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Interwar Europe, a hotbed of anti-Semitism. A prejudice and hatred which was characteristic of so many right-wing movements, particularly far-right ones. Meanwhile, left-wing movements called for international workers unity, regardless of race or nationality. But did they truly live up to the values of the slogan? This paper tries to answer this question by inspecting the Norwegian case of the Labour Party and its main party organ, the Worker Paper between 1929 and 1930. The thesis relies on a detailed qualitative analysis of the Worker Paper’s contents as well as a shorter quantitative one. Because of the complicated nature of left-wing anti-Semitism, the thesis operates with a distinction between explicit and implicit anti-Semitism, where the latter becomes of most relevance. Possible cases of anti-Semitism are through argument determined as either explicitly anti-Semitic, implicitly anti-Semitic or neither. This way the thesis not only informs of the anti-Semitism the Worker Paper engaged in but also helps to define the boundaries of anti-Semitism. Cases where the Worker Paper opposed anti-Semitism are also examined and this apparent contradiction is clarified. The thesis concludes that opposition to anti-Semitism was quite representative of its contents, yet anti-Semitism was less than that: Somewhat representative, although explicit anti-Semitism was very rare. The level of anti-Semitism is regarded as too deep for the Worker Paper to be labelled “anti-anti-Semitic” in the period, and should instead be considered ambivalent towards Jews but more on the side of anti-anti-Semitism than anti-Semitism.

In this introduction to the second part of the special issue on alternative economies published in Organization in 2017, I first briefly chart key fora where the debate has continued in the last two years, and then present the three additional contributions included here. Moving the conversation forward, I argue that, in order to evaluate the prefigurative potential of alternative organizations, we need to address more thoroughly the relation between alternatives and their outside. A productive place to ground this reflection is in the debate between post-capitalism and anti-capitalism. The main lines of this debate are reconstructed based on the keynote speeches delivered by Jodi Dean and Stephen Healy at the last Rethinking Marxism conference held in Amherst, Massachusetts, in September 2013. I conclude by claiming that post-capitalist immanence should be articulated with an anti-capitalist communist horizon, and advance the Open Marxist notion of de-mediation of social relations as key to do this. Although capitalist institutions (e.g. the market, the state) mediate all social relations, mediation is never definitive, as it always contains the possibility for its own negation, de-mediation. So conceived, de-mediation redefines our understanding of class struggle beyond the capital-labor relation in the workplace, into society as a whole, broadening the ethical and political scope of the organizational research agenda on alternatives to capitalism. I would like to thank Raza Mir and Yvonne Benschop for giving me the possibility to write this introduction and Ozan Alakavuklar, Marcos Barros, Marjan De Coster and Frederick Harry Pitts for their very valuable feedback on an earlier draft of this text. I retain full responsibility for any mistake or omission.

The translation into English of Aleksandr Yakovlevich Khinchin's (1894–1959) 1926 paper entitled ‘Ideas of intuitionism and the struggle for a subject matter in contemporary mathematics’ is made available for the first time. Here, Khinchin presented the famous foundational debate between L.E.J. Brouwer and David Hilbert of the 1920s in terms of a search for a mathematics with content. His main aim seems to have been to make intuitionism ideologically acceptable to his audience at the Communist Academy by means of the claim that insofar as Brouwer's intuitionism had a clear ‘subject matter’ and Hilbert's new program was a concession to intuitionism, the alleged victory of intuitionism not only implied the defeat of ‘empty’ formalism, but also showed the compatibility and affinity of Marxism with the newest developments in modern mathematics. This introduction provides a tentative exploration of the issue of what was tactical (or due to ideological pressure) and what was real scientific interest (or due to ignorance) (or what was both) in Khinchin's 1926 paper in the form of a detailed commentary, especially, on the tactical side of his presentation of the positions of Brouwer and Hilbert.

Thousands of people, agents, institutions and scientists from around the globe demonstrated their interest, fought against the mud and the time for not missing a single page of the Historical Archive of Communist Party of Greece (CPG) after a big flood. Fungi are growing in wet paper with accelerating pace. The building of the Central Committee was transformed in a large cleansing laboratory for removing the mud and drying the paper. The most challenging difficulty from the very first days was the volume of the material in need for rescue. In a short interval, the battle against time and fungi took place not to miss a single page. At the same time, the huge inexperience of dealing with catastrophes of such size was prevalent too. The steps were followed according to the bibliography [1, 2, 3, 4, 10, 25, 26]: Placing the ‘muddy’ material into low temperature fridges to cease the accelerating speedy development of the mould, gradual cleansing of the material from the mud and other litter, drying the material, decontamination-sterilization in special closets of 25 m3, space configuration with humidity and temperature conditions defined by the international literature and placement of the dried material, chemical treatment (De-acidification–Neutralization), solidification and restoration with the use of Japanese preservation papers, placement of the material into folders and boxes with antacid – antifungal protection and special environment conditions, computerization and electronic storage (digitalization). The preservation and restoration laboratory that was created is not only providing precautionary and substantial preservation of the archival material but also checking the process of the implemented methods. The slowing-down of its chemical downgrade is the primary target [16, 20, 21]. Securing stable humidity and temperature conditions defined by the international literature was the first big step for the future physicochemical course of the material [1, 4, 6, 13, 27].

In 1946 the Chinese communist leader Mao Zedong explained his party’s stance on nuclear weapons to the American journalist Anne Louise Strong: “The atom bomb is a paper tiger with which the American reactionaries try to terrify the people. It looks terrible, but in fact is not. Of course, the atom bomb is a weapon of mass annihilation: the outcome of a war is decided by the people, not by one or two new weapons.” The emphasis on the people as the ultimate determinant of victory or defeat was the foundation of Maoist doctrine. It emerged out of a series of successful wars against armies that enjoyed better equipment but lacked mass support, and from a leadership imbued with a revolutionary ideology that identified the aroused masses as the source of social change.

On 1 January 1930 the Communist Party of Great Britain's (CPGB) new daily newspaper, the Daily Worker, was published for the first time. It was heralded by the CPGB as a maturing of the British Communist movement, and an opportunity for the Party to spread its message to a much wider audience than previous weekly newspapers would allow. With leading Party members in control of the paper, the Daily Worker was very much a Party newspaper; however, the CPGB wanted it to be much more than an internal bulletin. This paper examines the attempts by the CPGB to create a newspaper that spoke both for and with the voice of the working-classes, whilst also spreading the Party's message. It will ultimately conclude that the CPGB's depiction of it as a paper ‘by the working-classes, for the working-classes’ reflected the Party's efforts at locating its own place within the working-class movement.

Doctors in Star Trek are vital and central characters, often crucial in helping their captains to reach command decisions. They are also interdisciplinarians, performing not only medical tasks but also any form of work related to all fields of biology. Furthermore, these doctors also carry out any required research that pertains to the biological sciences. It is perhaps this unique blend of skills, combined with a fundamental orientation towards humanism and compassion, that leads to their default position, de facto, if not de jure, as the crew's ethics officers, a role that they embrace with as much dedication and zeal as the former Soviet communist political officers/commissars (the Zampolit) did theirs. This paper will show that from the very inception of Star Trek, doctors strictly adhered to deontological tenets which lead them to actively influence command decisions that pertain not only to health, but also to any ethical decisions that may have to be taken by Starfleet officers. This portrayal of future doctors signals the wishes of contemporary audiences: that future doctors remain humane, compassionate and ethical guardian angels, and not only superb medics.

These two fine books, released within months of each other, use differing terms but resonating conceptual apparatuses to explore the “moral crisis” of contemporary China. For both authors, this crisis is a reality, and both of them offer prescriptions for its partial resolution. Both authors ground their perspectives in disciplines of the humanities—literary criticism for Haiyan Lee and philosophy for Jiwei Ci—and each takes what I would call a modernist perspective vis-a-vis China’s moral crisis. That is, they see the practices and dynamics of moral reasoning associated with traditional China as inadequate for a China that has modernized rapidly over the past 35 years. Moreover, each author sees the Maoist decades as having reinforced certain aspects of traditional moral reasoning and perceives the current regime’s reliance on remnants of Maoist/Leninist processes of governing as inimical to the development of healthier modes of moral reasoning. Their positing of an overlap between traditionalism and Maoism could be summed up by the title of Andrew G. Walder’s classic book, Communist Neo-Traditionalism. Finally, each author focuses on questions of selfhood and processes of developing the type of self that is able to reason morally.