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Copyright of Pacha: Revista de Estudios Contemporáneos del Sur Global is the property of PACHA REVISTA DE ESTUDIOS CONTEMPORANEOS DEL SUR GLOBAL and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

AbstractThe rise of artificial intelligence (AI), represented by ChatGPT, has triggered a new wave of technological competition between nations. Major powers like China and the United States, backed by abundant resources, dominate the discourse and hold a significant advantage in the AI field. However, as the technological rivalry between these two countries intensifies, AI represents a classic ‘double-edged sword’ for many small and medium-sized countries. Therefore, the core argument of this paper is that the AI policies of small and medium-sized countries are not simply about bandwagoning or depending on major powers. At their core, these policies represent a complex form of technological hedging. External security concerns drive small and medium-sized countries to adopt hedging as a primary strategy, while internal interest preferences influence the varying intensities of this technological hedging. The findings of this paper indicate that small countries’ technological policies can be categorized into three models: strong hedging, medium hedging, and weak hedging. Different paths of technological hedging reflect the rational balance these nations make between security and economic interests in different contexts. The case of AI development in ASEAN also demonstrates the significant imbalance between member states. Singapore is classified as a technological frontrunner, while Malaysia, Indonesia, and Vietnam are categorized as followers. Laos, Cambodia, Myanmar, Thailand, Brunei, and the Philippines are considered latecomers in the field of AI. In terms of specific AI policies, Singapore and Vietnam adopt a strong technological hedging strategy, seeking more cooperation and interaction with the U.S. or other countries due to caution and concerns about China’s technological security. Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, and the Philippines follow a medium hedging strategy, while Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Brunei adopt a weak hedging approach. The differences in hedging intensity are primarily due to varying internal legitimacy pathways and the strength of backup resources. ASEAN member states pursue different technological paths based on their own circumstances to promote AI development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does India navigate contested regional multilateral frameworks in the Asia‐Pacific? This question has important implications for India's multilateral foreign policy and diplomacy that seeks to emerge from regional to global power. The authors argue that India's foreign policy involves seeking institutional balancing and avoiding rising power dilemmas. Based on the conceptual framework of institutional balancing and rising power dilemma, the paper examines how seeking institutional balancing helps India advance its diplomatic prowess vis‐à‐vis rising China while simultaneously leveraging its multi‐alignment strategy against the United States. Furthermore, the paper discusses India's key priorities for avoiding the rising power dilemma, thus exhibiting its reluctance to conform to the US hegemony and addressing its internal and external dilemma concerning China. The evaluation suggests that India's foreign policy rationality navigates between obtaining comprehensive security and economic gains in dealing with contested regional multilateralism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing use of measures of economic coercion by China has caused its trading partners to review their close trade ties with that country as well as their ability to resist such pressure. In December 2022, the European Union (EU) requested that the World Trade Organization (WTO) adjudicate its dispute with China regarding restrictive trade measures China had imposed on Lithuania in response to its foreign policy actions that were not to China’s liking. The EU also drafted new legislation – the Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council on the Protection of the Union and its Member States from Economic Coercion by Third Countries – to deter third countries from applying coercive measures that target the EU and its Member States. This paper considers the new instrument in the context of the EU’s evolving ‘economic de-risking’ strategy on China and a wide range of measures aimed at protecting the common market from the unfair behaviour of China and other states and reducing the EU vulnerability vis-à-vis economic and security threats. The EU’s ability to deter states from applying coercive measures against it hinges upon its ability to strengthen its market power and to use the new instrument when necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to the significant impact of COVID-19, financial markets in various countries have undergone drastic fluctuations. Accurately measuring risk in the financial market and mastering the changing rules of the stock market are of great importance to macro-control and financial market management of the government. This paper focuses on the return rate of the Shanghai Composite Index. Using the SGED-EGARCH(1,1) model as a foundation, a quantile regression is introduced to establish the QR-SGED-EGARCH(1,1) model. Further, the corresponding value at risk (VaR) is calculated for a crisis and stable period within each model. To better compare the models, the Cornish-Fisher expansion model is included for comparison. According to the Kupiec test, VaR values calculated by the QR-SGED-EGARCH(1,1) model are superior to other models at different confidence levels most of the time. In addition, to account for the VaR method's inability to effectively measure tail extreme risk, the expected shortfall (ES) method is introduced. The constructed model is used to calculate the corresponding ES values during different periods. According to the evaluation index, the ES values calculated by the QR-SGED-EGARCH(1,1) model have a better effect during a crisis period with the model showing higher accuracy and robustness. It is of great significance for China to better measure financial risk under the impact of a sudden crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of significant international events like the Russian invasion of Ukraine and China’s assertive diplomacy, the recently developed concept of strategic corruption has been increasingly employed to discuss how corruption infiltrates international affairs. Unlike traditional corruption, strategic corruption is commonly understood to be a sophisticated mechanism that states use to achieve geopolitical objectives, intertwining economic and security concerns. This paper explores this concept, analyzes its relationship with related phenomena, and proposes a theoretical framework to contextualize strategic corruption within national and international arenas. The framework depicts strategic corruption as a multifaceted process spanning three spheres: domestic (source), international, and domestic (target). Each sphere involves unique pathways aimed at corrupting institutions in the target domain. This approach contributes to our understanding of the complex dynamics between corruption, national security, and foreign affairs, offering a coherent tool to address these challenges within the fields of international relations and anti-corruption studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Energy security is a matter of economic security and national security. This paper examines the influencing mechanism of clean energy on China's energy security from 2010 to 2019, by using the entropy method and spatial econometric model. The results show that (1) from 2010 to 2019, China's energy security index shows an overall decreasing trend. The western region has the highest energy security index, followed by the central, northeastern, and eastern regions; (2) there is an inverted u-shaped relationship between clean energy and energy security; (3) in the short term, clean energy will have a negative effect on industrial structure upgrading. But with the expansion of its scale, clean energy development will promote the industrial structure upgrading, and then improve energy security; and (4) the development of clean energy has a positive effect on the adjustment of energy structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper employed a geo-economics approach to investigate the twofold Chinese geopolitical intentions behind the execution of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. China financed the CPEC project to overcome energy security and terrorism in Xinjiang. The paper examines the correlation between economic development and security objectives by answering the following key questions. (a) Whether CPEC has the potential to alleviate China's energy and security dilemma? (b) To what extent CPEC can act as a lever to achieve security interests? The paper argues that geopolitical and geo-security concerns motivate Chinese leadership to use the geo-economics approach. The $65 billion investment in the construction of CPEC has mammoth potential to revitalize the Chinese dream to achieve security through economic and infrastructure development. For Beijing, infrastructure and economic development along the corridor belt would guarantee peace and security in Xinjiang and an overland route of CPEC for energy supplies will circumvent the Malacca dilemma alleviating the threat to the Chinese energy lifeline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the "double carbon" global goal agreed, the greening and low carbonization of energy will shift the energy system from traditional fuel-based energy to a material-based one, and low carbon technologies will become the key to the world's energy transition, while important mineral resources in the field of new energy will grow at an explosive rate, thus promoting the related mineral resources' consumption and demand, leading to unprecedented development opportunities. Despite the continuous development and progress of low-carbon technologies in China, the contradiction between mineral resource security and economic development is becoming increasingly prominent, and the protection of mineral resource security and the promotion of mining economic development has become an important issue in the current development of China's mining industry. This paper discusses the ideas of mineral resource security strategy, mineral resource management, ecological civilization and mining development, and green mining economic development from four perspectives. The results show that promoting the use of low-carbon technologies in the mineral field can effectively reduce resource consumption, increase the utilization rate of mineral resources and promote the sustainable and healthy development of green mines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of China Quarterly is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studies in Politics & Society / Polityka & Społeczeństwo is the property of University of Rzeszow and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Tensions in the EU-China relationship have hampered cooperation in various sectors, including a set of transnational security issues where engagement with China is unavoidable but nevertheless profoundly challenging. The EU maintains a "tripartite" strategy, originally outlined in its 2019 Strategic Outlook, seeing China as a "partner", but also as an economic "competitor" and a "systemic rival". China's former State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi has described the European approach as suffering from "cognitive dissonance". As a result, and as demonstrated by the failure of the 2022 EU-China Summit, the two parties are now operating within two different frameworks, and constructive cooperation has become increasingly difficult. By working with Qin Yaqing's concept of "relationality", this article aims to contribute to a better conceptualisation of the ways in which the EU and China can work with each other to tackle global issues. Challenging the literature that tries to explain the shift in EU-China relations by focusing on individual actors, this research's approach focuses on the relations between actors. Adopting this ontology of relations, this research paper analyses how, in the EU-China relationship, relations between the two parties contribute to creating their own identities and motivate their actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to the productivity shocks, there exist inherently systemic biases when using purchasing power parity as the equilibrium real exchange rate measure standard. In this paper, based on the characteristic of Chinese economic transformation, considering demographic and weakened Balassa–Samuelson effect, we reestimate the equilibrium level of the real exchange rate of RMB with the quarterly frequency data since 1994 and measure the misalignment of the RMB real exchange rate. The empirical results show that the improved convolutional neural network (CNN) model is a reasonable analytical framework for the RMB equilibrium real exchange rate, and in the sample period, the real exchange rate of RMB is robust, and demographic is an important variable affecting the RMB equilibrium exchange rate. The real exchange rate of RMB is closely related to China's economic development strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With China's continuous rise and growing external commercial, strategic, and political endeavours, questions have arisen about the motivation, timing, and locale of China's outreaching strategies. This research analyzes China's overseas port investments through a comparative study of Greece and Pakistan, two important partners of China's Belt and Road Initiative. Adopting the neoclassical realist framework and drawing on expert interviews, official statistics, and policy documents, this paper reveals how China's economic security objectives in combination with changing geopolitical structures led to its external port investments. This research contributes to the studies on rising powers and geopolitics by showing how China as a rising power capitalizes on geopolitical opportunities created by the changing interests of dominant powers to expand its presence in strategically important regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past decade, Korea and Japan have increasingly exhibited different strategic priorities in trade in face of China's rising global economic prowess and worsening USChina trade conflict. Japan's trade policy decisions have worked to reinforce its economic and security ties with the US as a means to counter China. Japan has used both bilateral and multilateral means to secure its ties with the US against China. In contrast, Korea's trade policy positions have been one of 'strategic ambiguity'. Korea has been more conciliatory towards China, reluctant to take actions that would counter China's interest. Korea has mainly resorted to bilateral channels to maintain favorable relations with both China and the US. Korea's reluctance to clearly ally with the US against China has been observed across different administrations with opposing political orientations. This paper examines Korea and Japan's diverging strategic priorities in trade through the 2017 World Trade Organization Ministerial Conference; the 2017 US imposition of Section 232 on steel; the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, the Korea-US FTA renegotiation and the Korea-China FTA Phase Two Negotiation; and the 2019 Japan-US Trade Agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research seeks to reconceptualise the process of marketizing central state-owned enterprises (CSOEs) in the Chinese petroleum industry by interpreting their institutional establishment and reconstruction, and the change in their institutional context. The enterprise reform of state-owned oil companies, and the partial market liberalization initiated in the 1980s, have not pushed the petroleum sector toward the trajectory of the neoliberal free market. On the contrary, the state's ascendency has been reconsolidated, and the institutional practice adhered to has made market-shaping possible. The state's role is not fixed; rather, it has varied following the marketization process of the CSOEs. The state has reconstructed its role to strengthen its authority in the market, using market mechanisms to effectively improve its power to construct a flexible economic governance structure. In such a structure, where the state and market have mutually shaped each other, the combination of the two seemingly conflicting concepts of marketization and economic security has, to some degree, fostered the development of state-owned oil companies and expanded the scale of their asset-holding. The paper contributes to the broader discussion of state-market relationships and the institutionalization of energy governance with regard to China's integration into the global capitalist economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the main obstacles to implementing the Conversion of Cropland to Forest and Grassland Program (CCFGP) is the risk of returning forest and grassland to cropland when their livelihoods are challenged after subsidies expire. The implementation of the new old-age insurance system for rural residents has weakened the economic security function of cropland and may motivate farmers to engage in the CCFGP spontaneously and permanently. Based on the utility theory, this paper first developed a theoretical analysis framework for the behaviors of farmers who participated in the CCFGP and were affected by the new old-age insurance system. Then, based on the data of 18 789 fixed rural observation stations set by the Rural Economy Research Center of China's Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Affairs, the Probit model was used to empirically analyze the impact of the new old-age insurance system on farmers' behaviors in the CCFGP. Finally, the robustness of the results was tested using a logistic regression model based on clustering robust standard errors. The results showed that: ① The new old-age insurance system increased expected income, while the CCFGP reduced expected income, but the extra spare time after the action increased farmers' utility. The theoretical analysis framework showed that: the behaviors of farmers participating in the new old-age insurance system affected the amount of arable land, thus affecting the behaviors of farmers' participation in the conversion of cropland to forest and grassland. ② After farmers' participation in the new agricultural insurance, they were more likely to adopt the behaviors associated with the conversion of cropland to forest and grassland. The new oldage insurance system increased the income channels for elderly farmers, thereby weakening the economic security function of cultivated land and, to a certain extent, promoting farmers to take part in the CCFGP. ③ In the robustness test, the logistic regression model with clustering robust standard errors still confirmed the conclusion that 'participating in the new old-age insurance system is beneficial for farmers joining the CCFGP.' ④ The poorer the health conditions of farmers, the lower the possibility of joining the CCFGP. Poor health conditions generally meant large medical expenses, greater uncertainty in future income, and strong dependence on cultivated land, which resulted in farmers' reluctance to be involved in the CCFGP. Farmers with higher original values of productive fixed assets were more likely to join the CCFGP. The policy implications of the conclusions are that it may be more effective to integrate the new old-age insurance system for rural residents with the CCFGP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cutting the overcapacity in coal industry is a current critical issue in China and is a matter for the world. However, inappropriate capacity cut policies may induce huge fluctuations of energy price, creating a threat to energy security and even economic stability. This paper designs a capacity permit trading scheme to minimize the compliance cost of production capacity cut, and proposes the operational details of capacity permit trading scheme using China's coal industry as an example. We also construct a simple partial equilibrium model to examine the benefits and firm behaviors when adopting the permit trading scheme. The results demonstrate that the permit trading scheme will generate an overall positive social welfare as well as reduce firms' cheating incentives. The results confirm that the more heterogeneous the firms are in terms of compliance costs, the higher will be the social welfare gains and the trade volume. Our findings show that the proposed permit trading scheme is feasible and beneficial in achieving the capacity cut target in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vegetation is a natural tie that connects the atmosphere, hydrosphere, biosphere, and pedosphere. Quantitatively evaluating the variability of vegetation coverage and exploring its associated influence factors are essential for ecological security and sustainable economic development. In this paper, the spatiotemporal variation of vegetation coverage and its response to climatic factors and land use change were investigated in the Yangtze River Delta (YRD) from 2001 to 2015, based on normalized difference vegetation index (NDVI) data, vegetation type data, climate data, and land use/cover change (LUCC) data. The results indicated that the annual mean vegetation coverage revealed a nonsignificant decreasing trend over the whole YRD. Areas characterized by significant decreasing (P < 0.05) trends were mainly concentrated on the central and northern part of the YRD, and significant increasing (P < 0.05) trends were mainly located in the southern part of the study area. Except for grassland and cultivated crops, vegetation coverage of the other types of vegetation was all exhibiting increasing trends. Temperature has a more pronounced impact on vegetation growth than precipitation at both the annual and monthly scales. Furthermore, vegetation growth exhibited a time lag effect for 1~2 months in response to precipitation, while there was no such phenomenon with temperature. Land use change caused by urbanization is an important driving factor for the decrease of vegetation coverage in the YRD, and the effect of land use change on the vegetation dynamic should not be overlook. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Connectivity and fragmentation coexist as two interlinked discourses on the relationship between infrastructures and societies. In response to the Digital Silk Road initiated by the Chinese government, Chinese companies have built numerous digital infrastructures globally. Simultaneously, China's government seeks to strengthen domestic internet governance through laws and administrative regulations, such as the Cyber Security Law. This paper utilises the interpretive framework of "sociotechnical imaginaries" to explore the controversial tension between digital fragmentations and connectivity in cyberspace along technical, institutional and political dimensions. Scrutinising two cases studies -- New IP and smart city -- the study finds that China's approach to infrastructuring cyberspace can be best understood as selective connectivity. China not only integrates into global cyber infrastructures to enhance its technological and regulatory capabilities, but also attempts to reshape global cyberspace governance to strengthen its political structures and enhance digital autonomy, seeking a balance between digital sovereignty, regime security and economic development. However, selective connectivity brings its own complexities and drawbacks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Currently, the debate about Sino-Russian relations is on the rise and draws the attention of many international analysts and policy makers. With bilateral cooperation increasing in recent years, an evident rapprochement is now occurring. This article aims at emphasising the common economic and geopolitical interests behind this new-era relationship, taking into account the recent economic and security pressures coming from the U.S. that created a common ground for the two countries, as well as the historical key-role played by trade and investment and by the energy link. Furthermore, the paper will argue the implications that this strategic economic and political partnership has on the transition in the balance of power in a unipolar world (currently led by U.S.) towards a more complex alignment. Having large natural resources, huge territory and a numerous population, both countries remain geopolitical forces in today's world. After the sanctions, Russia is currently building a strong economic partnership with China (through the Far East Initiative). It is our opinion that this new global power dynamics that sees China and Russia increasingly supporting each other on the world stage could moderate U.S. global influence leading to a new international equilibrium. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under the background of complex international situation, how to build the special geo-economic space of China-Russia border lies in strengthening their foreign trade resilience against external shocks. Based on empirical evidence from ten prefecture-level China-Russia border regions in Northeast China, this paper analyzed the spatiotemporal evolution of foreign trade resilience under different shocks. Furthermore, through the Panel Regression model, the mechanism of the industrial structure on the foreign trade resilience in contraction period and expansion period was discussed. The results showed that: 1) from 2004 to 2021, foreign trade in China-Russia border regions experienced five phases. The overall foreign trade resilience was higher than expected, showing a rising volatility trend, but there was significant spatial heterogeneity in the ability of cities to cope with shocks. 2) Highly specialized clusters were mainly concentrated in Yichun, Heihe and Da Hinggan Ling Prefecture, while Mudanjiang and Yanbian performed better in related and unrelated diversification. 3) In different stages of economic system evolution, the response mode, degree and result of border foreign trade resilience to regional industrial structure showed obvious stage characteristics. During the contraction period, related diversification was more conducive to improving the resistance through risk spillovers. During the expansion period, specialization played a more significant role in improving regional resilience through self-reinforcing effect. These results are beneficial for expanding the resilience theory, ensuring border economic security and optimizing border industrial investment layout. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Depression in older adults needs urgent attention. Increased education level may reduce depressive symptoms in older adults, and that economic security level and subjective memory ability may also have an impact on depressive symptoms in older adults, but the mechanisms between education level and depressive symptoms in older adults are unclear. This study endeavors to investigate the parallel mediating roles of economic security level and subjective memory ability between education level and depressive symptoms in older adults. Methods: A total of 4325 older adults people aged 60 years and above were selected from the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS) as the study population, and all data were analyzed using SPSS 25.0 software. Spearman correlation analysis was used to explore the correlation between the variables. Model 4 from the SPSS macro was used to assess the parallel mediating role of economic security level and subjective memory ability in the relationship between education level and depressive symptoms in older adults. Results: Education level, economic security level, and subjective memory ability were significantly associated with depressive symptoms in older adults (p < 0.01). Educational level was a negative predictor of depressive symptoms (β=-0.134, P < 0.001). Education level was a positive predictor of economic security level (β = 0.467, P < 0.001) and subjective memory ability (β = 0.224, P < 0.001). Education level, economic security level, and subjective memory ability were significant negative predictors of depressive symptoms (β= -0.039, P < 0.05; β= -0.122, P < 0.001; β= -0.169, P < 0.001). Education level influenced depressive symptoms through parallel mediating effects of economic security level and subjective memory ability, with mediating effects accounting for 42.70% and 28.30% of the total effect, respectively. Conclusions: Education level not only directly influences depressive symptoms in older adults, but also indirectly through the economic security level and subjective memory ability. Educational level can reduce depressive symptoms in older adults by increasing their economic security level and enhancing their subjective memory ability. The findings of this study emphasize the importance of improving the educational level of the population as it affects people's mental health in old age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against the backdrop of global warming, intensifying regional conflicts, deglobalization, and the spread of diseases, global food security is facing severe challenges. Studying the food security situation in China and the United States in depth can provide practical experience for formulating food security policies for countries around the world and promoting global food security governance. On the basis of a meticulous review of the evolving connotations of food security, this study adopts six dimensions—quantity security, quality security, circulation security, economic security, ecological resource security, and policy security—as breakthrough points to construct a framework consisting of food security evaluation indicator system comprising 29 specific indicators. The CRITIC–MEREC–MARCOS model is applied to evaluate the status of food security in China and the United States from 2000 to 2022, while the obstacle degree model (ODM) model is utilized to identify factors impeding food security between the two countries. The results indicate that the level of food security in China has shown slight fluctuations initially, followed by a steady upward trend. The gap with the United States is continuously narrowing. However, significant differences between China and the United States still exist in terms of economic security, ecological resource security, and policy security. Furthermore, due to the limited productivity of agricultural labor, scarcity of water and soil resources, and low efficiency in the use of fertilizers and pesticides, China's food security is subject to economic and environmental constraints. The restrictions imposed by economic security and ecological resource security on China's food security are showing an increasing trend year by year. For the United States, with the obstruction of grain exports and the increasing frequency of drought disasters, the impact of circulation security and ecological resource security on food security is becoming increasingly prominent. In the future, China and the United States should join hands to address challenges, actively promote international cooperation in food security, and drive sustainable development for humanity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Frequent mountain torrent disasters have caused significant losses to human life and wealth security and restricted the economic and social development of mountain areas. Therefore, accurate identification of mountain torrent hazards is crucial for disaster prevention and reduction. In this study, based on historical mountain torrent hazards, a mountain torrent hazard prediction model was established by using Bayesian Model Average (BMA) and three classic machine learning algorithms (gradient-boosted decision tree (GBDT), backpropagation neural network (BP), and random forest (RF)). The mountain torrent hazard condition factors used in modeling were distance to river, elevation, precipitation, slope, gross domestic product (GDP), population, and land use type. Based on the proposed BMA model, flood risk maps were produced using GIS. The results demonstrated that the BMA model significantly improved upon the accuracy and stability of single models in identifying mountain torrent hazards. The F1-values (comprehensively displays the Precision and Recall) of the BMA model under three sets of test samples at different locations were 3.31–24.61% higher than those of single models. The risk assessment results of mountain torrents found that high-risk areas were mainly concentrated in the northern border and southern valleys of Yuanyang County, China. In addition, the feature importance analysis result demonstrated that distance to river and elevation were the most important factors affecting mountain torrent hazards. The construction of projects in mountainous areas should be as far away from rivers and low-lying areas as possible. The results of this study can provide a scientific basis for improving the identification methods of mountain torrent hazards and assisting decision-makers in the implementation of appropriate measures for mountain torrent hazard prevention and reduction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sakarya Üniversitesi Türk Akademi Dergisi is the property of Sakarya Universitesi Turk Akademi Dergisi (SAUTAD) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As a less-powerful state threatened by a rising China in both security and economic domains irrespective of increasing economic cooperation and sharing a border and political affinity with China, Vietnam is expected to warmly welcome the United States (US) -led Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS) The country, nonetheless, has remained low-key in responding to the IPS. The article argues that Hanoi is truly interested in a regional rules-based order promoted in the IPS, but it has proposed a hedging response to this strategy through cautious statements and limited engagement in into this strategy. Vietnam’s hedging response to the IPS is framed by its post-Doi Moi foreign policy of independence, self-reliance, multilateralisation, and diversification. The year 2023 marks a milestone in bilateral relations between the US and Vietnam as both states upgraded their diplomatic relations to comprehensive strategic partnership which is the highest level in Vietnamese diplomatic ranking. This may become a favourable catalyst for further cooperation between Washington and Hanoi under the IPS within the context of a rising China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Informacion Comercial Espanola Revista de Economia is the property of S.G.E.E.I.P.C., Secretaria de Estado de Comercio, Ministerio de Industria, Comercio y Turismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction: In China, the sustainable development of the marine is facing a prominent contradiction between ecological security and economic development, as well as unbalanced and non-coordinated regional development. Exploring the regional differences in the synergy between marine ecological security (MES) and high-quality development of the marine economy (MHQD) and its driving mechanism is the key to optimizing the spatial distribution of marine development, promoting the synergistic and balanced development of the regional marine composite system during the “14th Five-Year Plan” period. Methods: In this article, we employed the Dagum Gini coefficient decomposition model and Kernel density estimation methods to reveal the evolution of regional differences, sources, and distributional dynamics of synergistic development of the composite system from 2009 to 2020. Meanwhile, spatial econometric analyses were applied to identify the influencing factors and spatial spillover effects. Results: The level of synergistic development of composite system has a fluctuating upward trend, with a significant positive spatial correlation and a significant “polarization effect”. Inter-regional differences in the synergistic development of the composite systemare the main source of the overall differences. Factors such as innovation-driven, human capital, and opening up to the outside world are important driving factors for the synergistic development of the composite system. Discussion: The MES-MHQD composite system exhibits a low level of synergistic development, with significant differences in the level of synergy both among the 3MMECs and within each circle. We infer that the expansion trend of overall difference will constrain the exploration of a sustainable development path for China’s coastal regions in the future. It is necessary to optimize the spatial layout of the composite system, establish robust mechanisms for regional cooperation and communication, accurately identify the development bottlenecks of the regional composite systems. This study provides a theoretical basis and decision-making reference for the promotion of the synergistic development of the composite system of the Three Major Marine Economic Circles (3MMECs) in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: This article delves into the broad social and economic impacts of wealth inequality, specifically focusing on its effects on happiness, as analyzed using micro survey data from the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS). Methods: This article employs the panel OLS regression method with time and province fixed effects for the main result and heterogeneity analysis, then uses the mediating effect and moderating effect test for the mechanisms. Results and discussion: The article presents several key findings: 1. Impact of Wealth Inequality on Happiness. The study confirms that wealth inequality significantly reduces happiness, a conclusion reinforced by a range of consistency tests and endogeneity checks. 2. Heterogeneity Analysis. Three areas of heterogeneity are examined: Hukou status, education level, and family members’ average income. The results indicate that the happiness of families with a family head holding an urban Hukou, higher education, or a higher per-member income level is less affected by wealth inequality. 3. Mechanisms Affecting Happiness. At the micro-level, the article identifies two mediating pathways—health and marital status—through which wealth inequality negatively influences happiness. At the macro-level, it is found that social security expenditure and economic development can moderate these effects and enhance subjective happiness under the same conditions of wealth inequality. The contributions of this study are specific as: 1. This study addresses some of the existing gaps in the research regarding the relationship between wealth inequality and happiness. 2. The article utilizes relative deprivation as a measure of wealth inequality, considered a more apt metric for studying happiness compared to absolute inequality. 3. This research offers insights into the mechanisms behind the observed effects, considering both micro-level (individual and family) and macro-level (societal and economic) factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China, one of the major powers and close neighbor of Afghanistan, has both economic and strategic interests in Afghanistan in the post 2014 Afghanistan after US/NATO drawdown from the latter. Though China has never been directly involved in Afghanistan for decades its internal security concerns and the major shift in the geostrategic and geopolitical situation in the region has forced China to depart from its old posture and engage its neighbor. However much depends upon the future scenario that arises in Afghanistan and the nature of cooperation among different stakeholders and the role of neighboring countries of Afghanistan. This paper aims at studying the future prospects of China's interests in Afghanistan from different perspectives. An effort has also been made to suggest remedies to the challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Central China Normal University is the property of Huazhong Normal University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The research paper explores the regional implications of the interaction between China and Iran. The factor of U.S antagonism faced by Iran and China as basis of the formation of their alliance and concerns of the United States of America regarding it are also taken under consideration. The concept of China and Iran regarding United States as its competitor is the root cause behind their alliance. The research examines their alliance in the contemporary era and affects of regional and International development on their relationship. The research paper reveals the influence of western policy and economic security on their relationship. The alliance between the two nations is formed by factors like identities, values, and interests. The study will focus on the nature and drive of their relationship taking under consideration factors that motivated such a relation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For almost two decades, Canberra hedged its economic and security bets between China – its most significant economic partner – and the United States – its core security ally – rather successfully, with Australian policymakers announcing that the country would not have to choose between the two great powers and that there are ways to maintain a tight alliance with the US while enhancing friendship and cooperation with China. However, Australia-China relations started to deteriorate in the mid-2010s, with Canberra effectively giving up on hedging by signing in 2021 the AUKUS (Australia-UK-US) security pact and undertaking other steps that have been widely received as unequivocally joining the US's effort to contain China. This article explores Australia's foreign policy transformation by conceptualising it as a transition from hedging to balancing against China. It develops a theoretical argument about why an essential middle power might decide to give up on hedging and start balancing. It argues that the end of hedging in Australia's China policy is a result of disappearing structural uncertainty and systemic permissiveness on which hedging, as a pattern of smaller power behaviour, is premised. As such, the article contributes to the knowledge about hedging by highlighting the limitations of smaller power hedging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Technology Economics is the property of Chinese Society of Technology Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After more than 10 years of exploration, development, research, and practical efforts, China has opened up new perspectives for the commercial exploitation of marine shale gas. While high shale gas production is a main driver for energy security and economic development in China, there have been few attempts to systemically scientific analysis the challenges, prospect, development strategies, and goals for shale gas. Here, we present a detailed comparison of the differences in shale gas between the Sichuan Basin and North America from multiple dimensions, explain how and to what extent recent advances have been made, discuss the current challenges, and provide strategies to deal with these challenges. We demonstrate that a total of 13 graptolite zones developed in the Wufeng–Longmaxi Formations, achieved by representative cores from 32 coring wells and 7 outcrop profiles, can establish the chronostratigraphic framework in the Sichuan Basin, which leads to the potential impact of high-quality reservoir distribution and shale gas production. Shale gas is still faced with the challenges of complex underground and surface conditions, low single-well EUR, and immature deep development engineering technology. To circumvent these issues, here, we propose several strategies, including sweet-spot optimization, low-cost drilling techniques, and efficient fracturing technologies. Our results strengthen the importance of adopting fundamental theoretical research and practical and feasible development goals to realize more commercial discoveries of shale gas of diverse types and higher growth of shale gas reserves and production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultivated land is an important natural resource to ensure food, ecological and economic security. The cultivated land quality evaluation (CQE) is greatly significant for protecting and managing cultivated land. In this study, 320 counties in the black soil region of Northeast China (BSRNC) represent the research units used to construct the CQE system measuring the soil properties (SP), cultivated land productivity (CLP), ecological environment (EE) and social economy (SE). The total of 19 factors were selected to calculate the integrated fertility index (IFI) and divided into grades. Simultaneously, we used the coupling coordination degree model to comprehensively analyze the spatial pattern of the cultivated land quality (CLQ) in the BSRNC, and use the structural equation model (SEM) to analyze the driving mechanism. The results show the following: 1) The CLQ of 262 counties in the BSRNC is in a state of coupling and coordination, and the coupling and coordination degree presents a spatial distribution pattern of 'high in the southwest and northeast, low in the northwest and southeast'. The coordinated development degree of 271 counties is between 0.4 and 0.6, which is in a transitional state between coordination and disorder. 2) The CLQ in the BSRNC is generally good, with an average grade of 3. High-quality cultivated land accounts for 58.45% of all counties, middle- and upper-quality cultivated land accounts for 27.05%, and poor-quality cultivated land accounts for 14.49%. 3) The SEM analysis shows that the SP, CLP, EE, and SE all influence the CLQ. Among them, the SP has the largest driving force on the CLQ, while the SE has the smallest driving force on it. The results confirm that the main factors affecting the evaluation results are crop productivity level, normalized difference vegetation index, ratio vegetation index, difference vegetation index, and organic carbon content. When implementing protection measures in counties with a low CLQ, considering a balanced coordination of multiple systems and reasonably controlling the quality degradation are important. This study provides the current situation and driving factors of the CLQ in the BSRNC and will play an important role in black soil governance and utilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the nexus between financial stability, climate risks, GHG emission mitigation, and green economic recovery of China. Financing efforts to protect against and reduce the hazards associated with climate change need to consider these risks and resources. Study used the Kalman technique of analysis for empirical inference. This research focuses on the carbon risk in China by employing a Kalman estimation approach. Although environmental mitigation was found to be important at 39%, financial strength and carbon hazards were considerable at 34%. Moreover, the report demonstrates the relationship between climatic threats and environmental drift in China, at a rate of 17%, emphasizing the need to address climate change issues. A state's fiscal health guarantees national economic security while pursuing green economic recovery initiatives. Researchers concluded that precise policy suggestions were needed to promote green economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considering new trends in global politics, the Islamic Republic of Pakistan appreciates the peaceful rise of the Peoples Republic of China. The well-established Pak-China camaraderie entered the 21st century with the new hopes of exploring innovative economic opportunities. The paper examines this relationship based on the interest of both the countries to be vigilant of the emerging regional and global scenario and to come up with appropriate economic and security strategy to meet their common challenges. The prospects of Pak-China relations reveal its significant impact on the global politics in future. This article spotlights the adjustments and the new areas of cooperation, which China and Pakistan explored in their relations. Keeping in mind the belligerent neighbour of Pakistan i.e., India and China's relationship with India and the US, from the perspective of neorealist school of thought this paper explores the nature of bilateral partnership in the anarchic order of the 21st century and two-pronged promising approach of Pakistan and China. It also seeks to understand whether coordination between the two countries to assure their economic prosperity and security in the 21st century will help in achieving their national interest or not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing acceptance of dual citizenship globally and the rise of new strategies to acquire "external" citizenship have led to a shift from studying citizenship in the confines of single nation-states to perceiving it as existing in a global hierarchy of "citizenship constellations." Much of this literature, however, focuses on nations which permit dual citizenship and do not have internal citizenship hierarchies. This article adds to that literature by considering one such external citizenship acquisition method—popularly referred to as "birth tourism." Based on 23 in-depth interviews and a textual analysis of an online social media group for returnees, I argue that Chinese families use the "external passport" (U.S. citizenship) within the logics of China's "internal passport" hierarchy (the hukou) to create a unique "citizenship constellation." U.S. citizenship—understood as the "American hukou "—is more valuable within China's borders than beyond, as it helps navigate national fertility and education policies. However, maintaining U.S. citizenship in China requires extra labor for parents, particularly mothers. Yet these efforts are still worth it because the acquisition of global citizenship via birth tourism permits families to reap the benefits of global citizenship without damaging their social status, economic security, and family structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) provides an excellent opportunity for improving the economic and security situation in Pakistan and its neighbouring countries as well. However, such an outcome cannot be taken for granted. This paper analyses the steps that should be taken to favour this scenario and warns about the consequences of poorly-managed implementation of the CPEC such as aggravating divisions within Pakistan and heightening tensions between Islamabad and other regional players. This paper will also look into the prospective implications of the CPEC on development of Pakistan and regional stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the dissolution of the former Soviet Union, the US, and China are aspiring to enhance their strategic influence in Central Asia which has recently been intensified due to China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Further, China has also increased its influence in Central Asia through regional organizations such as Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). Against this backdrop, Pakistan emerged as an important pivot of China's BRI where the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is the flagship project. This study begins with a theoretical debate of Heartland theory of Halford John Mackinder and the later version of Heartland theory into Rimland theory by Nicolas Spykman, which explains the geopolitical significance of Central Asia for Major Powers. Within this theoretical context, the study discusses China and the US grand strategies in Central Asia in the form of China's BRI, SCO and the US counter‐strategies such as from phase 1.0, policy to 2.0, policy, and the recent initiative of C5 + 1. The study finds out that US–China strategic competition will have implications for various states having relations with both of these two major powers. In case of Pakistan, the strategic competition between China and the US will affect various dimensions of Pakistan's security at the broader level such as political, military, and economic security. First, at the political level, it is affecting Pakistan's relations with Russia, China, Iran, and Gulf States. Second, at military level, Pakistan's strategic value has been enhanced as a frontline state against terrorism. Finally, at the economic level, CPEC provides opportunities for Pakistan's economy and regional connectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why has the United States (US) changed its stance toward China and kept it in the digital economy domain, despite the change in its government? The extant literature finds causes from China yet barely addresses perceptual factors. This study, however, argues that the strategy and policy of the US have undergone a process whereby the US has securitized the domain by designating China as a threat instead of a risk. Furthermore, the US has internationalized securitization to include its allies and close partners among the Indo-Pacific countries. Analytical narratives examine the US' economic statecraft, including commercial, industrial, and investment policies. A close examination reveals that the US-China technology competition has been undergoing partial decoupling in global supply chains of critical technologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the rise of geoeconomics vis-à-vis geopolitics has influenced the Turkish-Chinese rapprochement. It focuses on the impacts of the rise of geoeconomics on the long-term military alliances established in the Cold War and the strategic autonomy of smaller states that were once primarily dependent on their great power allies for their economic and regime security. Besides, it deals with the case-specific factors pushing Turkey towards China such as the rising authoritarian tendencies in Turkey and Ankara's disagreements on regional security issues with its traditional Western allies. Those factors have had negative repercussions on Turkey's economy, while the government has been facing a strong domestic imperative to continue infrastructure and construction projects which had contributed to the rapid economic growth in the 2000s. This situation has facilitated China's geoeconomic power projections seeking to create asymmetrical interdependence with Turkey and to influence Ankara's significant political and economic decisions. This article also underlines the limits of Turkish-Chinese rapprochement like Turkey's long-standing interdependence with the West and the relatively small role played by China in the Turkish economy. It concludes that Sino-Turkish 'geoeconomic rapprochement' would neither ensure Turkey's economic recovery nor increase its strategic autonomy unless Turkish-Western relations are ameliorated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China has gradually shifted its geopolitical focus from land-based control to seabased developments out of both security and economic considerations. Marked by the official launch of its aircraft carriers a decade ago, China has dedicated resources to building up its navy as a blue water force rather than the offshore defensive force that it had primarily been until that point. Meanwhile, by serving as the pillar of sea power, these aircraft carriers will play more important roles in China's naval development, ultimately reshaping the global strategic picture of sea power. This article aims to explore the influence of Chinese aircraft carriers to maritime order of the South China Sea and strategic pattern of global sea power by analyzing the Chinese aircraft carrier fleet's operational design and the reconstruction of China's naval strategy. The presence of Chinese aircraft carriers in the South China Sea and their inherent combat capabilities has inevitably casted a subversive light on the region and brought the attention of the United States' and other regional actors' own activities and strategies for the region. This research has great significance for understanding China's grand strategic conception and practice on the South China Sea issue as well as the construction of a new maritime order in the context of China-U.S. competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Despite a growing literature on the impact of economic nationalism on public attitudes toward foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows, public attitudes toward U.S. FDI outflows have been overlooked. We examine U.S. residents' attitudes toward FDI outflows to two host countries viewed unfavorably by the American public, Mexico and China, and the extent to which providing accurate information on FDI flows between the United States and these countries affects the biases toward American investment in these countries. Methods: We implemented a vignette experiment on respondents from 11 southern states in the United States. Results: We find little support for the existence of bias toward Mexico or China as destinations for American investment, nor do we find that providing accurate information on bilateral FDI flows affects perceptions of U.S. FDI outflows to these countries. Instead, individuals' economic self‐interest and sociotropic concerns influence their attitudes toward FDI outflows. Conclusions: Individuals' preferences toward U.S. FDI outflows are not shaped by biases toward investment destinations but by their concerns regarding the economic and security consequences of American overseas investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This analysis contributes to a fast-growing body of literature on Sino-Western relations and the tension between economic and security interests. It takes Britain's China policy as a case study considering the Integrated Review 2021. It argues that London's stance towards Beijing has shifted – officially – from the so-called "golden era" to a complex phase of diplomatic–military tensions and scrutinised economic relations, principally because of US pressure. However, this shift de facto has not had a structural impact on the economic side of the relationship between London and Beijing. The article reaches this conclusion by framing its narrative through the lens of the economy-security conundrum at the heart of the Liberal International Order and through the lens of the New Cold War between the US and China. These two factors are crucial for understanding the change between Britain's China policy pre- and post-2016. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]