US, and Raju Das with India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses socio-economic relations of the bourgeoisie and proletariat relating them to present-day contemporary Pakistani society. The paper is broken down into sections where class consciousness, struggle, and mobility are discussed in view of a Marxist framework and aligned with that of the Victorian English era and that of today's Pakistan. The present paper, therefore, employing qualitative research methods, including close reading, finds persistent class conflicts and socio-economic disparities, in unison with the struggles laid down by Dickens in his narrative. The implications of the findings strongly hint at the fact that these historical literary insights can be of substantial help in guiding socio-economic reforms within the domain of Pakistan. Future research recommendations are to point towards precise measures on how class disparities in Pakistani society could be alleviated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is: first, to show that the relationship between Latin America and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) is a faithful reflection of a class struggle on a world scale, where the correlation of internal and external forces has been articulated over the years in favor of capital; second, to analyze the concrete possibilities that the region will face in the future if it intends to reverse this unfavorable history. The paper argues that the IMF has played a key role in the reconfiguration and extension of the dominance of international finance capital over the productive resources of Latin America by favoring the consolidation of a local capitalist class subordinated to the designs and power of transnational capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the archaeology and history of labor is based on organized labor, unions, and strikes, and the common rhetoric emphasizes the success or failure of union strike activities. This frames labor activism with clear winners and losers and inadvertently adopts the vantage point of capital. Given the modern world where union membership is plummeting, "success" seems even more unlikely. In this paper, I use the case of the Coalwood lumber camp to argue that labor's "success" was much more complicated than simply winning strikes. Recognizing the difference between concrete and abstract labor provides a way to think about worker's decisions to structure their lives based more on concrete than alienated labor that gives them more autonomy over their lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Marxists often link the emergence of finance capital to developments in the categories of capital, such as flight to money capital, sometimes associated with changes in the organic composition of capital. While not disputing the importance of transformations in capitalist categories, this paper examines the causal role of working-class agency in the emergence of finance capital. The paper addresses finance capital in Britain, giving due consideration to a variety of causal factors cementing its dominance. It then considers the role of labour unrest in developing a working class in itself, gravitating towards and away from political expressions (syndicalism, social democracy) in pursuance of its immediate economic struggles. The overall argument is that the emergence of finance capital in the parasitic form it took in Britain was fundamentally a response to the power of a working class in itself. Parasitism became the default trend to control the working class and prevent any potential movement towards a working class for itself from gaining hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper considers the nature that Kalecki's contributions represent a significant contribution to the Marxist tradition. While we argue that the underlying method of both Marx and Kalecki — their vision of society and its dynamics — and much of their analysis is fundamentally the same, differences arise because of the development of capitalism and the different stages of society each is analysing. For Kalecki, developed capitalist economies have reached a stage of capital accumulation where the existing capital stock is sufficient to employ all the economy's labour. Associated with this is the rise of imperfectly competitive firms. The economic dynamics of capitalism have evolved as a result, with growth and employment being determined by different factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the variety of agrarian classes of labour and the challenges they face in organizing and pursuing their interests. By taking the cotton sector in Burkina Faso as a case study, it analyses how various 'classes of labour' organize and mobilize for collective action to raise their claims: poor cotton farmers and workers in the cotton factories. Poor and middle farmers recently came to the fore when they boycotted cotton production in large numbers. The study focusses on the boycott campaign, and more broadly on class struggle and collective action by farmers and workers, on interclass alliances, and on capital's attempts to play the classes of labour against one another. The boycott campaign provides an outstanding case to analyse the interests of the various classes of labour and of opportunities for rural–urban mobilization and alliances across classes of labour. I argue that poor farmers and factory workers along the chain of cotton production can be considered as various classes of labour that are not necessarily antagonistic to one another but, first and foremost, to capital. In order to achieve radical transformation in the agrarian context, what is needed are networks and organizations to establish interclass solidarity and alliances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The introduction to this Special Issue of the journal Art & the Public Sphere, titled 'The Struggle Before Us', addresses the aims and outcomes of the project. It reiterates the themes of the call for papers and focuses on the impact of postmodern theory and the cultural turn on socialist class struggle. The political tendencies within radical democracy, Marxist autonomism and left populism are related to the growing influence of the anti-liberal and anti-Marxist – because anti-universalist – academic trends of privilege theory, critical race theory, intersectionality and decoloniality. This is related to political developments since the Cold War and the rise to hegemonic status of a petty-bourgeois mode of cultural appropriation. The introduction takes issue with the notion that post-Fordism represents the termination of the so-called classical phase of socialism and argues instead that contemporary contradictions between identity and class are inscribed within the ongoing struggle between labour and capital. A lecture by Alain Badiou is used to complete the analysis, with definitions of Marxist militancy related to Marx's class-oriented transformation of German idealism, English political economy and the French workers' movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Golden Age of Malay cinema, Hussain Haniff was a prolific filmmaker who made 12 films within a period of five years. Started as an extra, escalated to editor, Hussain Haniff's films mostly questioned the powers advocating the subject of rebellion and class injustice. Known as a rebel with modernist approaches, Hussain Haniff made films with rebellion being the theme within its narratives. This can be seen in his first directorial debut Hang Jebat (1961) that tells the story of how the warrior Hang Jebat stood up for his comrade Hang Tuah who was unjustly sent to the gallows. Hang Jebat in defying the orders of the Sultan and thinking that Hang Tuah had been executed, went into a fit of rage and as an act of rebellion ran amok while killing several villagers. In the Malay culture and Malay purbawara films, this treasonous act of rebellion known as "durhaka" is caused by an expression of "rajuk" - the sulk, or "merajuk" - the act of sulking, and occurs when a servant or warrior rebels against the act of injustice of his master. This paper aims to discuss the act of merajuk which often stereotyped as a feminine trait but in Hang Jebat it can be understood as a form of rebellion against feudalism and can be further attributed to understanding issues related to marginalisation and class oppression. Through an intertextual study of this film, this paper unravels how the rajuk of Hang Jebat represents an act of rebellion that challenges class inequality and gender representations. This article analyses rajuk in two main focuses; firstly on how explosive rajuk which is an allegory to the anti-feudal nature is expressed by Hang Jebat and how rajuk resulted an implication in his more feminine character compare to his rebel character at the beginning of this film. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For Marx, "The weapon of criticism cannot, of course, replace criticism of the weapon, material force must be overthrown by material force" ("A Contribution To The Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right"). Marx also says, "theory also becomes a material force as soon as it has gripped the masses." It is this materialization of critical thought as theory which this paper expounds on. Marx says that this materialization happens in man himself, hence theory--or thought--is embodied. This paper, first, strives to expose the underlying class struggle which helps shape the discourse, which in this case, is literary criticism. Second, it aims to zero in on how literary theory and criticism places itself in a movement according to the theory and practice of Marx-Lenin-Mao, and see how these principles were initially theorized and practiced in the context of the Philippine National Democratic Movement until the present in broad strokes. From the writings of Marx-Lenin-Mao, to the workshop guides by ARMAS, to the polemical attacks of Edel E. Garcellano against reactionary "literary shitheads," and the many organizations and persons who have followed, this paper seeks to emphasize that the place and method of critique parallels the class line and development of the revolutionary struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the tourism in places in connection with “class struggle” during the era of state socialism in Czechoslovakia. During the time of economic crisis in the 1930s, there were some incidents between gendarmerie and striking workers in the areas of high unemployment. These events were misused in the propaganda as legitimization of the Communist Party’s leading role after the 1948 revolution. These places of “class struggle” were privileged in hierarchy of heritage preservation during the communist era (1948–1989). The author focuses on sources connected with tourism (guidebooks, maps) and raises the question if historical agents and society adopted these places. The methodological remarks are an important part of the paper.

This paper analyzes the homilies of the Bishop of Cuernavaca, Sergio Méndez Arceo, in the 1970s. The objective is to deepen the multiple messages that economic problems take up, by contextualizing these ideas, within the general framework of Liberation Theology. The main axes of the homilies focus on two positions: 1) conversion and 2) dualism. By conversion, Méndez Arceo constantly returns to the idea of “class struggle”, at the same time, from the perspective of Holy Scripture, he emphasizes the Liberation of the man. While by dualism he insists on the division between a ruling class of wealthy businessmen or landowners and a dominated class of workers and peasants, dividing society into good and bad Christians. It is worth highlighting that this article takes up a novel theme, considering that an in-depth analysis of the economic problems in the homilies has not been carried out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces the notion of taste for teaching a subject, especially science, as a conceptual framework to analyse the aesthetics of teacher development as a lifelong process. We draw on the work of Pierre Bourdieu and John Dewey in order to account for how teachers distinguish admirable practices and, in doing so, distinguish themselves as inspiring professionals. In order to illustrate this framework, we report a narrative inquiry on the life story of Tomas, a white man nationally prized for his science teaching. This inquiry was inspired by sociological portraits recommended by Bernard Lahire. Results indicate how a practical disposition (as opposed to a theoretical one) played an important role in developing Tomas's individual taste for science teaching, producing a strong continuity between his early experiences as a masculine boy raised in a family of construction workers, on the one hand, and his later experiences as a biologist and a science teacher enacting inquiry-based activities. The significance of the findings for science education is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a demand-driven growth model of Kalecki's (1943) political business cycle. It incorporates the three fundamental assumptions that govern Kalecki's model: wage-led demand, the "reserve army of labor" effect, and capitalists' disproportionate power over fiscal policy. In our model, endogenous cycles are the outcome of capitalists' changing preferences over fiscal policy. Decreasing opposition to fiscal expansion by capitalists triggers the boom phase of the cycle, lest demand deficiency lead to a slowdown in accumulation. The downturn of the cycle is induced by capitalists' rising opposition to government spending, lest workers' growing political power at the peak of the cycle undermine their influence. This approach is unlike that taken by Goodwin and neoclassical PBC models, where a profit squeeze and the timing of elections or political ideologies determine cycles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is about Marxist political economy and Critical Discourse Studies (CDS) as a field of inquiry. It begins with a discussion of the traditional role of Marxist political economy in CDS, arguing that for the most part it has been limited and partial. It then considers an example of a serious attempt to carry out a Marxist political economy analysis of discourse in society - Claudia Ortu’s [2008. The denial of class struggle by British Governments in their anti-union discourse (1978-2007). Critical Discourse Studies, 5, 289-301] analysis of the denial of class struggle and anti-union discourse in Britain in the period 1978-2007. This leads to a discussion of the author's recent research on material and discursive class warfare in contemporary Spain, focussing specifically on conflicts arising between a right-wing government defending the interests of the banks and elites and a grass-roots organisation defending the interests of the popular classes, in particular those who either have lost, or are in danger of losing, their homes due to mortgage default. The paper ends with some thoughts on the future of CDS, with or without a clear Marxist political economy base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Electrónica Gestión de las Personas y Tecnologías is the property of Revista Electronica Gestion de las Personas y Tecnologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper offers a dialectical analysis of the law relating to the Greek crisis. The form and content of the measures introduced in the Greek legal system to deal with the debt crisis is examined under the concept of ‘necessity’. It is argued that this concept, used by the Greek Council of State to justify the constitutionality of these measures, opens a path for a more comprehensive analysis of the measures implemented through the mechanism of the Greek Memoranda of Understanding. The measures are seen as ‘necessary’: on the one hand in their accordance and basis on principles of the European Union; on the other hand in their class orientation and reflecting of specific social (class) interests. But despite their necessity, neither their content, nor the form of implementation of these measures is fixed; it is rather contingent, i.e. dependent on the level of intensification of social (class and intra-class) and economic antagonisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beginning with a critical assessment of David Harvey's perspectives on Marxism this paper examines current developments in dialectical materialism that offer alternative possibilities for class-based movements struggling to overcome neoliberal policies around the world. My objective is to show that, despite his self-declared Marxism, Harvey's version of Marxism remains tethered to the prevailing bourgeois logic of fetish-forms and fails to provide us with a sufficient description for the organization of a new form of class struggle appropriate for the 21st century. Methodologically situated within the wider context of Western Marxism, this paper juxtaposes two versions of how Marxist dialectics can be evaluated: the work of Louis Althusser, which in my view Harvey follows, and the Open Marxist path that I regard as closer to what Marx had in mind in his interpretation of social reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the tourism in places in connection with "class struggle" during the era of state socialism in Czechoslovakia. During the time of economic crisis in the 1930s, there were some incidents between gendarmerie and striking workers in the areas of high unemployment. These events were misused in the propaganda as legitimization of the Communist Party's leading role after the 1948 revolution. These places of "class struggle" were privileged in hierarchy of heritage preservation during the communist era (1948-1989). The author focuses on sources connected with tourism (guidebooks, maps) and raises the question if historical agents and society adopted these places. The methodological remarks are an important part of the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Economía, Sociedad y Territorio is the property of El Colegio Mexiquense and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper presents a guideline to discuss a collective strategy for dealing with the controversy on the transformation problem of values into prices. The main argument is that the individual search for solutions to the transformation problem creates a variety of models that weaken the Marxist field in economics if they are seen as competing, adversary proposals, with each one possessing the pretension of being the unique correct path. This individualist procedure generates misunderstandings among authors that are on the same side in the political struggle against capitalist ideology in Political Economy. Accordingly, every single individual solution that seeks to defend Marx's theory must be supported in an organized framework aiming at the union. Five steps for this organization are presented in the hope of contributing to a collective engagement with the transformation problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to redress the under-appreciated significance of rent for political ecological analysis. We introduce the notion ofvalue grabbing, defined as the appropriation of (surplus) value through rent. A concept that is analytically distinct from accumulation, rent is both a social relation and a distributional process that is increasingly central to the reproduction of contemporary capitalism. Emphasis is placed on the “grabbing” of value in order to shed light on the processes at work by which surplus value is distributed unevenly between different classes and fractions of classes. A focus on rent within political ecology, we argue, can help us distinguish between two organically related but analytically distinct “moments”: (a) the creation of property rights that establish rent relations and (b) the struggle over the appropriation and distribution of surplus value generated by the rent relation itself. We explore some of the implications of this perspective for understanding new forms of socio-ecological struggles and their varied relations to the state. We maintain that a value-grabbing perspective has far-reaching consequences for political ecology, as it provides a sharp conceptual tool for situating a wide range of socio-ecological conflicts and movements as class struggles over value appropriation and distribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Literatura: Teoría, Historia, Crítica is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Izquierdas is the property of Izquierdas, Universidad de Santiago de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper argues that a class against capital emerged in Guangdong province between 2007 and 2014. I base my arguments on data drawn from significant strikes in the province and the processes of collective bargaining that partially resolved them. I observe that the formation of a working class against capital in Guangdong, made up primarily of migrant workers, has at least partially overcome fragmentary pressures it continues to face. I argue that it is the self-activity of workers themselves that is chiefly responsible for the significant improvement in wages and, to a lesser extent, working conditions that unfolded during this period. While collective bargaining remains mostly—but not exclusively—outside institutional norms, workers’ agency pushed the practical application of forms of collective bargaining on to both the political and labour relations agenda in Guangdong and beyond. Continued pressure from below will keep it there. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Políticas Públicas is the property of Revista Brasileira de Politicas Publicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Em Pauta is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

What is the capacity of documentary makers to address specific moments in industrial relations and map them through filmic representations? This paper discusses in depth a labour documentary from Tom Zubrycki, an Australian filmmaker nationally awarded in recognition of his outstanding contributions to the form. Friends and Enemies is unique in documenting union struggle as it deals with a defeat but a defeat that is constructed by the filmmaker as a moment when the class not only suffers but also learns as a class. The film moves from the individual worker engaged in an industrial relations struggle to the collective of workers co-operating to forge a combined strength. Zubrycki demonstrates a genuine respect for the emancipatory wishes of those he films. The film remains especially relevant with the increasing 'anti-Union astigmatism of mainstream media' (Coyle, R., and L. Milner. 2007. "Showing Some Fight: Kemira's Challenge to Industrial Relations." Metro Magazine 153, 178–183.). Zubrycki fosters a capacity to bring an audience to an encounter with the working class; an encounter that has, as a class, the potential for ongoing agency, for bearing testimony to the onward march of capital in the fast-changing landscape of industrial relations. Zubrycki leaves us with the emancipatory pulse still beating. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista CESUMAR: Ciências Humanas e Sociais Aplicadas is the property of Revista Cesumar - Ciencias Humanas e Sociais Aplicadas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Textos & Contextos is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although, historically, the first political manifestations of Pakhtun nationalism may be traced to Bayazid Ansari's (1525-85) Roshani movement (Gregorian, 1969 :43-45; and Misdaq, 2006: 36-39) and Khushal Khan Khattak's (1513-89) rebellion against the Mughal rule, however, its ethno-nationalist roots are usually mapped out from the pre-partition mobilization of common Pakhtun masses by the Khudai Khidmatgar (servants of the God) movement of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Starting off as a social reform society, the Khudai Khidmatgars metamorphosized into first an anti-colonial nationalist movement, evolving on the eve of partition of India, into one of ethnic nationalism. The post-independence period witnessed calls for attainment of either an independent Pakhtunistan or greater autonomy for the Pakhtun regions within a federal structure of the state. The irredentist trend in Pakhtun ethno-nationalist politics manifested itself in the controversial Pakhtunistan issue that strained relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan. Pakistani state's growth and rise in ethnic Pakhtun share in the civil-military bureaucracy witnessed greater integration of Pakhtuns within the polity of Pakistan and a dampening of separatist tendencies in them. Renaming of NWFP as Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and extension of provincial autonomy under the 18th Amendment further boosted Pakhtun ethnic integration into the state of Pakistan. More recently, however, Pakhtun ethno-nationalist movement is believed to be assuming a distinct fervor. The rise of Taliban phenomenon in the tribal belt and settled districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa has been labeled as a violent manifestation of Pakhtun ethno-nationalism manifested in an Islamist garb. The paper, besides analyzing the integrationist and the separatist (irredentist) trends in Pakhtun ethno-nationalist politics, also aims at exploring the more recent phenomena of its construction around the conceptual framework of 'ethnicizing Islam' in the Pakhtun context. It argues that the current Islamist manifestation of Pakhtun ethno-politics is a product of Pakistani state's attempts at subduing the irredentist Pakhtun strain (that bothered the state throughout the 1960s and the 1970s in Pakhtunistan issue) through support to the Islamist movement inside Afghanistan, especially in later half of 1970s and in the wake of Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. This paper analyzes the Pakhtun ethno-nationalist struggle, especially in the earlier decades as a form of class struggle to attain political power in the state. As such, it primarily adopts a Marxist lens to the problem of ethnic nationalism among the Pakhtuns for the beginning phase of it. Most of the analyses are historical in a sense that the paper traces the history of Pakhtun ethno nationalism in Pakistan. Moreover, the paper does not claim to be a consummate effort, rather it proposes that there are alternative explanations as plausible as this one to understand the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Class struggle in times of crisis: conceptualizing agency of resistance. While movements of resistance against neo-liberal globalization have increasingly become subject of analysis, there is little agreement on how to conceptualize such agency. The purpose of this paper is to contribute to a conceptualization of resistance in order to understand better the possibilities of success, but also obstacles to more decisive action against global capitalism. The paper will first discuss why it is important to draw on historical materialism in this respect in order to comprehend the historical specificity of capitalism. In a second step, it is argued that divisions along ethnicity and gender can be incorporated into analyses of class struggle, before suggesting four concrete ways of how to conceptualize expanded forms of class struggle including (1) Robert Cox's focus on non-established, informal labor; (2) Harry Cleaver's emphasis on the 'social factory'; (3) Kees van der Pijl's analysis of the extension of exploitation into the sphere of social reproduction; and (4) Chandra Talpade Mohanty's grounding of analysis in the experience of the most exploited female workers in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Archivos de Ciencias de la Educacion is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Law is crucial to the maintenance and reproduction of capitalism. While Marx never produced a comprehensive theory of law, state and rights, there is much in his work, and in the broader Marxist tradition, that can help us understand the nature and role of law in contemporary capitalism. This paper sketches out some of the key resources from within the Marxist tradition that can assist us in developing Marxist understandings of law, state and rights today. Specifically, the focus is on the question of method, drawing out three key strands from Marx's own work: (i) the importance of dialectical materialist analysis; (ii) the historically specific and transitory nature of capitalism and (iii) the centrality of class antagonism and class struggle. The argument advanced here, in sum, is that Marxist explanations of law, state and rights should foreground these analytical reference points, in order to make the role of law intelligible, and to begin to sketch how movements for fundamental social change might understand and engage with the law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pegada is the property of Pegada and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper proposes a scientific discussion from a Marxian-feminist point of view as a critical response to the European "austerity policies". Nowadays global inequalities are very relevant, particularly a proletarization process based on an increase in class struggle, growing inequalities, unsustainability and the transnational concentration of power and wealth. The neoliberal approach ignores Marx's theory and suggests that the Marxian view fails to explain the current economic system. However, I believe this to be a (dishonest) simplification of Marx's theory (because data is very clear). This misrepresentation has a negative effect on the overall validity and sustainability of several European policies, mainly distribution and migration policies. Consequently, some policy recommendations need to be readdressed, including from a feminist point of view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The progressive integration of Tunisia into the international capital market implies deep institutional and social transformations as well as the positioning of the country in the semi-periphery of the capitalist world-economy. From the mid-19th and during the twentieth century, the growing Tunisia's debt paved the way to a compulsory financial administration of the North African country by 1870. Likewise, this process favoured the development of a capitalist class, whose origins were both exogenous and endogenous, drawing its power from doing business with the global financial élites. Thus, we assist to the birth of a capitalist class with local and international interests, also called afterward compradors. Adopting an original comparative approach, this article shows that the integration of a country into the global economy, mainly when occurring through a growing foreign debt, paves the way not only to the birth of a local capitalist class drawing its power from the circulation of capital but also to the permanent positioning of the country in the semi-periphery of the capitalist world-economy. The access to the international capital markets, according to the rules of the controlling powers and elites, makes the indebted country less independent in its economic policy choices, thus modifying its class structure in favour of the new capitalist elites, and their interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article illuminates the contemporary vitality of Lenin's theory of ideology. Since the collapse of Soviet socialism, some have attempted to dismiss Lenin's theory as anti-Marxist and lacking in critical power. More recent studies of the Marxist theory of ideology have neglected Lenin entirely. Contrastingly, this article argues that Lenin's theory of ideology remains relevant, albeit misunderstood. First, Lenin highlighted the class essence of ideology with unparalleled force and clarity. He emphasised that every ideology serves the power of a definite class. Second, Lenin clarified the role of ideology as a weapon in the class struggle. He urged the working class to use socialist ideology to further its interests and overthrow capitalism. Third, Lenin outlined the principles for engaging in the ideological struggle. He instructed Marxists on how to advance their ideas and defeat bourgeois ones. These insights remain indispensable for communists, a hundred years after Lenin's death in 1924. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Izquierdas is the property of Izquierdas, Universidad de Santiago de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper argues that, despite claims to the contrary, there has not been extensive, egalitarian reform in Bolivia since Evo Morales assumed the presidency in 2006. In order to explain agrarian processes in the country during the decade under Morales thus far (2006-2016), it examines the changing balance of agrarian class forces in Bolivian society and associated changes in the class composition of the ruling bloc between 2006 and 2010. It divides contestation over agrarian reform processes during this decade into two periods-one of insurgent contestation (2006-2009), and one of agro-capital-state alliance (2010-2016). The transformations in class alliances over these periods can be understood theoretically through Gramsci's concept of transformismo (transformism). In particular, this concept captures both the way in which leading layers of indigenous-peasant movements have been absorbed into the apparatuses of the state and thus decapitated, and the dialectic of transformation/restoration that characterizes Bolivia's ongoing 'process of change'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrary to his theoretical expectations, Veblen provided various reasons as to why a revolutionary overturn by the technicians was a remote possibility in America. In contrast to the American engineers, the engineers of Turkey have constructed an engineering outlook commensurate with Veblen's abstract line of reasoning and participated in a political struggle against business interests. In this paper, using Veblen's cumulative causation methodology, a theoretical answer for the origin, growth, persistence, and variation of the anti-business engineering outlook in Turkey is suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]