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A striking feature of elections held in the independent English-speaking Caribbean since 2000 has been the tendency towards the rejection of incumbent governments, with many of them resulting in one-term administrations or weak majorities. This experience represents a sharp break from earlier electoral features of the post-colonial period such as mass loyalty to anti-colonial workers’ parties, regular and consistent alternations of two dominant parties in office, or alternatively the long-term dominance of a single party. This paper argues that the present hegemonic consolidation of neo-liberal globalisation has eroded the structural framework upon which the earlier legitimacy of the parties, leaders, ideologies and approaches to development had been constructed, and advances the notion of the ‘collapse of the post-colonial order’ as an explanation for the dominant electoral feature of anti-incumbency since 2000. While addressing developments in the independent English-speaking Caribbean territories as a whole, the paper concludes by presenting the case of Barbados as a concrete manifestation of these tendencies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The elections that took place in 2016 in Benin are very significant in defining the new framework of the French-African relations per se. The so-called candidate of Françafrique, Lionel Zinsou, lost the elections mainly because he promoted during the electoral campaign a vision still devoted to maintaining close connections with the former colonial power, France. On the other side, Patrice Talon fiercely advocated for a new and strong position both in what regards the domestic affairs as well as externally, portraying himself as «le candidat de la rupture». In the end, this way of positioning during the electoral campaign brought him the victory in elections, besides France's support towards the other candidate. Taking into consideration all these elements, the main purpose of the paper is that of analysing the impact of the 2016 elections 'result on redefining and maybe even ending the French-African relations, long time known as Françafrique. In this approach, the analysis will mainly focus on the electoral campaign itself and especially on the way in which the colonial past and the reference to France have been used by the candidates as means of winning votes from the electorate and to positioning to one another during that period of time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2018 New Regions Referendum and 2020 general elections prompted "Western Togoland" secessionists to launch violent attacks in September 2020. While not credited as electoral violence, the events in Ghana have sparked a debate on the interplay between secessionism and elections, particularly on the historical implications of the 1956 referendum in British Togoland -- the first independence referendum under UN-supervision. This article suggests that the 2018 New Regions Referendum parallels the 1956 UN-supervised British Togoland Referendum, which perpetuated secessionist conflict by the territorial division of Togoland. From a historicised statebuilding perspective, the paper concludes that the UN, through its supervision of the 1956 referendum, was unwittingly complicit in the realisation of French and British visions for the postcolonial order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is foreign aid an effective instrument of soft power? Does it generate affinity for donor countries and the values they espouse? This article answers these questions in the context of Chinese aid to Africa and the competing aid regime of the United States. The study combines data on thirty-eight African countries from Afrobarometer, AidData, and the Aid Information Management Systems of African finance and planning ministries. The authors use spatial difference-in-differences to isolate the causal effects of Chinese and US aid. The study finds that Chinese aid to Africa does not increase (and may in fact reduce) beneficiaries' support for China. By contrast, US aid appears to increase support for the United States and to strengthen recipients' commitment to liberal democratic values, such as the belief in the importance of elections. Chinese aid does not appear to weaken this commitment, and may strengthen it. The study also finds that Chinese aid increases support for the UK, France and other former colonial powers. These findings advance our understanding of the conditions under which competing aid regimes generate soft power and facilitate the transmission of political principles and ideals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In March 2009, President Marc Ravalomanana of the Island of Madagascar was ousted during a coup d'état led by the Mayor of Antananarivo, Andry Rajoelina, and his supporters. After the coup, Ravalomanana and his family fled to South Africa where they remained in exile from 2009 to 2014. To restore constitutional order in Madagascar, the Southern African Development Community (SADC), in July 2009, took the lead in a mediation process involving all Malagasy and other key stakeholders. SADC's mediation efforts, led by former President Chissano, formally ended in 2013 with the holding of democratic elections. The mediation effort, which lasted five years, was conducted in a very competitive and 'crowded' field. The 'crowded' field was characterised by in-fighting amongst the various international bodies for power and influence including 'spoiler' tactics used by vested interests to hinder the mediation process and prevent the return of Ravalomanana to Madagascar. This article looks specifically at the 'spoiler' role that France played during the mediation process to safeguard her interests in Madagascar under the Sarkozy Administration. France is known to intervene in the political and economic affairs of her former colonies and, during the 2009 coup, this was no exception. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author looks into the interrelationship of the general election in Great Britain, the European Union (EU), and the Commonwealth countries. He alleges that the ties between the European Economic Community (EEC) and former colonies is a form of neo-colonialism. He discusses the impact of the inclusion of Great Britain in the EEC. He also talks about the concept of Euroscepticism and its role in the political culture of Great Britain.