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The systematic study of misanthropy, the lack of trust in humanity, has proliferated over the last 30 years. One prominent line of research details racial and ethnic disparities in levels of misanthropy, but pays little attention to the role of religiosity, while another focuses attention on religiosity and its impact on levels of misanthropy, with only scant attention to the role of race and ethnicity. Little attempt has been made to synthesize these two strands of literature to address an important unanswered question: Does the association between religiosity and misanthropy vary by racial and ethnic group? To answer this question, we pooled data from the General Social Survey (GSS, 2000–2018). Among other things, we find stark racial differences between Blacks and Whites in terms of the effect of religiosity on misanthropy. Blacks and Latinos who attend religious services weekly (social religiosity) have significantly higher levels of misanthropy than others, while Whites who attend weekly services are less likely to be misanthropic. An important takeaway is that service attendance (a type of social capital) is associated with feelings of misanthropy for all groups (albeit in opposite directions for Blacks and Latinos versus Whites), rather than personal acts of prayer (individual religiosity). When it comes to misanthropy, we conclude that religion works differently for minorities compared with Whites. We discuss the implications of our findings for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By reaching a vote share of 12.6 percent in the 2017 federal election, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) ended Germany's rare status as a Western European polity lacking a significant Populist Radical Right Party (PRRP). Some of this support comes from a group not usually expected to vote for PRRPs: immigrant-origin voters. Recent survey data shows high levels of support for the AfD especially within the group of Russian-Germans – immigrants from the former Soviet Union and its successor states. What motivates these immigrant-origin voters to support an anti-immigrant party? This article argues that support for the AfD – besides immigration-related preferences – can be best explained by their levels of assimilation or incorporation for different domains regarding the mainstream German society. Especially low levels of economic and social integration, and in particular a strong ethnic identity, relate positively to favouring the German radical right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite increased attention to ethnic differences in political behaviour, there is little research on ethnic minorities as political donors and almost none outside the United States. We draw on an administrative dataset of contributions to candidates, which we augment with donors' ethnicity. Focusing on the 2015 Canadian election, we find ethnic minorities are generally less likely to donate than other Canadians, but South Asian Canadians donate at astonishingly high rates. Contrary to previous research, there are only modest differences in the size of donations across ethnic groups. Linking donation data to candidate characteristics and census data reveals substantial co-ethnic affinity effects among Chinese and South Asian Canadians. Even in the absence of co-ethnic candidates, however, South Asians donate at a substantial rate. The proportion of donations to out-of-district and weaker candidates is also quite high, which could signal symbolic considerations are especially important to ethnic minority donors. The substantial heterogeneity between ethnic groups and the different effects on rates versus size of donations add important nuance to our knowledge of ethnicity and political behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article asks whether Turkish and North African origin candidates experience an electoral (dis)advantage in the Brussels preferential voting system. We examine the impact of candidates' ethnicity on their intraparty share of preference votes, and whether and how the strength of this relationship is influenced by their partisan orientation and the district concentration of their own ethnic group. Our results indicate that Turkish and North African origin candidates receive higher shares of preference votes on average compared to their co-partisans. We find that North African origin candidates' advantage does not vary according to their ethnic group concentration in the district, but their share of preference votes is higher than their co-partisans when they compete on left and center-left lists. However, Turkish origin candidates get more successful than their co-partisans as their ethnic group concentration increases, especially when they compete on left and center-left lists. Our research overall highlights the importance of candidates' ethnicity as an information shortcut for voters in the context of intraparty competition. We conclude that strong preferential voting systems do generate more opportunities for the inclusion of ethnic minority groups, but that parties' strategies and voters' behavior are more determinant than the rules themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is much concern today about the spread of fake news and the misinformation it can produce among the public. In this article, we investigate how the American public interprets accurate and inaccurate statements from the news. Moving beyond partisanship, we theorize that ideological and ethnoracial identities also shape individuals' interpretations of the news. We argue that people have incentives to interpret information they encounter in ways that favor their ideological and ethnoracial ingroups and that these incentives are particularly strong when ideological and ethnoracial identities align. Using a survey that asks respondents to classify statements from news stories as facts or opinions, we find support for these hypotheses. Liberals and conservatives, and white, Black, and Hispanic respondents, more often classify as factual statements that favor their ingroup's interests while classifying information opposing their ingroup's interests as opinions. Holding cross-cutting ethnoracial and ideological identities diminishes these effects, while identities that align produce stronger ingroup biases in information processing, particularly among whites. Our study reveals that it is not only partisanship but also ideological and ethnoracial identities that shape how Americans interpret the news, and therefore how informed, or misinformed, they are. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The process by which people transfer their allegiance from ethnic to national identities is highly topical yet somewhat opaque. This article argues that one of the key determinants of national identification is membership in a 'core' ethnic group, or Staatsvolk , and whether or not that group is in power. It uses the example of Uganda as well as Afrobarometer data to show that, when the core ethnic group is in power (as measured by the ethnic identity of the president), members of this group identify more with the nation, but when this group is out of power members identify more with their ethnic group. This finding has important implications for the study of nationalism, ethnicity and African politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the research on minority representation in the U.S. House has focused on how group preferences are reflected in recorded votes, yet most opportunities for position-taking exist outside the roll call arena. This research explores the conditions under which descriptive representation enhances substantive representation by examining an area where members have a great deal of freedom to register their preferences - speeches on the House floor. Using a novel database of immigration-related one-minute speeches from the 109th-113th Congress, this research explores both the decision to deliver and the position taken in speech on the floor. It finds that not only do Latino members devote a greater share of attention to the issue of immigration than their colleagues, but they take distinct positions that are more reflective of Latino interests, and they are less vulnerable to district pressures than their non-Latino colleagues. These results suggest a clear value in descriptive representation and more diverse legislatures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some ethnic groups vote along ethnic lines while others do not? In this article, we theorize that the level of ethnic voting depends, partially, on how ethnicity interacts with economic cleavages. Specifically, we argue that between–ethnic group inequality (BGI) increases ethnic voting and that its effect strengthens as within–ethnic group inequality (WGI) decreases. We thus posit that the full structure of ethnic inequality, not only between-group differences, matters for ethnic voting. After presenting our argument, we conduct the first cross-national test of whether the effect of between-group inequality on ethnic voting is conditional on the level of inequality within ethnic groups. Our analysis employs group-level data on 200 ethnic groups from 65 countries. We find strong support for our hypothesis: BGI increases ethnic voting, but its effect is conditional on WGI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We assess how likely Americans are to support political candidates who are Muslim, and the extent to which support for Muslim candidates is structured by "cultural outgroup antipathy"—generalized antipathy targeting cultural outgroups. We employ two survey experiments included in the 2007 and 2010 Cooperative Congressional Election Studies that juxtapose a hypothetical state legislative candidate's Muslim faith with Arab ethnicity, African American race, and both Democratic and Republican party affiliation. Identifying a candidate as Muslim significantly reduces voter support and that reduction is largest among people with higher levels of cultural outgroup antipathy. The effect is consistent regardless of whether the candidate is also identified as being Arab or African American or is just presented as a Muslim. We also find that cultural outgroup antipathy diminished electoral support for same-party Muslim candidates among Democrats but not among Republicans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous scholarship has reported contradictory results regarding the impact of involvement by immigrant-origin individuals (IOIs) in ethnic organizations on political participation. In this article, we assess the effect of involvement in different types of organizations (ethnic, pan-immigrant and native) on participation in various types of political activities. We use cross-national micro-data from a population survey undertaken in 2004–2008 to IOIs in nine European cities. Our findings indicate that ethnic organizations perform an integrative function for IOIs in the political sphere, but they mainly affect participation linked to immigration-related issues concerning specific ethnic groups and IOIs. Moreover, most effects of involvement in ethnic organizations on the different types of political participation examined are similar in closed and in open political opportunity structures (POS). We only find evidence that involvement in ethnic organizations depresses conventional political action in open POS settings while it increases political action in closed POS settings. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Scholarship in the area of group identity has expanded our understanding of how group consciousness and linked fate operate among racial and ethnic minority populations in the United States. What is yet to be tested is whether the measures employed adequately capture the multidimensional theoretical constructs associated with group consciousness across racial and ethnic populations. To address this question, we make use of the 2004 National Political Study (N = 3,339) and apply principal components analysis and exploratory factor analysis to assess whether measures used for both group consciousness and linked fate are interchangeable, as well as whether these measures are directly comparable across racial and ethnic populations. We find that the multidimensional approach to measuring group consciousness is a sound strategy when applied to African Americans, as the dimensions fit the African American experience more powerfully than is the case for non-Hispanic whites, Hispanics, and Asian populations. Our analysis suggests that scholars interested in exploring group identity among the African American population have fewer analytical concerns in this regard than those working with other populations where the underlying components associated with group consciousness appear to be operating differently. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives. To generate, via application of Bayes Theorem, accurate estimates about the size of Hispanic populations inCalifornia cities fromvery limited data on the surnames of those living in the cities. Methods. We make use here of the ratio of those with the name "GARCIA" to those with the name "ANDERSON" in those cities, one of which is far more likely to beHispanic and one of which is far more likely to be non-Hispanic. Results. For four cities that vary dramatically in theirHispanic populations, using only two common names we are able to estimate the Hispanic population in the cities. Conclusions. We lay the background for our surprising results by underscoring common fallacies in using surnames for purposes of ethnic identification, such as the belief that the proportion of bearers of a given name who are Hispanic can be specified as a unique percentage.We show that how "Hispanic" any given name will turn out to be is a function of the overall demography of the subpopulation being analyzed, which will also affect the distribution of names within that subpopulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article develops and tests a set of theoretical mechanisms by which candidate ethnicity may have affected the party vote choice of both white British and ethnic minority voters in the 2010 British general election. Ethnic minority candidates suffered an average electoral penalty of about 4 per cent of the three-party vote from whites, mostly because those with anti-immigrant feelings were less willing to vote for Muslims. Ethnic minority voter responses to candidate ethnicity differed by ethnic group. There were no significant effects for non-Muslim Indian and black voters, while Pakistani candidates benefited from an 8-point average electoral bonus from Pakistani voters. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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