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Televised presidential primary debates are highly important for partisans by providing unmediated information concerning candidate viability. Here the presumptive winner of a given primary may be indicated during debates through both the speaking time they are given and the audience response they elicit. Here I explore both candidate speaking time and audience laughter and applause by content, analyzing six 2012 Republican Party primary debates. Debate venue plays a significant role in determining applause and, to a lesser extent, laughter. There is also a negative relationship between candidate speaking time and audience laughter, suggesting an insurgent strategy for second-tier candidates. © 2014 Center for the Study of the Presidency and Congress [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses Aldrich's (2009) formula to devise 'momentum scores' that allow us to track momentum for the major candidates in the 2012 Republican presidential nomination throughout the primary season. Though Mitt Romney had a major advantage in fundraising and endorsements before the primaries began, his biggest gains in momentum came late in the primary season. We compare momentum changes to media mentions and tone of coverage derived from content analysis of major newspapers. Though media content corresponds with changes in momentum for each candidate, the media response to momentum for the front-runner is weaker compared with his competitors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The entrance of Super Political Action Committees (Super PACs), outside groups with no caps on fundraising or independent expenditures, prompts a reexamination of the role of money in campaigns and elections. We investigate the influence of Super PAC expenditures in the 2012 Republican nomination contest. A compressed calendar makes nomination campaigns expensive and money crucial, especially for lesser-known candidates, such that outside expenditures likely made a difference. Indeed, we find Super PACs helped to extend Santorum's long-shot candidacy but also helped Romney by weakening momentum from Gingrich and Santorum wins. Using panel data of candidate dynamics, we also find that candidate and Super PAC expenditures within various key primary states reactively complement each other. However, we do not find dispositive evidence that Super PACs coordinate with campaigns, thereby acting, at least in this context, within the bounds of their legally mandated independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]