Search

This paper highlights the role of climate change as a persistent, systemic, long-term inflationary driver. The inflationary impacts of climate change have been commonly overlooked in the economic literature. As global temperatures rise and extreme weather events become more frequent and severe, the inflationary effects of climate change will only intensify. These effects could be further exacerbated by the considerable pricing power of the corporate sector. As a persistent inflationary driver, climate change poses a serious threat to central banks' ability to maintain price stability mandates. The traditional tools of monetary policy will be ineffective in curbing climate change-induced price pressures. Further, growth-based Green New Deal and related fiscal policies will be ineffective at mitigating climate change and reducing its inflationary impacts. Unless degrowth solutions are sought, climate change and its price effects will only intensify over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Demands of system change are common in the climate movement but there is little agreement on what this entails or how it might be achieved. This has contributed to discord and division between seemingly allied positions, each seeking to address the climate crisis through alternative strategies for change. We argue that these strategic differences also reflect, and for that reason can be better understood in terms of, alternative stances towards capitalism. Adopting a critical political economy approach, we assess a number of these debates and divisions as they have played out in the UK environmentalist movement. We highlight both the connections between alternative strategic positions within these debates and the broader stances towards capitalism that underpin them, and offer a critical evaluation of their likely limitations. In doing so, we identify potential points of overlap and cooperation between those holding seemingly contrasting positions in ongoing debates within climate politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Green New Deal has been defined as "an unprecedented mobilization of resources to achieve 100% renewable energy to eliminate greenhouse gas emissions" (NEF, 2019, p.4). Currently there is consensus about its purpose, however, little has been theorized about its establishment in Colombia. In this sense, our objective is to identify the institutional changes required to establish a Green New Deal in Colombia, using a Delphi methodology, appropriate for interviewing experts. As a result of this research, it was found that, of the twelve useful public policies for their establishment identified in the theoretical framework, seven comply with the guidelines for assessing environmental policy instruments proposed by Labandeira et al. (2007) and therefore are considered necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research suggests that public support for climate action can be increased by bundling environmental policy with social and economic programs – the Green New Deal being one of the most widely known iterations of this strategy. Yet, party cue theory suggests that public support for the policy will be shaped by the strong Democratic associations of the proposal. In a preregistered survey experiment conducted among 1,203 residents of the rural western United States, I find strong evidence that the phrase 'the Green New Deal' functions as a partisan cue, lowering support for a bundled climate policy among rural residents by 9.1 percentage points. This depressive effect is robust even when framing around region-specific climate impacts is added to the survey question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This commentary turns a critical lens on the perspectives of labour in the potential green transition. It shows what changes when we focus on worldwide social labour—the labour which most of humanity currently performs—and its worldwide impact, going beyond climate to damages from mining and to biodiversity and other elements of the ecology. Such an optic forces scepticism about approaches which only consider the North when it comes to a large-scale green transition. Indeed, this paper argues, using illustrative examples, how such approaches rely on suppressing the historical role of colonialism and imperialism in making First World (core) development possible. It shows how lenses such as "social reproduction" or policies such as "universal health care" focused only on the core reproduction of worldwide patterns of domination. It then puts forward the outlines of an alternative approach to decent work in the context of a worldwide green transition toward a non-hierarchical world system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globally, several governments have adopted various forms of green stimulus policies (GSP) to manage environmental challenges and revitalize their national economies during crises. However, research on the varieties of GSPs within a country and the possible drivers of this diversity remain scarce. This study qualitatively compares the green growth and green new deal policies adopted under two different administrations in South Korea. Although both GSPs share similar components, they vary in their focus on nuclear energy and international cooperation. This study postulates that these differences are associated with the degree to which each administration saw GSP through the lens of a developmental state. Besides providing a comparative tool for examining GSPs and their elements, this research contributes to GSP research in a non-Western developed-country setting by highlighting how domestic factors shape the nature and composition of GSPs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neoliberalism and evangelical theocrats want to create an authoritarian capitalism that maintains a political, social, and environmental dictatorship. Green capitalism offers only limited change unable to solve the environmental crisis. Building alternative hegemony around a Green New Deal will be the best oppositional force to ecofascism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic extend to global biodiversity and its conservation. Although short-term beneficial or adverse impacts on biodiversity have been widely discussed, there is less attention to the likely political and economic responses to the crisis and their implications for conservation. Here we describe four possible alternative future policy responses: (1) restoration of the previous economy, (2) removal of obstacles to economic growth, (3) green recovery and (4) transformative economic reconstruction. Each alternative offers opportunities and risks for conservation. They differ in the agents they emphasize to mobilize change (e.g. markets or states) and in the extent to which they prioritize or downplay the protection of nature. We analyse the advantages and disadvantages of these four options from a conservation perspective. We argue that the choice of post-COVID-19 recovery strategy has huge significance for the future of biodiversity, and that conservationists of all persuasions must not shrink from engagement in the debates to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the anniversary of the publication of Splintering Urbanism, climate breakdown heralds a new era in public investment in infrastructure. However, current proposals for infrastructure overlook two decades of work in infrastructure studies. For example, both the Green New Deal advanced by activists in the United States and the European Green Deal, proposed by the European Commission, establish a dual logic between investments in centralized systems and off-grid systems that reinforce, rather than challenge, the infrastructure models critiqued in Splintering Urbanism. The lessons of Splintering Urbanism debates, such as the rise of post-networked conditions of living in dialogue with everyday practices of living with and against infrastructures, are still missing from the policies that will likely shape urban futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In July 2020, the South Korean government announced a 5-year, post-pandemic plan. This purportedly proactive policy aimed to advance digital and green industries to lay the groundwork for the post-pandemic era. This article examines the South Korean government's early proposal of a post-pandemic policy, titled the Korean New Deal, in order to explore how the pandemic crisis may affect the policymakers' envisioning of the post-crisis society. Moreover, the study examines how this early predictive plan may reveal the ways in which the pandemic is utilized for discursive politics. Drawing on the critical discourse analysis of policy documents and news coverage, this article questions how the "old" language of the developmental state is incorporated into the "new" policy. The study also shows how COVID-19′s impacts and uncertainties are translated into political discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A Global Green New Deal (GGND)—that includes Arctic sea ice climate triage and carbon cycle climate restoration, and that, following Eisenberger (2020), would move us toward a renewable energy and materials economy (REME)—is necessary to turn our current civilization and species-threatening climate crises into an opportunity to stabilize our planet's climate and advance to a new, more equitable and prosperous stage of human development. Imminent, potentially catastrophic, global climate impacts of Arctic sea ice loss, the first global climate "tipping point," are reviewed, and practical and efficient potential climate triage methods for avoiding this are summarized. Longer-term carbon dioxide removal (CDR) and carbon capture, sequestration, and use (CCSU) methods, that would move us toward long-term carbon cycle climate restoration, are presented. A general reframing of climate policy and specific GGND policy proposals—that include Arctic sea ice climate triage and carbon cycle climate restoration that would rapidly move us toward a REME and avoid increasingly catastrophic climate impacts—are proposed. JEL Classification : Q53, Q54, Q55, Q56, Q58 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Planners and activists are identifying ways to promote equitable adaptation that counter climate injustice. This article explores how this progressive turn in adaptation compares with past progressive movements. I argue urban progressive politics have cyclical tendencies toward liberalism and radicalism, and that the evolution of planning for climate adaptation mirrors these waves. I review 10 recent guidance documents that recommend strategies for enhancing racially just adaptation. I then assess how these recommendations advance the three pillars of progressive reforms: redistribution, expansion of democracy, and structural reform. I find that proposed strategies for racially just resilience are a welcome advance from mainstream, unjust resilience planning. However, history suggests that the focus on procedural justice for oppressed communities seen in recent discourse may limit their scope and durability. I conclude with suggestions for areas where climate activists and scholars can expand given emerging political space for ambitious thinking under a Green New Deal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The need for wholescale energy transitions across the globe is now clear, but there is still much debate about how best to achieve carbon neutrality by 2050. Carbon‐pricing has so far been unable to avert the coming climate catastrophe. Instead supply‐side, managed decline of the fossil fuel sector and proposals for Green New Deals, or Just Transition are gaining steam among academics, policy communities, and movements and even entering mainstream politics. In this article, I review three main approaches to energy transition and highlight their underlying goals and assumptions. I argue that movements for energy transition must center social and economic justice in their struggles if they want to gain broad‐based appeal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a whole, the Green New Deal (GND) is discussed as one of the most promising political projects to address social justice targets together with climate goals. Yet, as most individual GNDs focus on the national level, concerns about global justice have largely remained absent from early debates, leading some to conclude that the GND reproduces neocolonial and extractivist schemes. To analyse programs for a GND in relation to issues of global justice requires an analytical framework able to evaluate justice claims in extended geographies. Drawing on the later work of political theorist Iris Marion Young, we develop a framework that foregrounds three principles: shared responsibilities for environmental harm of global reach, self-determination for those effected by these harms, and a forward-looking political responsibility to address the structures producing and sustaining injustice. We employ this framework to conduct a qualitative content analysis of four selected GND proposals from the UK, the EU and the US. This analysis indicates that all selected GNDs acknowledge in principle the global reach of responsibilities and formulate (limited) proposals to address these in different fields. However, they do not think of global justice in terms of a forward-looking notion of political responsibility that acknowledges the need of structural reforms and the self-determination of those experiencing harm. Instead, when addressing justice beyond the level of the nation state, these GNDs fall back on a notion of distributive justice. Based on the work of Young, we conclude with a set of propositions for global democratic structures that would support the outlined principles of global justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In using the idea of Necrocene, the age of death and extinction due to capitalist accumulation, as opposed to the Anthropocene, this article will discuss how green capitalism is a ramification of the business-as-usual neoliberal praxis as it does not contemplate the pressing matters caused by capitalism as it exists today which are inherently linked to inequity, exploitation, death and extinction. Furthermore, through this lens, it will generate a critique of the Green New Deal and provide speculations on the planetary future. Finally, this article ambitiously aims to illustrate how through the imaginaries of death and extinction, capitalism and green capitalism can be challenged as they prove to be deathly and inconsistent to the creation of fruitful inroads for future alternatives towards the Eleutherocene: the age of liberated Earth and Humanity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of the introduction of the Resolution for a Green New Deal to the US House of Representatives in 2019, feminist climate justice activists and organisers initiated and cultivated the Feminist Coalition for a Green New Deal. The Coalition advances an intersectional feminist analysis as part of the national conversation about the Green Deal, which entails elucidating and enacting processes for coalition-formation and creating shared values, principles, and policy positions. This article shares insights from interviews with five Coalition members about the relevance of the Coalition's creation, operating processes, and key outcomes – namely the principles for a Feminist Green New Deal – for communities, advocates, and policymakers, particularly in this moment of reckoning with a global pandemic. Their reflections illustrate their fervent dedication to the feminist tool of intersectional analysis, their proposals for an alternative economy centred on principles of care and regeneration as the essential scaffolding for a Feminist Green New Deal, and their commitment to the power of collective action as the most effective means of movement building. The responses also demonstrate the interconnectedness of feminist climate advocacy with feminist development critiques, the essentiality of a comprehensive reframing of governments' general policy processes and aims, and the criticality of movement building that is intentional and responsive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change and the rise of a grassroots–legislative political–environmental movement in the United States should change how urban planners think and act on spatial change and social justice. After the 2018 U.S. elections, organizing movements and progressive legislators endorsed the Green New Deal. In this Viewpoint I look at the Green New Deal's potential implications for urban planning. I analyze it in reference to the 1930s' New Deal inspirations and current climate and urban challenges, and illustrate the contradictions between large-scale spatial change and community-scale social justice. I explain how the imperatives of the Green New Deal, in conjunction with the shifting sites, scales, and politics of planning for climate change, should encourage planners to reframe their spaces and politics of practice toward a reconceptualized urban regional scale and a new politics of more public participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While all citizens are increasingly concerned with climate change and its associated effects, youth show particular interest and activism around the topic. Legislators and activists have recently championed a Green New Deal as offering goals for how the issue might be addressed in the United States and other countries. In this article, we offer an interdisciplinary inquiry in which students can explore sources to answer the compelling question, can the Green New Deal save us? Students will evidence, communicate conclusions, and take action in ways that help them explore the knowledge, skills, and dispositions needed for ecological citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article serves as the content for a slide show presented at the Global Studies Association conference held at Loyola University in Chicago on June 6-8, 2019. The discussion emphasized the importance of establishing The Green New Deal by transitioning away from burning carbon and uranium to stop and reduce CO2 levels, building a Smart Grid, redesigning and rebuilding industries for zero waste, transitioning from agribusiness factory farms to organic, sustainable family-sized farms, redesigning new housing and retrofitting existing stock, increasing innovation and high design for all products and services, and curbing the production of poisons and removing pollutants from human consumption. The link to the presentation is http://ouleft.org/wp-content/uploads/Green-New-Deal-2.pdf. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a detailed review of the basis and prospects for United Kingdom (UK) proposals for the most ambitious mainstream social, economic, and environmental policy program of the 21st century: the Green New Deal (GND), providing critical reflection for its implementation at a local or regional level. Through a review of academic, policy and book publications we examine the key proposed features of a UK GND, identifying five core elements: financial reforms; green infrastructure investment; financing the GND; ownership structures; and economic, social and climate justice. We subsequently review these policy areas through the lens of multi-level governance (MLG) to understand what scales of policy action are required for these aims to be achieved. We find that, whilst core elements of a UK GND, such as reforms to the financial system, and expansionary fiscal and monetary policy require policy change at national and supra-national level, the majority of GND investments require implementation at the local level. We suggest that, in the context of contemporary UK MLG, there are challenges for fully funding and delivering a GND without a national programme, while highlighting emerging options for coordinating and implementing a GND by local government actors, in the absence of national support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the Green New Deal framework for climate stabilization. It discusses the global efforts to mitigate the climate change by controlling the carbon-dioxide emission, a.long with information on the International Energy Agency's energy policy framework for controlling the carbon-dioxide emission. It mentions the work of Peter Victor that aims to demonstrate how advanced economies could function effectively within a degrowth framework.

In 2019, the Mayor of Los Angeles announced the Los Angeles Green New Deal (LAGND), an ambitious plan to shift the city's power system to 100% renewables by 2045. The Los Angeles Department of Water and Power (LADWP)—the electricity provider for the city and the largest municipally-owned utility in the United States—began a consultation process with local stakeholders and energy system modelers to determine possible scenarios to accomplish this goal. While the LAGND was lauded by environmentalists and progressives both within Los Angeles and beyond, it has been heavily opposed by the IBEW 18, the union that represents nearly all employees at LADWP. IBEW 18 has staged protests, created political advocacy organizations, and funded anti -decarbonization political candidates. This paper draws on 20 semi-structured interviews and other secondary materials to understand the union's oppositionand to demonstrate some of the unique challenges that municipal-scale Green New Deal (GND) plans face. We argue that the tensions between the mayor's office and unionized utility workers can be explained, at least in part, by three instances of scalar misalignment—or mismatch—that arise from trying to undertake a GND plan at the city level. These include mismatch between: (1) the scales of political activism and engagement between the mayor and the union, (2) the aims of the GND narrative and the limits imposed by the jurisdiction of the City of Los Angeles, and (3) the current and future geographies of the electric power system and related infrastructure and its path dependencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In view of the attention Green New Deal proposals have received there has been very little concern to assess its technical feasibility. It involves two major technical claims, firstly that renewable energy can sustain present societies at a relatively low cost, and secondly that economy can be decoupled from resource consumption and environmental impact. The validity of these assumptions is often taken for granted. Robert Pollin is unusual in providing arguments for them. This article puts reasons for rejecting both claims and then considers the implications for the design of sustainable and just systems. It is concluded that GND goals cannot be achieved unless there is large scale degrowth to radically different economic, social and political systems. A novel perspective on the transition, contradicting GND thinking, is indicated. • The basic GND claims are outlined. • The first major claims is that 100% renewable energy supply is possible. • The second claim is that GDP can be decoupled from resource demand. • Arguments against these claims are detailed. • Unconventional Implications for a sustainable and just society are drawn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we argue that othering is central to the government of climate change. Critically engaging with Foucault's ideas on biopolitics and racism, we elaborate a conceptual perspective for analysing how such a "technology of government" operates. We review diverse literatures from geography, political ecology, critical adaptation studies and the environmental humanities dealing with discursive constructions of the other in three exemplary areas of intervention—mitigation (particularly "green" mineral extraction for renewable energy production); constructions of "vulnerability" in adaptation policies; and the governing of "climate migrants". We contend that these interventions largely work through the extension of capitalist relations, underpinned by racist and colonial ways of seeing populations and territories as "in need of improvement". And that, by legitimising and depoliticizing such interventions, and by suspending responsibility for their unwanted or even deadly impacts, othering helps to preserve existing relations of racial, patriarchal and class domination in the face of climate-induced social upheavals. Othering, we conclude, is not only a feature of fossil fuelled development, but a way of functioning of capitalist governmentality more broadly—which has important implications for thinking about emancipatory and climate-just transformations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Progressive Business Model is not a consciously designed business model. Instead, it is the result of the evolutionary encroachment of regulatory and legislative dictates dealing with climate change that severely limits business independence. The Progressive Business model is expansive, expensive, and environmentally questionable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]