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This paper examines the relationship between the concepts of humility and competition in Confucianism and Daoism, and discusses their relevance to contemporary education. It argues that while both philosophical traditions value humility and caution against excessive competition, they do not outrightly reject competition; instead, they advocate for a harmonious balance between humility and competition through yielding (rang) and showing reverence (gong) or acting through non-action (wei-wu-wei) to resolve conflicts and promote healthy competition. The insights gleaned from this exploration carry significant implications for the moral development and mental well-being of students, particularly in the context of high-stakes testing cultures in China and other countries. They also offer valuable support in nurturing students' qualities such as openness to learning, humble leadership, and appreciation of diversity and multiculturalism essential for success in a diverse and interconnected world.

The state-university's interaction and relationship has long been a key focus of scholarly discussion. A distinct strategy in China's higher education is policy experimentation (PE), which allows indigenous policy innovations to be generated at local institutions and incorporated into national policymaking. The PE approach allows power negotiation among various stakeholders in creating a strategy space for reform. Through case studies, the paper examines those complicated processes enabled and shaped by stakeholders' perceptions, behaviours and strategic actions. It proposes three types of rationales for using PE as mission-driven, problem-driven and administration-driven. The university uses 'bargaining and persuasion' and 'formation of advocacy coalition' in negotiating with the state whereas the state communicates with the university through 'documentary politics' and 'open method of coordination'. Thus, PE can be regarded as a new way of HE governance in effectively mediating the state authority and university power in building consensus for China's HE development.

This paper analyzes dialogues between insurance sales agents and their clients in transformational rural China from the perspective of interactive frames, footings and discourse identities. Through the analysis of three types of talk, namely, friendship talk, institutional talk and task-oriented talk, the ambiguous and conflicting identities that both agents and clients adopt in the conversations are captured and described. It then describes and analyzes the dynamics of the mobilization and strategic management of relative identities that both parties assume and employ in order to resolve conflicts, justify oneself and resume control. The analysis further probes into the transforming nature of the modern Chinese rural society, where old and traditional value systems have, to a large extent, been shattered, while new value systems are yet to be established.

Based on a two-year ethnographic study of global virtual teams (GVTs) (n = 323) in a technology-enhanced global course among six universities (i.e. U.S., China, South Korea, Germany, Israel, and India), this paper presents "how and in what ways" the participating students made sense of and constructed understandings about the interactive learning environment. Focusing on the student engagement, this study identified three pathways in which they negotiated and developed their respective understandings about technology, culture, and teamwork in GVTs. In each pathway, it was found that students engaged in the development process of reflecting upon problematic experiences, revolving unanticipated challenges, and establishing new ways of being, doing, and thinking. This study highlights the dynamic nature of understanding construction and provides important implications about how to implement GVTs and support students to succeed in GVTs.

In this paper, we examine the relationship between the generation mechanism of miners' unsafe behavior tendency and conflict management strategies, including cooperative conflict management strategy, competitive conflict management strategy and avoidant conflict management strategy. Miners from 3 collieries in Shanxi province completed a questionnaire, from which a valid sample of 148 responses was selected. Structural equation modeling analysis using the AMOS 7.0 was employed to test the hypothesized model relating the above-mentioned variables. The conclusion shows that the model was supported, and conflict management strategies have a significant impact on the generation mechanism of miners' unsafe behavior tendency. Insecurity psychology acts as an intermediary role between the three conflict management strategies and coal miners' unsafe behavior tendency. Interpersonal intimacy acts partly as a regulating role between the three conflict management strategies and insecurity psychology. Practical implications of these results for the control of miners' unsafe behavior tendency are discussed.

The research suggests there is a gap in the peace studies and conflict resolution literature, with little representation or understanding of Chinese perspectives. In a project to address this gap, the researchers conducted interviews individually with 30 participants identified as "emerging leaders," who came from diverse universities and parts of the Peoples' Republic of China. This paper reports on the language used by young emerging leaders to talk about conflict, the main concepts that were discussed and what meanings may be communicated in the context of contemporary China. The research method was developed in collaboration with Chinese academics, was elicitive and dialogic, used context-grounded vignettes of conflict scenarios and aimed to build a foundation for deepening dialogue and engagement. The findings are important theoretically for a more inclusive peace and conflict studies literature and have practical implications for the way in which relationships with China may best be approached.

The article takes a critical look at the sovereignty claims surrounding the Senkaku / Diaoyu Islands. The dispute has long plagued Sino-Japanese relations and is considered one of the key regional security hotspots, with the People's Republic of China mounting an active challenge to Japanese administrative control. This article reviews the case for sovereignty under both the discovery and the prescription principles. However, the article concludes that one cannot find a compelling case for sovereignty under either principle in favour of either claimants. The paper argues that this is due to the traditional insignificance of the islands prior to UNCLOS establishing exclusive economic zones. Rather, the article suggests that to facilitate a resolution to the disputes, the islands should not be classified as islands under UNCLOS as they do not meet the legal threshold for such a classification, either today or historically. If anything, the weakness of claims that contributes to the intractability of the dispute today shows that traditionally neither China nor Japan has considered these territories as islands in a manner that would be in the spirit of UNCLOS. While such a reclassification would not immediately resolve the dispute, it would be a significant step to remove incentives for the further pursuit of conflicting sovereignty over the islands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper aims to explore the effects of institutional environments across developed and emerging markets on buyer–supplier cooperation. It empirically examines a Business-to-Business relational exchange model of trust-building, commitment and cooperative behaviors within firms in the USA and countries such as Brazil, Russia, India and China (BRIC). Design/methodology/approach: A conceptual model and accompanying research hypotheses are tested on a sample of buyers from the USA (n = 169), Brazil (n = 110), China (n = 100), Russia (n = 100) and India (n = 100). Structural equation modeling is used to test the relationships in the model. Findings: Findings suggest that approaches to achieve successful cooperation vary across countries and depend on the interaction between formal and informal institutions present in each country. Results show that buyers from India and China place relatively greater emphasis on conflict resolution and commitment, whereas buyers from Brazil and Russia rely more on trust in their efforts to create cooperative relationships. For US buyers, formality and quality of communication and functional benefits are key factors in fostering trust, commitment and cooperation. Practical implications: A conceptual framework is advanced that extends traditional westernized and China-only perspectives of relational exchanges to a more universal context. Results suggest that suppliers understand how their buyers' country-level institutional environment shapes their partnership legitimacy and relational motivations at the transaction level. Originality/value: To the best of the authors' knowledge, this study is the first to examine buyer–supplier relational exchanges through the lenses of transaction cost, social exchange and institutional theories using the USA and BRIC nations as proxies for examination of institutional effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research suggests there is a gap in the peace studies and conflict resolution literature, with little representation or understanding of Chinese perspectives. In a project to address this gap, the researchers conducted interviews individually with 30 participants identified as ‘ emerging leaders’, who came from diverse universities and parts of the Peoples’ Republic of China. This paper reports on the language used by young emerging leaders to talk about conflict, the main concepts that were discussed and what meanings may be communicated in the context of contemporary China. The research method was developed in collaboration with Chinese academics, was elicitive and dialogic, used context-grounded vignettes of conflict scenarios and aimed to build a foundation for deepening dialogue and engagement. The findings are important theoretically for a more inclusive peace and conflict studies literature and have practical implications for the way in which relationships with China may best be approached. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a 'flag-ship project' for China, which has the potential to modernize Pakistan through economic development. There are, however, major challenges as well as opportunities for Pakistan that may have implications for peace and conflict. This paper focuses on one such problem, the issue of political and economic autonomy in Balochistan. It seeks to analyze the impact of CPEC on the problem in Balochistan and propose options for the resolution of the conflict. Through the employment of conflict analysis tools, like the conflict tree and mapping the conflict, this study tries to identify the parties to the conflict and their relationship, the conflict issues, and the interests and needs of the activists and people of Balochistan. Here the regional and state level factors have also been identified that can have a positive impact on conflict resolution otherwise it may create a hindrance in achieving the objectives of CPEC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today's development and peacebuilding donor landscape is much more complex than it was just a few decades ago. In addition to traditional donors, emerging donors have come to play much more prominent roles in development and peacebuilding assistance. This article explores these shifting dynamics of the donor landscape by analyzing China's and India's engagements with African states. In particular, it investigates whether these two emerging donors' development and peacebuilding interventions are framed around the localization of aid concerns that have animated traditional donors. The article shows that nationally led and nationally owned development and peacebuilding priorities are central to the provision of aid by these emerging donors. However, neither China nor India has explicitly joined the localization of aid debate. The term "localization" does not appear in the key documents produced by the government agencies that oversee these countries' development and peacebuilding interventions. Moreover, neither China nor India has signed onto the various international agreements that place localization at the forefront of traditional donor agendas. This article argues that the local is important to both China and India. However, for these two countries, localization is reflected in the emphasis on nationally led and nationally owned development and peacebuilding priority setting; and the promotion of state capacity and strength rather than as a way of working with civil society and nongovernmental organizations. These engagements with the local by China and India in the context of Africa have shifted over time as their footprints across the continent have expanded and their global aspirations have shifted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peace studies in China has had meaningful initial developments, but the sustainability of the field's development has been constrained by an authoritarian political atmosphere. Rights and justice are core issues in peace studies, but these remain unaddressed in China. Thus, this article highlights studies on rights movements as de facto peace studies in an authoritarian setting and compares the movement among the middle class and that of peasants/workers, which can help us understand current contradictions and disharmony in Chinese society. Maintaining the stability of a turbulent society is becoming a crucial agenda for the Chinese state. Accordingly, studies on rights movements will become increasingly important. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Environmental conflicts frequently occur in grassland areas, which form the largest terrestrial ecosystem in China. Grassland conflict not only seriously affects environmental and public governance, but also threatens social stability and economic development. Based on a field study using surveys and interviews with 5,490 respondents and a case study of 30 cases in northern China, this paper explores the reasons for and resolution approaches to environmental conflict in grassland areas and identified three key findings. First, the reasons for conflict included economic, political and administrative, technological, social, cultural, and historical factors. Economic and political and administrative factors were confirmed as the most important causes of such conflict. Although economic reasons were often deemed more important than political and administrative ones, they always played a preconditioning role. Political and administrative causes often directly led to the outbreak and deterioration of conflict. Second, although multiple approaches have been used to resolve conflicts in grassland areas, governmental intervention and mediation remain the most strongly recognized and widely used approach. The importance of judicial settlement has increased significantly in contemporary practices. Third, both the reasons for and approaches adopted to mitigate conflict affected the effectiveness of the conflict resolution, and the reasons also influenced the selection of appropriate conflict resolution approaches. These findings provide a new theoretical direction for future studies as well as practical implications for resolving conflicts in environmental and other types of public governance in contemporary China and elsewhere. • Economic and administrative reasons are most important for grassland conflicts. • Government intervention is the most widely used to resolve grassland conflict. • Decision on grassland conflict resolution approach is affected by conflict reasons. • Perception of each approach varies with shepherds' gender, ethnicity, and education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflict is inevitable and an essential part of organizational life, as the goals of employers and employees are often incompatible. In this study, by employing both qualitative and quantitative methods, we inductively identified the categories of labor relations conflicts (interest-based, rights-based, and affect-based conflicts) and developed a three-dimensional scale that reflects employees' perceptions of labor relations conflicts in the Chinese context. By using matched data from 1223 employees and 136 human resource (HR) managers and employing hierarchical linear modeling (HLM) analysis, we tested the hypotheses and examined the effectiveness of partnership practices on reducing labor relations conflicts, the negative effects of labor relations conflicts on employees' attitudes and behaviors, and the mediating role of labor relations conflicts on the relationship between partnership practices and employees' attitudes and behaviors. The theoretical contributions and practical implications of the findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The coalition in interrelated conflicts with hierarchical structures is analyzed within the framework of basic hierarchical graph model as an extension of graph model for conflict resolution. A basic hierarchical graph model consists of two local graph models with three decision makers: one common decision maker supervising both local graph models, and two local decision makers, each of whom takes part in one local graph model. Two types of coalition, between the common and one local decision maker, and between two local decision makers are discussed. Theorems are proposed, indicating that transition from one equilibrium to another, called equilibrium jump, can only take place in the coalition consisting of common and local decision maker. The change to a more preferred equilibrium for local decision makers could only take place when they temporarily sacrifice their interests. An illustrative example of hierarchical disputes over achieving emission goals between the national and two provincial governments in China are investigated. The results suggest that agreements between the national and one provincial government can be reached. The province will achieve stricter emission goals when being subsidized by the national government. Agreements between the two provinces cannot be formed without the participation of the national government. This study can provide courses of action for decision makers under coalition in dealing with hierarchical conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this research is to show how institutional factors affect buyer–supplier relationships. Specifically, the authors examine a model of relationship quality and its antecedents across rule-based, relation-based and family-based governance environments. Design/methodology/approach: A conceptual model and accompanying research hypotheses are tested on data from a survey of 169 US (rule-based), 110 Brazilian (family-based) and 100 Chinese (relation-based) managers and buyers. Structural equation modeling is used to test the relationship quality framework and the hypothesized moderation of governance environment. Findings: Results suggest that the informal institutions which shape a nation's governance environment impact the relationship building process between buyers and suppliers. Communication quality was found to influence relationship quality more in developed economies where relationships are protected and managed under rule-based governance. Interaction frequency was found to be more relevant in emerging market firms characterized by relation-based societies. relationship benefits are applied more to relationships in emerging markets operating under family-based governance. No differences were found across governance environments for the influence that conflict resolution has on relationship quality. Practical implications: Results provide insight into how the fairness and effectiveness of political and economic institutions surrounding a buyer's nation of operation impact "rules of the game" differently for developed and emerging market firms. Originality/value: This study extends research on cross-cultural relationship marketing to more than just communications context and cultural heritage. Results demonstrate that a buyer's quest for legitimacy impacts its sensitivity to what supplier behaviors matter the most. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A novel hierarchical graph model, called hierarchical graph model with sequential moves (SHGM), is developed to investigate interrelated conflicts in which common decision-makers (CDMs), participating in all interrelated conflicts, unilaterally move in one subconflict at a time. The preferences of decision-makers are described by a scoring system. Equilibria under different solution concepts are calculated as the indication of possible outcomes or strategic resolutions for decision-makers. This novel methodology is applied to subsidy disputes between the national government in China and two provincial governments, typical hierarchical conflicts containing sequential moves of the national government who wishes to strategically allocate the limited subsidies to encourage the compliance of carbon mitigation policies by the provinces. In-depth analysis is carried out to determine the equilibria that can be evolved from the starting state, called the status quo. Among these equilibria, the most preferred one for the national government, called the optimal equilibrium, suggests meaningful resolutions for each decision-maker. In particular, the national government in China is advised to subsidize the more industrialized province so that both provinces would comply with its carbon mitigation policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regardless of tremendous efforts from the involving countries, up to the present, the South China Sea (SCS) dispute between China and Philippines is regarded as the most complex and challenging maritime regional conflict in Asia. It has been two years since the date of arbitral awards for the case between Philippines and China, but the issue still raised the question of whether the award has set a good precedent for the dispute settlement mechanism under the UNCLOS 1982. And the award's impact on the dispute settlement and state relations in the region is also debated. After the award was made, many scholars criticized that the case exhibits various shortcomings of the UNCLOS 1982 and the consequences thereof deteriorates the main function of international law. This study discusses the dispute settlement mechanism of UNCLOS 1982 and its application in the case of the Philippines - China. The study is important for two specific reasons: (i) the use of negotiation among nations in the region has become a deadlock, the demand to use legal regime in international relations is increasingly supported by many scholars, and (ii) shortcomings of the UNCLOS 1982 will be discussed for future improvement. This study finds that the tenacious dispute in the South China Sea is due to two reasons. Firstly, it is the risk the inconsistent interpretation among state parties, especially the historical approach adopted by China despite the existence of UNCLOS 1982. Secondly, it is the lack in mechanism of the Convention to ensure the parties' compliance to the award, when China explicitly declared that it would unilaterally reject the arbitral awards. These two reasons are inarguably critical since it may degenerate the almighty goal of an international legal regime in maintaining the "internationality" and "unity" and become a chronic problem for all countries of the region. However, the situation after one year since the award was made has proved that the rule-of-law can be used as an effective tool to improve interstate co-operation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pointing out the remarkable levels of hostile interaction in the air space over contested territory between states like China and Japan or Greece and Turkey we argue that air space incursions can be interpreted as a rational strategy with ultimately political aims. In our interpretation deliberate intrusions of military aircraft into sensitive air space serve as an indirect risk-generating mechanism, as they will trigger scrambles of the opposed government's air force which may escalate into a military crisis. We derive testable hypotheses from a game-theoretic model, which we developed in earlier work to explore the strategic logic behind this risk-generating mechanism more rigorously. In order to test whether the model's predictions regarding the effect of short-term economic developments on the states' interaction hold, we built a database of daily event observations from the Hellenic National Defence General Staff reports of the last 4 years, containing time series data of Turkish intrusions into Greek-claimed air space and the number of dogfights between Greek and Turkish fighter planes. What we find is that not only Greek engagements of Turkish intruders but also massed, provocative Turkish intrusions have become significantly less likely after the onset of the Greek economic crisis. These findings are well in line with the predictions of the model and thus supportive of our theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]