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This paper examines the formation of the teachers' movement in South Korea, focusing on the publication of the short-lived magazine "Minjung Gyoyuk" (People's Education) in 1985. Progressive teachers published this magazine to systematically critique the education practises of the time and seek a new direction for education under repressive conditions, which led to dismissals and arrests of the contributors. This incident became central to the formation of the Korean Teachers' Union (KTU) in 1989, which emerged in the milieu of compressed growth and the struggle for democratisation. By looking at the cultural notions of shame as a source of struggle, the paper examines the complexity of political and social values inherent in the progressive movement, undergone in the process of compressed modernisation and democratisation.

The Black Lives Matter campaign has led many people around the world to reassess monuments that are installed in public spaces to commemorate historical figures. These reassessments raise questions about what it means to attack the statues of the past, what the rights and wrongs of such actions are, what this teaches us and how all this is passed on to the next generation. In line with this, I focus on a statue of the former dictator of Korea, Chun Doo-hwan, installed in 2019. The purpose of the statue was, however, somewhat different from that of many other statues currently at issue. It was erected for the purpose of humiliation rather than respect. By examining the case of the statue of Chun Doo-hwan in Korea, this paper discusses the nature of democracy in relation to these attacks on statues. In particular, it attempts to interpret the installation of the statue as a form of art for an emancipated community, where democracy is understood as involving a haunting of the collective memory. It concludes that democracy is something never to be grasped fully, something that slips away from its intentions and that is always to be tested and reconsidered. Finally, the paper addresses the educational significance of the statue in question in terms of how history is to be taught and how, in our interactions with the statues around us, the past is to be remembered.

The current situation of South Korean democracy displays severe partisan conflicts between two major factions around political reformation of the judiciary department and the ensuing social issues of justice and fairness. In this light, this article examines the problematic relationship of democracy, faction and diversity revealed in The Federalist Papers. I argue that Publius' thinking in The Federalist Papers discloses the existential ground of democratic republic which embraces both the constant emergence of factious struggle and the political necessity of social diversification. Some scholarly views of The Federalist Papers merely focus on the economic aspects of Publius' attempt to regulate the factional strife concerning property rights; other studies maintain that Publus' constitutional scheme simply provides a formalistic basis for the institutional compromise of the clashing interests. But a close reading of The Federalist Papers reveals the Publius' concern of faction is to deal with a deeper ground of political existence that cannot escape the differing movements of human passions, interests and opinions in everyday life. Furthermore, Publius' constitutional design of the extended republic and the separation of powers ultimately discloses the political necessity of social diversification to sustain the self-ruling power of popular government facing the clashing movements of human differentiation. Thereby, this article suggests that the Publius' political insights of the nature of popular regime help us to carefully approach the recurrent problem of democratic factions in the Republic of Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an analysis of the ways in which the concept of educational neutrality is used in South Korea. It focuses in particular on the discursive use of educational neutrality. Drawing on selected editorials published by the Donga-Ilbo, I explore complex interlinkages between linguistic and socio-political elements that constitute the discourse of educational neutrality. The findings are that the Korean use of educational neutrality is related not only to the war-political context in which critical engagement in social and political issues is treated as a subversive political act but also to the neoliberal restructuring of education. The paper concludes by outlining some implications for democratic education.

The major purpose of this paper is to examine the extent to which multiethnic Korea and Thailand are cultural democracies. The primary conceptual framework guiding this study is the powerful but largely ignored concept of cultural democracy. Bereday's classic model of comparative research is another major theoretical and methodological framework utilized. The major methodologies used are comparative qualitative case studies, meta-synthesis, and participant-observation. Comparative national case studies are rare. A number of striking similarities between the two countries are identified. The very low fertility rates of both nations drive a critical need for guest workers and international students. Both countries in general have pursued assimilationist policies not conducive to cultural democracy. The final part of the paper offers suggestions for strengthening cultural democracy in both nations. Their long-term potential can be enhanced if both these societies recognize the 'diversity advantage' and move actively to realize the ideal of cultural democracy.

This study explores the implications of the flipped classroom experiment in South Korea as a counter-proposal for the school innovation project based on the Korean educational context. Using Dongpyung middle school in South Korea for this case study, this paper focuses on how and why the flipped classroom impacts Korea's education culture. The results of the experiment provide significant insights, such as promoting more active classroom learning and the improvement of student academic achievement. In particular, the narratives of the students and teachers in the flipped classroom experiment show the following positive impacts on learning and teaching: (1) Transformation into a more equal and democratic classroom, (2) restoration of enjoyment in learning and teaching, (3) improvement of self-confidence, and (4) inspiration for the learning and teaching community. Based on these results, this paper discusses possible implications of the flipped classroom as an alternative future class model in Korean society.

The context for this paper is the rapid globalization and international migration occurring across the globe. An insightful metaphor for this era is "the death of distance." The influx of new migrants into countries such as Korea, Japan, Thailand, and the United States presents many challenges for those societies. In Minnesota, people of Karen culture from Myanmar (Burma) are arriving daily and the state currently has over 100,000 individuals of Hmong ethnicity. With its incredibly low fertility rate (lowest among OECD countries), Korea is necessarily needing to import large numbers of workers from diverse countries of the Asia-Pacific region such as Vietnam and the Philippines which presents many challenges for Korean educators and policy-makers. In the first part of the paper as background, the different genres of people moving across national borders are carefully differentiated. Among the major groups are so-called "gastarbeiter" (guest workers) and those working in another country for a defined period, actual migrants (legal and illegal), and various kinds of refugees and/or those seeking political asylum. In this paper, the focus is on permanent migrants. In the early 1970s, Ramírez and Castañeda developed the important construct of "cultural democracy" which unfortunately was largely ignored. The US government's focus, for example, has been on fostering political, not cultural democracy with many adverse effects. The concept of "cultural democracy" is far more relevant today than when it was developed. Cultural democracy is a key theoretical construct used in this paper. Other key theoretical constructs used are social contact theory developed by Allport and subsequently researched extensively by Thomas Pettigrew; the Protean individual developed by the political scientist, psychologist Lifton; and the important construct of intercultural competency. Drawing upon these four important theoretical frameworks, a model for effectively integrating new migrants in Korea is proposed for consideration and review.

In recent decades in Korea, many significant changes in political, social and cultural dimensions have been held by the citizen's initiative, where the revitalization of citizenship and strong civic unity have played a role. Yet, in regard to the characteristic of Korean citizenship, it seems that the aspect of individual subject has not been fully matured or issued; that is, there is a dissymmetry between the strong civic unity and a weak individual subject. This paper attempts to explore a possible historical account of why this has been the case by examining the historical development of the concept of enlightenment in modern Korea and Japan. 'Enlightenment', as a modern concept in Korea, was imported via Japan in the period from the late nineteenth century to the early twentieth century as in many other new concepts such as 'democracy' or 'nation'. However, by comparison to the Western idea of the Enlightenment, its modern concept, Korean or Japanese, developed a different meaning in each own context, while lacking its original meaning essential to the creation of the 'modern individual subject' as a 'citizen'. Hence, in modern Korea and Japan, the word 'enlightenment' is regarded as a historical concept with no contemporary relevance.

The major purpose of this paper is to examine the extent to which multiethnic Korea and Thailand are cultural democracies. The primary conceptual framework guiding this study is the powerful but largely ignored concept of cultural democracy. Bereday's classic model of comparative research is another major theoretical and methodological framework utilized. The major methodologies used are comparative qualitative case studies, meta-synthesis, and participant-observation. Comparative national case studies are rare. A number of striking similarities between the two countries are identified. The very low fertility rates of both nations drive a critical need for guest workers and international students. Both countries in general have pursued assimilationist policies not conducive to cultural democracy. The final part of the paper offers suggestions for strengthening cultural democracy in both nations. Their long-term potential can be enhanced if both these societies recognize the 'diversity advantage' and move actively to realize the ideal of cultural democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Candlelight protests were held in 2016 and 2017 in South Korea. Hundreds of thousands of people gathered downtown with candles in their hands, and it is widely recognized as an unprecedented collective action in the history of Korean politics. This study analyzes how the candlelight protests developed and achieved the impeachment of the president. Drawing on political opportunity theory, this paper examines how the political opportunity was formulated in the process and outcome of these candlelight protests. This paper identifies three properties that served as enabling conditions embedded in this case: (1) political freedoms guaranteed in the existing formal institutions; (2) political elites in alignment with the protesters and the rule of law; and (3) low risk of state repression of law-abiding collective action. Overall, the political opportunities were sufficiently established in Korean society for citizens to take collective action and their protests led to the desired outcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Korea's persistent enmity towards its erstwhile colonizer Japan has been a compelling topic of East Asian international relations scholarship for decades. This article argues that the historical evolution of South Korea's democracy offers a vital and overlooked piece of this puzzle. Given that it emerged from one of the most virulently anti-communist dictatorships of the Cold War period, in a society facing an ongoing threat from communist North Korea, any left-of-center opposition movement faced an uphill battle against severe anti-communism. In such circumstances, the only way for a leftist opposition party to survive was by pitting its stronger anti-Japan reputation against conservatives' anti-communism. After South Korea's democracy stabilized, liberals tried and failed to overturn the anti-leftist institutions left over from the Cold War and then sought equilibrium through parallel rhetoric targeting pro-Japanese elements. Today, neither left nor right can afford to allow a final amicable settlement with its respective target of antagonism. Through analyses of domestic political rhetoric targeting alleged pro-Japanese or pro-communist elements, this paper demonstrates how these competing antagonisms achieved an uneasy equilibrium that undergirds South Korean political dynamics to this day. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the process of democratisation, it is expected that a former dominant party, at least one which abides by the rules of electoral contestation, will transition into a 'catch-all' party. A catch-all party aims to attract the votes of all social cleavages and classes of voters outside what would be considered their traditional voter base. As part of the wider debate about democratisation in East Asia, this paper examines how two of East Asia's liberal democracies-Japan and South Korea, the LDP and GNP/Saenuri, respectively, have adapted to electoral defeat and in what ways they have transitioned into catch-all parties in the Kircheimer mould. This paper finds that while intra-party reforms which could fit a catch-all model have yet to be institutionalised, data from the Comparative Manifesto Database shows that there has been a significant change in which policies both parties promote and that these are designed to appeal to a broad base of voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Forum on Economics & Business / Közgazdász Fórum is the property of Hungarian Economists' Society of Romania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims at a theoretical reflection on and an empirical analysis of the relationship between the global economic crisis and liberal democracy in South Korea. For this, we elaborate the concept of dual polarization and construct a model of path analysis which includes such variables as socio-economic and political-ideological cleavage, political party affiliation, ideological orientation, economic (crisis) outlook, and support for an autocratic presidential rule as potential threats to liberal democracy. Descriptively, the paper examines how liberal democracy has unfolded and where South Korea stands today with regard to the quality of her democracy. Analytically, the paper examines where the potential threat to liberal democracy comes from based on a general population survey in Korea from 2014. The major findings of our analysis include: 1) The support for autocratic presidential power is stronger among citizens than among MPs. 2) Political party affiliation, ideological orientation, and economic (crisis) outlook are closely interrelated and significantly affected by the political-ideological cleavage. All independent variables contribute to explaining support for an autocratic presidential rule. 3) Yet there also exists strong support for a democratic regime among both MPs and citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we provide a historical overview of the development of Korea Is civil society since its transition to democracy in 1987. After a theoretical review of civil society focused on the comparison between the East and the West, we analyze seven governments of Korea since the democratic transition in 1987 in terms of the change in civil society and its engagement with the state, underscoring the continued role of civil society in democratic consolidation and deepening. Then, we discuss some prominent characteristics of Korean civil society in the post-transitional period, such as the diversification of the modes of state-civil society relationship, politicization and ideological polarization of civil society, "political societization " of civil society, the widened gap between central and local civil societies, and financial dependency of civil society on the state. We conclude the paper with a few important cautions against excessive political societization of civil society and the resultant depopulation and potential delegitimation of the civil society arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The May 1980 Gwangju Democracy Movement was a seminal event in the democratization process of South Korea. However, it was also a critical event in the development of anti-Americanism in the country. The US government recognized this and towards the end of the 1980s began to engage in public diplomacy to explain the US role in the events of May 1980 to the Korean public to dampen anti-American sentiment. These efforts culminated in the release of the "United States Government Statement on the Events in Kwangju, Republic of Korea, in May 1980" on June 19, 1989. This article reviews US motivations for producing the 1989 statement and argues misinformation provided by the Chun government to the Korean people and rising anti-Americanism were the two main factors. Next, the US public diplomacy effort to explain US actions during May 1980 is analyzed before showing that Korean reactions to these US efforts were on the whole negative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

he U.S.-China hegemonic competition is clearly underway, as the Biden administration acknowledges China as the only challenger to the existing global hegemony. This recognition has initiated a power struggle between the two, despite neither possessing absolute national power for complete dominance. This article goes beyond the traditional debate of whether China will eventually surpass the U.S. and focuses on deriving pertinent implications. The role of allies in shaping the U.S.-China competition is gaining significance. The U.S. is restructuring the global supply chain to exclude China, creating overlapping mini-lateral cooperative networks with traditional allies and friendly nations. Conversely, China is expanding its influence through traditional multilateral cooperation, aligning with alliance transition theory. Furthermore, mid-sized countries, especially pivotal ones are assuming a more critical role. This situation has implications for ROK government's foreign policy, which aims to play an active role as a Global Pivotal State emphasizing liberal democratic values and common interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at how place-making at a historic site via collective memory provokes and embraces issues of memory and representativeness. It examines how the power of place-making knowledge and the power of collective memory compete and negotiate in the city of Gwangju, South Korea. Through the analysis, primarily, of archives and in-depth interviews, the research investigates the case of conflicts surrounding the construction of the Asian Culture Complex in Gwangju. The construction included the demolition of the Byeolgwan, where ordinary protesters were killed in the 18 May democratic uprising of 1980. During public consultations and the consensus-making process, victims developed an adaptive preference and agreed to changes proposed without realising what exactly would happen. The controversy that emerged after they expressed their belated criticism clarified the collective memory of 18 May. Intellectuals challenged the power of the 5.18 organisations, bearing professional knowledge and appropriate manners in debates. The conflict contributed to the re-arrangement of power relations in the city and to the clarification of issues that had not been openly discussed before. The power of mourning and symbolising tragedy, usually located with the victims of such tragedy, is challenged by the power of place-making for the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do young adults in Korea appear to reject the democratic system and embrace with authoritarianism? Employing a specially designed survey, this study examined the influence of the models of extreme economic hardship, social threat, fairness, and populism using the structural equation model. Thus, the determinants of the authoritarian system were found to be multidimensional and somewhat at odds with each other in the direction of causation. The threat of economic hardship and intolerant attitudes toward North Korea and minorities were important factors that led young adults to support authoritarian regimes. Nevertheless, young adults who are critical of the fairness of democracy in Korea continue to support the democratic system. Young adults who are critical of representative democracy and oriented toward populism showed the same preference. This result provides the hopeful prospect that Korea may not join the recent trend of deconsolidation and further reauthoritarianism in the near future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite a plethora of studies on the authoritarian regime, scholars have paid less attention to how an authoritarian regime not only maintains but also legitimizes its power. Contra both political economists emphasizing the regime's economic performance and social constructionists focusing on the "economy of power," this study illuminates a constitutive dimension of the authoritarian rule in which citizens are morally reformed, civil society is fundamentally reconstituted, and nation is newly imagined by investigating South Korea's Yushin regime (1972-1979) under Park Chung-hee's leadership. By examining how bansanghoe, a monthly neighborhood meeting, buttressed the Yushin regime, this study analyzes and problematizes a complex process in which the extraordinary came to define the ordinariness, further blurring the line between the two. This paper concludes by exploring the possibility of the democratic transformation of bansanghoe, from its authoritarian legacy into a Tocquevillian grassroots organization in postdemocratic Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I consider the transitions of Taiwan and South Korea to democracy. Specifically, I study why citizens in these newly democratic systems engage in conventional forms of participation as an indicator of consolidation. Using much of the existing literature on participation, I test hypotheses that frame the decisions to participate through conventional forms as a function of internal feelings of efficacy, or political engagement, mobilization by parties and social capital. I use a series of hierarchical linear models to assess Waves 2 and 3 data from the 2005–2010 Asian Barometer and find considerable support for political engagement, party attachment, and social connections in spurring on participation. In addition, while respondents offer limited support for democratic institutions, they espouse liberal attitudes; this reflects the large presence of “critical citizens” in these places (Norris 1999; Chu and Huang 2010). Though fragile, there are indications of meaningful democratic progress in Taiwan and South Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

South Korea has changed from a culturally homogeneous to a heterogeneous country through international marriages and "multicultural families." This produces a unique kind of diversity in the experiences of families and individual persons, which may require political representation. This phenomenon of multiplicitous identity can be called "micro-diversity." Although Korea has multicultural policies in response, its difference blind legislative representation is problematised in the process. Existing research into "descriptive representation" has explained why existing groups should be represented by members for reasons of significant historical disadvantages. These theories remain inapplicable or opposed to representing micro-diversity in Korea, where group attachment amongst micro-diverse persons is currently unclear. The paper shows, however, that potential groups are always part of representative relationships and that these are never equivalent to current constituencies. Hence, compelling norms of descriptive representation for potential groups may be articulated, which justify descriptive representation for micro-diverse Koreans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Inducing cooperation from hesitant members in a sanctioning coalition is critical for effective implementation of a financial sanction. Strategic cooperation among states with divergent interests involves time inconsistency and incomplete information, however. A 'coercive cooperation ' approach addresses this problem either by imposing ex post costs through higher audience costs or offering ex ante benefits through tactical issue linkage. This paper applies a Bayesian equilibrium modeI to address the sequencing of these two main factors that contribute to 'coercive cooperation'. Unlike in games with complete information, our model explains why the sender state not only resorts to international institutions but also employs unilateral countersanctions to enforce compliance in a sanctioning coalition. It is shown that international organizations offer ex ante benefits through issue-linkage while the sender state imposes ex post costs with a threat of countersanctions. When the follower state perceives the benefits to be greater than the costs, it has strong incentives to join the coalition with no substantive change in implementing measures. Once in a bandwagon, however, the sender can bring about active implementation by imposing audience costs on himself and the follower. The predictions from the model have been supported by the case study on South Korea's non-proliferation financing regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are authoritarian successor party (ASP) supporters more likely to protest? I propose that ASP supporters are less likely to protest in general. The post-democratization mobilization environment is shaped upon the pre-democratization mobilization basis. During the pre-democratization period, protest was organized around the democracy movement. Thus, protest tactics and networks were accumulated through it. As former authoritarian ruling party supporters, ASP supporters are less likely to have legacies of participating in the democracy movement, which prevents them from accessing the accumulated protest resources from the democracy movement. However, I argue that this negative association varies based on the ASP qualities and supporters' age. Supporters of ASPs that maintain strong pre-democratization legacies are more likely to participate in protests than supporters of ASPs that do not strongly highlight their authoritarian legacies. Also, when the ASPs' characteristics are considered, older ASP supporters are more likely to participate in protests than younger supporters. Using both single-level and multilevel statistical analyses, I examine four Asian countries with politically powerful ASPs and find evidence supporting my hypotheses. Lastly, I compare two South Korean mass movements, the Candlelight movement and the Taegeukgi rallies to unpack the relationships between ASP supporters, protest resources, and mobilization. This study reveals authoritarian legacies among post-democratization citizens through ASP supporters' protesting behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Teorija in Praksa is the property of Teorija in Praksa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Under the new government helmed by President Yoon Suk-yeol, South Korea (ROK) has displayed a clear tilt toward and a more open embrace of the Indo-Pacific concept. Interestingly, Yoon has also expressed the need for a review of South Korea’s ties with China, strengthening the United States–South Korea alliance, and an interest in participating in the Quad forum. This article looks to explore such goals and understand the political and strategic imperatives of a Quad plus South Korea framework. The article outlines the transition in South Korea’s foreign policy toward the Indo-Pacific under Moon Jae-in and Yoon. It analyses South Korea’s bilateral connections with the four Quad powers— India, Japan, the United States and Australia—to draw conclusions as to what capacity Quad–ROK cooperation can take a real shape—particularly considering the disconnect between their priorities vis-à- vis China and North Korea. Additionally, it examines the scope for South Korea’s greater involvement in the other Indo-Pacific–oriented initiatives (like Build Back Better World, Democracy 10, and Global Gateway) and regional organizations like the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

North Korea is waging psychological warfare, through the internet, to erode the morale of the South Korean combatants. This study aims to examine whether the widespread use of the internet among the South Korean combatants has a significant effect on their belief in rum ors allegedly originating from N orth Korean propaganda, for two reasons. First, South Korea’s psychological counter-operation has been accused of inducing South Korean combatants to promote hatred and prejudice against the progressive political parties that support North Korean regime, causing harm to South Korea’s democracy. Second, there is little empirical research on the effects of South Korea’s psychological counter-operation on the individual's rumor belief and transmission. Results from a survey conducted among 707 South Korean combatants indicate that military education aimed to refute North Korea’s propaganda, statistically speaking, significantly decreased their belief in rumor, but it did not decrease the likelihood of rumor transmission. What was found to be conducive to rumor transmission was the individual's social relations. Our analysis implies that internet use has a significant effect on the belief in and transmission of North Korean propaganda, but its effect can be moderated by various intervening factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Saemangeum Reclamation Project (SRP) was launched shortly before South Korea's 1987 presidential election, which is generally accepted as the turning point from authoritarian regimes to democracy. The SRP began as an election-time pledge given by unpopular authoritarian elites, who appropriated the SRP to garner votes in the underdeveloped Jeolla provinces in the southwest. Astonishingly, this enormous, state-led project was implemented, without any elaboration or budget plan, and despite strong public and government opposition. The present paper attempts to elucidate that the agenda-setting, policy enforcement, and project implementation of the SRP can be explained through: 1) political processes, 2) interplays between the institutional politics of different political parties and non-institutional politics of social actors, and 3) interactions between political regionalism and developmentalism. Several observations can be made: 1) The SRP has been placed at the center of several elections, which have bridged political desires for power, regional interests in development, and the public's environmental consciousness. 2) Institutional politicians have attempted to translate the SRP into votes by stimulating desires to develop the Jeolla region, whereas the non-institutional politics of social actors attempted to nullify the project by raising environmental consciousness. 3) Political pork-barreling has promoted and exploited patterned regional voting with the promise of developing the Jeolla region into a hypermodern center of East Asia through the SRP. Metamorphosis of the project from the reclamation of rice fields to the development of an “East Asian Dubai” reveals the developmentalism and associated regionalism in Korean politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The vanishing critique of capitalism within the Sewŏl movement for truth finding has revealed the bare face of the current democratic order and its rule of law. This article presents the Sewŏl movement as the bellwether, in a synchronic sense, of the Candlelight Protests that have become a modality of direct action in South Korea. I seek to contribute to our understanding of the life politics that has become a key marker of struggles against the state-capital network since the 2000s. I ascribe the antinomies of truth finding and mourning and of massacre and accident in the Sewŏl movement to the democratic collective unconscious that regards the 1987 moment in South Korea as an irrevocable rupture from dictatorship to democracy. The Sewŏl movement illuminates how the axes of organization and spontaneity and of reformism and revolution in the Candlelight Protest movement are not so much binaries, or oppositions, as hieroglyphic signs of the democratic unconscious and its excesses that contest the temporalizations of the capitalist present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study offers a critical analysis of refugee policy in the Republic of Korea (South Korea) since the national government in 2013 enacted a law intended to improve its treatment of refugees and asylum seekers and align itself more closely with the principles of the 1951 Refugee Convention. The article begins by focusing on a major controversy that arose in 2018, following the arrival of more than 500 asylum seekers from Yemen, an episode that revealed how considerable public antipathy toward refugees presents a social and cultural problem for South Korea as it charts a course for improvement of its treatment of refugees. The analysis then turns to numerous problems at the nexus of law and society that continue to plague the refugee status determination process and, in many instances, to deny basic rights to a rapidly growing number of asylum seekers in South Korea. The article concludes by showing how, despite these problems, South Korea is better positioned than many of the world's more affluent constitutional democracies to harmonize its national interests with its responsibilities to make a meaningful contribution to ongoing global efforts to protect and accommodate refugees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the concept of protest cycles has received much attention in the collective action literature, its empirical operationalization remains relatively crude compared to the rich theoretical discussion. Reimagining social movements as populations of interlinked protests, we demonstrate the advantages of analyzing protest event networks with a novel dataset related to South Korea's democracy movement. In our conceptualization, protest events play the role of network nodes and links were identified based on protesters citing prior events as sources of inspiration for mobilizing. Appropriating strategies for network analysis, we assess the types of events that were more likely to be cited as sources of inspiration and bridge otherwise disconnected events. Our analysis shows that protests that raised systemic versus local issues and events that were repressed by the state were more likely to occupy central positions in the democracy movement. By identifying the characteristics of events that contribute to movement inspiration and bridging, our novel approach to analyzing protest events sheds new light on dominant themes in social movement research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many scholars argue that democracy tames religious fundamentalism. This inclusion-moderation theory holds that when radical religious movements are incorporated in the democratic system, they have incentives to adhere to institutional frameworks to influence politics and access power. But despite these claims, we have witnessed a growing influence of religious fundamentalism in Asian democratic politics, with immoderation becoming prominent. Why have religious fundamentalist movements become influential in various democracies in Asia? How have they shaped policies? Using a most-different-systems approach, I investigate religious fundamentalism in two dissimilar democracies: Islamic fundamentalism in Indonesia and Christian fundamentalism in South Korea. In both cases, I argue that religious fundamentalist movements facilitate immoderate politics through strong mobilization capacity, agenda-setting power, and framing. The study contributes to the inclusion-moderation literature through its discussion of religious fundamentalism and its cross-religious comparison. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Worldwide, democratic erosion is on the rise, with incumbents slowly undermining the pillars of democratic competition such as political freedoms, clean elections, and a free press. While such gradual erosion frequently culminates in democratic breakdown, this is not always the case. How can accountability mechanisms contribute to halting democratic erosion before breakdown, even if they could not prevent the onset of erosion? To study this question, we use the V-Dem Electoral Democracy Index to systematically identify three recent cases – Benin (2007–2012), Ecuador (2008–2010), and South Korea (2008–2016) – where substantial democratic erosion happened but democracy did not break down. Studying these cases in depth we find that accountability mechanism – parliamentary and judicial oversight (horizontal accountability), pressures from civil society and the media (diagonal accountability), or electoral competition between parties and within parties (vertical accountability) – played a part in halting democratic erosion in all of them. They effectively halted erosion when institutional constraints – such as presidential term limits or judicial independence – and contextual factors – in particular economic downturns and public outrage about corruption scandals – worked together to create simultaneous pressures on the incumbents from civil society and from vertical or horizontal accountability actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how digital spaces for political participation by migrants are experienced and governed in South Korea. Drawing on semi-structured interviews conducted in Seoul, South Korea, between April and July 2018, this article argues that migrant participation in digital democratic processes in South Korea is hindered by a fragmented and centralized digital management, which can be linked back to the specific historical-political context in which this digital space was developed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to the lack of studies on the effects of US troops on an individual host state, we studied the effects of US troops on South Korea's politics and economy. Based on security enhancement benefits, we hypothesized that USFK would have positive effects on South Korea's investment, trade, economic growth, and political development. Employing Heo and Ye's empirical models, we conducted statistical analyses and found that the effects of USFK on South Korea's trade, democracy level, and economic growth are statistically insignificant and the effect of USFK on investment is negative and statistically significant. These findings need to be cross-validated with a different measure of estimating USFK's effects because our measure, size of USFK, may not capture its effects completely although there is no other measure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A public struggle in South Korea around prosecution reform brings into focus a deeper battle between forces seeking to make the state more responsive to ordinary people and those aiming to preserve the status quo. Opponents of prosecution reform turned to a mode of politics that appropriated the styles and symbols of democracy to justify the obstruction of reforms that would break down a key authoritarian legacy and source of entrenched privilege. They deployed multiple methods of "faking" democracy: assuming the mantle of anti-corruption champions, drawing on tropes from the anti-authoritarian opposition of the past, and normalizing marginal views. The politics of prosecution reform illuminates the mass struggle that defines South Korea's democracy and also points to a dangerous and subtle mode of politics that is increasingly visible around the world yet under-appreciated in most approaches to thinking about democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a critical review of Hyug Baeg Im's book titled "Democratization and Democracy in Korea, 1960-Present." After briefly summarizing the outline of the book, the reviewer presents a detailed critique respectively on Im's analyses of the three main subjects: (1) the Yushin authoritarianism in relation to Park Chung Hee's role; (2) the democratic transition; and (3) the democratic consolidation and the state of Korean democracy. The reviewer argues that Im's evaluation somewhat downplays Park's part with the Yushin regime and that his game-theoretic examination of the transition may obscure a complete picture because of its depreciation of critical structural conditions. While Im was optimistic a decade ago about Korea's future in developing democracy, the reviewer finds the current situation of Korean democracy degenerating. The reviewer proposes that more attention to institutional factors will complement Im's approach on actors and structures and help thwart the retrogression of Korean democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Korea and Taiwan have developed very different sets of election campaign regulations. While both countries had highly restrictive campaign rules during the authoritarian era, they have diverged since democratic transition. South Korea still imposes numerous restrictions on campaigning activities, but Taiwan has removed most of the restrictions. We explore the causes of these divergent trajectories through comparative historical process tracing, focusing on critical junctures and path dependence. We find that incumbency advantage and containment of new opposition parties were the primary objectives of introducing stringent regulations under the authoritarian regimes in both countries. The key difference was that, during the democratic transition, legislators affiliated with the opposition parties as well as the ruling party in South Korea enjoyed the incumbency advantage but that opposition forces in Taiwan did not. As a result, the opposition in Taiwan fought for liberalization of campaign regulations, but the South Korean opposition did not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article examines the contributions of the Monday N ight G roup (MNG) to the transnational advocacy network (TAN) which formed to assist the Korean Democracy Movement. It argues that the MNG was uniquely located in the TAN in that it functioned as a domestic-cum-international organization given it was spatially located in Korea but its international membership allowed it to seamlessly interact with Western governments and organizations. This unique location also led the MNG to engage in constant communicative interactions with Korean activists and thus led to reflexive learning about their own societies' roles in the human rights situation in Korea. The article expands the understanding of the TAN which assisted the Korean Democracy Movement and adds to the theoretical discussion on TANs by identifying a unique domestic-cum-international group that operated in ways not covered in the original TAN model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on Korean parties to address the following gaps in the literature on party member activism: First, little attention has been paid to party members in non-Western democracies. Second, it is unclear how intraparty democracy is related to member activism. Unlike most industrialized democracies, South Korea has recently seen a notable growth in party membership. However, dues-paying remains the exception rather than the rule in the major parties, while the opposite is true for the minor, leftist parties. Using data from party member surveys, I examine the determinants of member activism across three Korean parties, focusing on the effect of members' evaluations of the internal democracy of their party. I argue that dues-paying has risen as a new form of activism as democracy has been consolidated, and present evidence for a paradox of intra-party democracy that members positively evaluating internal democracy of their party remain less active. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article mainly seeks to explain the legislature's preferences in social welfare before and after democratization using South Korea as a case study. Based on an original dataset that consists of all executive and of legislative branch-submitted bills between 1948 and 2016 – roughly 60,000– legislative priority on social welfare is compared over time, and tested using logistic regressions. The key focus of analysis is whether and how the level of democracy affected the degree and universality of social welfare priority. The findings show that the promotion of social welfare is positively related to higher levels of democracy in a continuous fashion, which clearly points to the need to avoid applying a simple regime dichotomy – authoritarian or democratic – when seeking to understand social welfare development. Going further, the article examines the legislature's priority in welfare issues within a presidential structure and under majoritarian electoral rule, at different levels of democracy. The result shows that the higher levels of democracy are, the more the legislative branch contributes to the overall salience of social welfare legislative initiatives as compared to the executive branch. Moreover, the legislative branch itself prioritizes a social welfare agenda – alongside democratic deepening – over other issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how mass media in South Korea frame political polarization. As an extreme form of political conflict political polarization is characterized by antagonistic and divisive effects on politics and society. In South Korea, political polarization is not only negatively affecting its democracy in general but also inhibiting domestic consensus on rapprochement and reconciliation towards North Korea in particular. This is reflected in depicting political polarization as namnamgaldŭng or South-South conflict referring to two 'Souths' - progressives and rightist-conservatives - polarized in their position regarding how to deal with North Korea. Based on the empirical analysis of newspaper editorials in 2016 this article argues that a partisan framing of South-South conflict in the media is contributing to what the term supposedly is purely describing - political polarization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study takes a cultural approach to examine the unstable and contentious nature of Korean democracy. Analyzing an original nationwide survey conducted in 2015, we find that the democratic and participatory culture of the Korean people underlies Korean democracy. This finding suggests substantial tension between the participatory orientation of the public and Korean representative democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores conceptual frameworks for understanding Korea's contemporary cultural policy by looking into the historical transformation of the culture-state-market relations in the country. It argues that Korea has become 'a new kind of patron state', which emulates the existing patron states in the West firmly within the statist framework and ambitiously renders government-led growth of cultural industries (and the Korean Wave) as a new responsibility of the state. The formation of Korea's new patron state has been driven by a 'parallel movement' consisting of democracy and the market economy, which has defined the political and socio-economic trajectory of Korean society itself since the 1990s. Democracy has been articulated in cultural policy as cultural freedom, cultural enjoyment and the arm's length principle; meanwhile, the market economy of culture has been facilitated by a 'dynamic push' of the state. After discussing the parallel movement, the article points out the tension, ambiguity and contradiction entailed in cultural policy of the new patron state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How did South Korea come to adopt successful anti-corruption administrative reforms in the early 2000s which markedly improved the nation's corruption perception and bribe survey scores? Emergent democracies generally lack the institutionalized political parties needed to push through anti-corruption policies, and Korea was no exception. While Korean civic groups took the lead against corruption, they failed to sufficiently press President Kim Young Sam, who implemented reforms which instead focused on increasing executive control over the bureaucracy. NGOs eventually succeeded by redirecting efforts towards the more accessible, newly established elected municipal governments, to introduce administrative reforms like the E-government OPEN program, which reduced uncertainty and strengthened the pro-reform political coalition, paving the way for President Kim Dae Jung's eventual adoption of anti-corruption administrative reforms in 2000. The Korean case shows how elected local government offers civic groups an avenue through which to advance reform, offering hope to the many young democracies lacking institutionalized parties which struggle to contain corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do the president's calculations in achieving policy goals shape the allocation of cabinet portfolios? Despite the growing literature on presidential cabinet appointments, this question has barely been addressed. I argue that cabinet appointments are strongly affected not only by presidential incentives to effectively deliver their key policy commitments but also by their interest in having their administration maintain strong political leverage. Through an analysis of portfolio allocations in South Korea after democratization, I demonstrate that the posts wherein ministers can influence the government's overall reputation typically go to nonpartisan professionals ideologically aligned with presidents, while the posts wherein ministers can exert legislators' influence generally go to senior copartisans. My findings highlight a critical difference in presidential portfolio allocation from parliamentary democracies, where key posts tend to be reserved for senior parliamentarians from the ruling party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]