Search

Numerous UK universities are experiencing financial instability; with an increasingly competitive and maturing market, reliance has grown on international students to offset institutional shortfalls. Dependency on international student tuition revenue has over-exposed the market to dramatic shifts in political policies, both domestic and internationally, that could significantly impact operational success. UK higher education institutions (HEIs) ability to promote their institutions as they are intertwined with the UK government; thus, controversial policies create a backlash, drawing HEIs into disputes as unwanted participants yet recipients of significant economic disruption. Government policies on domestic tuition caps, Brexit, and increasing geopolitical disputes with China have had a considerable impact on institutional operations. This paper recommends HEIs, principally lower-tabled universities, take a more aggressive strategic realignment to best adapt to the marketplace's uncertainty. By reemphasising institutional specialisation, variable tuition rates for under-represented growth markets, financial support for EU students, increased distance education presence, and intense market-wide lobbying of government MPs, this paper seeks to open a discussion on how to identify existing problems and target opportunities for growth. The complexity of market conditions and the decreasing solvency of many institutions will not be solved by a single recommendation or a short-term policy but by a complete realignment and robust industry-wide initiatives. If universities cease operations or collapse under market conditions' financial strain, it will impact the overall market's reputation, reducing UK institutions' overall desirability as a major exporter of education.

Active learning is an engaging way of teaching and even experienced professors may not know how to start implementing its techniques to make classes more dynamic. Teaching cases can be a very useful active method of instruction, as an opportunity to assign students roles in the case discussion, centering them as the protagonists of their own learning process. In other words, students will learn by doing, as they will be engaged in thinking and communicating on the topic. This paper presents a teaching case on the Brexit process to introduce central concepts of Putnam's Two-Level Game model, such as level of negotiations, chief negotiator, win-set, voluntary defection, involuntary defection, and ratification. We assessed learning with self-perception questionnaires before and after the activity. The results suggest the activity improved the understanding of all selected topics covered in class.

This paper investigates the impacts of recent, macro-level developments in transatlantic relations on the ability of United States and European Union higher education institutions (HEIs) to leverage international partnerships in achieving their traditional missions of teaching, research, and service. Using literature to place international education within the broader context of transatlantic relations from the post-World War II era to today, the connection between geopolitics and HEI international partnerships is made explicit. Comprehensive internationalization theory is then applied to illustrate the importance of HEI international partnerships in realizing international education outcomes that are congruent with traditional HEI missions. After establishing the link between transatlantic relations, internationalization in higher education, HEI international partnerships and overall HEI performance, recent developments within transatlantic relations are directly analyzed with regards to HEI international partnerships, highlighting impacts on their ability to function. Finding that progressive transatlantic relations result in improved performance outcomes through HEI international partnerships for US and EU HEIs, and that regressive transatlantic relations produce the opposite outcome, the study offers implications for policy makers and HEI administrators.

The study of educational simulations at the secondary level has typically centered on programs that are competitive, shorter in duration, and characterized by their low fidelity, or a lack of realism. The resources required to hold longer, more immersive, and nuanced programs are often prohibitive for teachers of political science programs. As such, their effects on student learning outcomes have remained relatively unknown. In this paper, we explore the impact of a Model G20 (MG20) curriculum for high school and early college-aged students on students' sense of self-efficacy and 21st century skills. MG20 is a weeklong, immersive international conference modeled after the real G20 summit. In it, students learn about global governance and roleplay as heads of state and government ministers to negotiate for their collective interests. Using a mixed methods approach, we examine student learning outcomes from two MG20 summits, held in the United States and in the UK. Results show that internationally diverse, immersive, collaborative role-playing simulations significantly improve students' self-ascribed cross-cultural communication and public speaking skills, as well as students' sense self-efficacy. This research suggests future study into new and emerging formats of educational simulations may reveal greater potential for such programs to enhance student learning.

Each country should look beyond the nationalistic stories and the everyday self-images popularly disseminated. UK students deserve an environment where school curricula, public debate, politics, media and memorials give balanced, factual and ethically informed narratives about Britain's past and current dealings with other races and nations. A mythical 'great' Britain underpins a 'racialized consciousness' shaping attitudes to race equality issues at home today and how of contemporary commercial colonialism is evaluated. 'White' is a socially constructed composite ethnicity with exclusionary and subjugating characteristics. With different national roots, and played out differently in different countries, the 2020 Black Lives Matter protests point to common, enduring global inequalities and injustices with 'white priority' at their root. This paper focuses principally on the school curriculum, its content and, how it is experienced and assessed. It examines understanding of, and attitudes towards, five interlocking themes: slavery; colonialism; 'righteous' wars; contemporary exploitative engagement with lesser developed nations; and racial and class inequalities in today's Britain. The limited current state of understanding of these issues poses challenges to the extension of multicultural education into meaningful antiracism and action for social justice. The school curriculum is only one part of wider action required to address (mis)understandings of Britain's past and present colonialism, to recognise current race related injustices at home and abroad and to resituate notions of 'belonging', ethnicity and equal worth. Even 'correcting' these perceptions, bolstered by the widespread 'Black Lives Matter' protests in many countries, will not lead to sustained improvements in racial justice without significant adjustments to legal, social and especially economic infrastructures.

Interpellation, the production and hailing of subjectivities, is key to poststructuralist international relations (IR) theory and yet with some notable exceptions interpellation/hailing as an analytical concept remains somewhat undertheorized. This paper presents a Lacanian–Žižekian psychoanalytical theorization of interpellation in IR, while engaging with the ontology and epistemology of belonging. More specifically, this paper develops four major psychoanalytical concepts: void/lack, fantasy, jouissance, and desire, as it argues that void/lack at the subjective and objective levels renders interpellation possible and destabilises it, thus accounting for the im/possibility of belonging. This paper illustrates the psychoanalytical framework of interpellation by analyzing national-populism as manifested in the Brexit discourse in the UK as well as the interpellation in homonationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mevzu is the property of Ali Sever and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this paper is to study the evolution of Britain's involvement in the EU's foreign and security policy in order to highlight the reasons that led the issue to be left out of talks on the post-Brexit future relation. The paper argues Europeanisation or de-Europeanisation largely depends on the degree of politicisation of issues both in the EU, the EU-27 and in the UK. As long as foreign and security issues remained relatively low key, the UK was able to enjoy the magnifying effect of its participation in the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and contributed to the decision-making process in order to successfully influence EU policies. Politicisation of foreign and security issues was due both to developments in EU-led or national initiatives and to the reaction they provoked in the UK. The EU insisted the UK was to be considered as a 'third country' and stressed the need for future cooperation to be institutionalised. On the contrary, in the UK, public distrust against a putative European 'super state', led successive governments to avoid any formal commitment to new EU initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper advocates a holistic approach to assessing international relations in undergraduate education, which revolves around: (a) essays and (b) active learning-related tasks, such as simulation reflective statements/reports and performance. The paper argues that, on the one hand, academic essays are far from irrelevant and it is difficult to overestimate their practical significance. On the other hand, active learning-related tasks are best utilised as a supplementary assessment, expanding the students' range of transferable skills. The assessment structure advocated in this paper results from a holistic approach to assessment design, which includes teacher's own experience, familiarity with pedagogical scholarship and input from students. This last element is the least common even though it makes sense to understand how students see their own assessment. To that end, the paper shares the results of a pilot project run at one of the UK universities, which engaged students as partners in rethinking their assessment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Advanced Nursing (John Wiley & Sons, Inc.) is the property of John Wiley & Sons, Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the United Kingdom's Indo-Pacific policy as outlined in the Integrated Review Refresh 2023: Responding to a More Contested and Volatile World (IR23). Released in March 2023, this foreign policy and national security paper builds upon the Global Britain in a Competitive Age: The Integrated Review of Security, Defence, Development and Foreign Policy (IR21), which codified the post-Brexit foreign policy initiative Global Britain in March 2021, with the Indo-Pacific Tilt policy as a central component. However, in IR23, the Indo-Pacific policy was positioned within the Atlantic-Pacific partnership, as opposed to Global Britain. This article argues that through the utilization of the Anglo-French defense and security cooperation, the Australia-United Kingdom-United States (AUKUS) defense security cooperation framework, and the Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP), London demonstrates a clear long-term commitment to promoting peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific region by fostering the Atlantic-Pacific partnership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brexit, i.e. the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union, is a major event in European and global politics. It has been debated from a multitude of social, economic, and cultural angles. This paper offers a cognitive linguistic perspective on Brexit, and investigates its metaphoric conceptualization on the first days after the 2016 referendum. That period seems especially important as, arguably, it was then that for many UK citizens, Brexit suddenly became more than just a hypothetical possibility. The investigation is quantitative and follows Socio-cognitive discourse studies principles. It registers frequencies of source-domain use in UK online media, and traces preferences as to general source-domain semantics. The findings strongly suggest the presence of negative source-domain preferences. This negative metaphoric construal comes in stark contrast with the 3-year par between the Leave and Remain stances in the UK. To explain that discrepancy, the paper argues in support of the importance of 'levels' in source-domain use. Admittedly, throughout Lakovian works (e.g., Lakoff and Johnson, 1980, 1999), conceptual metaphoric transfer has been argued to take place at what Rosch et al. postulate as basic-level categorization (1973). However, as the present paper suggests, Rosch's 'levels' in prototypology can be seen as functioning through conceptual metonymy. That, in its turn, combined with the all-pervasive cognitive mechanism of spreading activation (first introduced into linguistics by de Beaugrande and Dressler in 1981) suggests all semantic levels can be co-activated in the process of metaphorization, regardless of which level is currently being highlighted and drawn on. As a consequence, different semantic levels are believed here to have the potential to co-influence inferences and connotations resulting from conceptual metaphorization. Thus, the approach adopted in the present study also has the potential to explain why it has been so difficult for scholars to pinpoint and formulate metaphoric transfers. Importantly, the 'levels' proposed here should be differentiated from, although not interpreted as contradicting, the metaphor-relevant levels specified in Kövecses (2010). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper aims to explore service-user perspectives of sensory approaches introduced and promoted by the trauma and self-injury service within the National High Secure Healthcare Service for Women (NHSHSW) at Rampton Hospital. Design/methodology/approach: This cross-sectional descriptive study used a semi-structured questionnaire, which was devised for this evaluation and included both open and closed questions. The data collected were then analysed using descriptive statistics and thematic analysis. Findings: The paper evaluates the current use of sensory approaches within the NHSHSW. Sensory approaches were widely used across the service, with essential oils being the most commonly used sensory approach. The use of sensory approaches can be understood according to the following three themes: independence, accessibility and self-regulation. The self-regulation theme contained three sub-themes as follows: safety-seeking, relaxation and reducing distress. The evaluation also highlighted barriers to using sensory approaches and sought service-user feedback as to how these may be overcome. Practical implications: Participants' feedback informed changes to practice, such as introducing sensory approaches to service-users earlier in their care pathway and increasing the accessibility of sensory items. These approaches may be of relevance to service provision in other forensic or inpatient settings. Originality/value: This paper offers a unique contribution to the current literature with its focus on using sensory approaches to ameliorate trauma symptoms, in the context of a forensic setting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brexit, i.e. the withdrawal of the United Kingdom (UK) from the European Union (EU), is a major event not only in European but also in global politics. Its effect is still to be witnessed and its future impact is debated from a variety of angles – social, economic, cultural, ethnic, religious, etc. The present paper offers a cognitive linguistic perspective on the phenomenon. It aims to investigate the conceptual metaphorization of Brexit on the first days after the 2016 referendum. That period seems of special importance as, arguably, it was then that for many UK citizens, Brexit suddenly became part of reality and not just a hypothetical possibility. The paper presents data on the dynamics of employing different source domains on each of the first 4 days after the referendum. The main objective is to isolate regularities and tendencies in how the selected culturally-significant source domains help structure the concept. The analysis of the dataset of English-language EU online media texts appearing on the first 4 post-referendum days reveals that the most prominent source domains in the metaphoric conceptualization of brexit are divorce, a natural disaster and part of a journey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global health donors increasingly embrace international non-governmental organisations (INGOs) as partners, often relying on them to conduct political advocacy in recipient countries, especially in controversial policy domains like reproductive health. Although INGOs are the primary recipients of donor funding, they are expected to work through national affiliates or counterparts to enable 'locally-led' change. Using prospective policy analysis and ethnographic evidence, this paper examines how donor-funded INGOs have influenced the restrictive policy environments for safe abortion and family planning in South Sudan and Malawi. While external actors themselves emphasise the technical nature of their involvement, the paper analyses them as instrumental political actors who strategically broker alliances and resources to shape policy, often working 'behind the scenes' to manage the challenging circumstances they operate under. Consequently, their agency and power are hidden through various practices of effacement or concealment. These practices may be necessary to rationalise the tensions inherent in delivering a global programme with the goal of inducing locally-led change in a highly controversial policy domain, but they also risk inciting suspicion and foreign-national tensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mural Internacional is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the decades since the Conference on Devolution's proceedings concluded in stalemate in April 1920, the Conference has been consigned to the margins of political and constitutional history. However, within this limited literature, one interpretation of the Conference's proceedings has been universally held: that the subject of the powers the devolved legislatures should enjoy was a rare source of consensus. This article challenges this orthodoxy, using archival evidence from the Conference to demonstrate that while a consensus on powers may have existed on paper, such agreement certainly did not exist in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Interprofessional research has made substantive progress in Brazil over the past decade, in line with globalization and the worldwide expansion of university international relationships. This sustained growth of interprofessional research in many other countries around the world has been increasingly reported in the literature. Interprofessional international research involves interactions and exchanges between researchers from different countries with different professional and disciplinary backgrounds who collaborate to undertake scholarly work. The benefits of interprofessional international research are many and varied. In this paper, we explore the opportunities and challenges related to interprofessional international research collaboration while reflecting on our personal experiences of a study focused on interprofessional collaboration in primary care which spanned two countries – Brazil and UK. A key element in our international research has been regular discussion, negotiation, and agreement. Collectively, these elements have helped to ensure that our international empirical work can be sustained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Aim: To explore the collaborative nature of an international research project with other advanced practice nurse researchers and critically analyse the process. Background: Research within the nursing community is recognized internationally as important to ensure that nurses participate in cutting‐edge health care and promote evidence‐based practices, yet there is little detail found in literature on how a successful collaborative relationship is initiated and conducted in advanced practice research. Design: Discussion paper: The purpose of this paper is to discuss the process of collaboration on a research study among advanced practice nurses from four countries who are members of an international organization. Implications for Nursing: The collaborative process in international nursing research can be challenging and rewarding. It is important to remember that there is a relationship between the complexity of the study and the time required to complete it. Keys to success include following established guidelines. Conclusion: This project was a valuable experience in developing collaborative relationships as well as creating partnerships for future research to build on the knowledge gained. The authors' linkages to universities facilitated their participation in the research and completion of the ethical review processes. The use of social media and university resources was indispensable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Journal of Social Work is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper offers a defence of ambivalence as a response to the political polarisation of our era using multiple languages to present its case from psychology to sociology, political science, philosophy and critical theory. It suggests that the Brexit story can be told in a different key, whereby the politics that have led to entrenching 'leave' and 'remain' identities overlay a harder to assess ambivalence about the EU both in the UK and in the EU, a dynamic referred to as the 'Machiavelli Trap.' Accordingly, we ought to ground the future relationship in the recognition of the 'Brexit paradox' (you can leave and therefore you shouldn't), and its implications for the core principles that have shaped the Brexit debate and negotiations. In the end, the paper offers a plea for a politics that allows citizens to tune into their constructive ambivalence about the fundamental tension between control and cooperation which pervades both Brexit, EU and global politics at large. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brexit, i.e. the withdrawal of the uk from the eu, is an event, which, regardless of its course and destination, has had a lasting impact on international politics. This paper offers a cognitive linguistic perspective on Brexit and investigates its conceptual metaphorizations on the first days after the uk referendum. The paper compares data from uk and non-uk eu media. The perspective adopted is that of Socio-Cognitive Studies in combination with quantitative analysis. The findings suggest there are significant differences between uk source domains and continental eu ones, e.g. overall metaphor use throughout the period is more pronounced in the uk sub-dataset; in the uk sub-dataset, divorce metaphorizations characterize either a 'break-up' between 'two Britains' or an uk-eu 'break-up'; journey, disaster and war are more frequently used in the uk, while mechanical failure is more prominent in the continental sub-dataset. Overall, a preference for inanimate source domains characterizes both sub-datasets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Historia (07169108) is the property of Universidad de Concepcion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Pundits, development practitioners, and scholars worry that rising populism and international disengagement in developed countries have negative consequences on foreign aid. However, how populism and foreign aid go together is not well understood. This paper provides the first systematic examination of this relationship. We adopt the popular ideational definition of populism, unpack populism into its core "thin" elements, and examine them within a delegation model of aid policy—a prominent framework in the aid literature. In so doing, we identify specific domestic political processes through which the core components of populism may affect aid spending. We argue that increases in one component of populism—anti-elitism—and in nativist sentiments, an associated concept, in a donor country lead to a reduction in aid spending through a public opinion channel. We supply both micro- and macro-evidence for our arguments by fielding surveys in the United States and United Kingdom as well as by analyzing aid spending by a large number of OECD donors. Our findings show that nativism and anti-elitism, rather than populism per se, influence not only individual attitudes toward aid but also actual aid policy and generate important insights into how to address populist challenges to foreign aid. Beyond these, our study contributes to the broader International Relations literature by demonstrating one useful analytical approach to studying populism, nativism, and foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses remote warfare from an ontological security perspective, arguing that remote warfare needs to be understood as a response to states' internal self-identity needs. We develop this claim by analysing an emerging aspect of remote warfare: Security Force Assistance (SFA). SFA is aimed at building up the security forces of partners, sharing best practice, assisting in security sector reform, fostering collaboration, and overall contributing to conflict resolution. Focusing on the UK, we show how and why ontological security needs are a driving force behind the UK's SFA program. We outline the UK's specific autobiographical narrative, which we call a "global engagement identity," explore the crises that induced ontological insecurity, and show how the UK's SFA program can be read as a routinised foreign policy practice aimed at taming uncertainty and reinforcing ontological security. This paper makes three contributions. First, it analyses remote warfare through an ontological security framework, thereby moving the focus from "security-as-survival" to "security-of-being." Second, it highlights the importance of SFA as a remote warfare tool. Third, it shows the centrality of ontological security in understanding UK defence policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Research partnerships between high-income countries (HICs) and low- or middle-income countries (LMICs) are a leading model in research capacity strengthening activities. Although numerous frameworks and guiding principles for effective research partnerships exist, few include the perspective of the LMIC partner. This paper draws out lessons for establishing and maintaining successful research collaborations, based on partnership dynamics, from the perspectives of both HIC and LMIC stakeholders through the evaluation of a research capacity strengthening partnership award scheme.Methods: A mixed-method retrospective evaluation approach was used. Initially, a cross-sectional survey was administered to all award holders, which focused on partnership outputs and continuation. Fifty individuals were purposively selected to participate in interviews or focus group discussions from 12 different institutions in HICs and LMICs; the sample included the research investigators, research assistants, laboratory scientists and post-doctoral students. The evaluation collected data on critical elements of research partnership dynamics such as research outputs, nature of the partnership, future plans and research capacity. Quantitative data were analysed descriptively and qualitative data were analysed using an iterative framework approach.Results: The majority of United Kingdom and African award holders stated they would like to pursue future collaborations together. Key aspects within partnerships that appeared to influence this were; the perceived benefits of the partnership at the individual and institutional level such as publication of papers or collaborative grants; ability to influence 'research culture' and instigate critical thinking among mid-career researchers; previous working relationships, for example supervisor-student relationships; and equity within partnerships linked to partnership formation and experience of United Kingdom partners within LMICs. Factors which may hinder development of long term partnerships were also identified such as financial control or differing expectations of partners.Conclusions: This paper provides evidence of what encourages international research partnerships for capacity strengthening to continue past award tenure, from the perspective of researchers in high and LMICs. Although every partnership is unique and individual experiences subjective, this paper provides extension and support of key principles and mechanisms that can contribute to successful research partnerships between researchers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1964, the UK government imposed an arms embargo on South Africa, which it maintained until the end of the white minority rule. What explains this embargo? Using mainly archival evidence, this paper demonstrates that domestic political dynamics in the United Kingdom mediated the influence of the transnational anti-apartheid and anti-colonial struggles on the British government. The United Kingdom imposed and maintained this embargo due in part to a domestic advocacy network, whose hub was the Anti-Apartheid Movement. The paper provides a comprehensive explanation of an important issue in British foreign policy, the anti-colonial struggle, and Southern Africa's history. There are theoretical implications for foreign policy analysis concerning the role of advocacy networks, interactions between local and global activism, the role of political parties' ideology and contestation, the effects on foreign policy of changes in a normative environment, the effects of norm contestation, and normative determinants of sanctions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 6 July 1827 the Treaty of London committed France, Britain, and Russia to working together to mediate the question of Greek independence. This was one of the first examples of Franco-British cooperation after the Napoleonic Wars. Although officials on both sides of the Channel publicly celebrated Franco-British cooperation over the Greek affair, behind closed doors policy makers remained suspicious of each other's intentions. This article explores how the memory and experience of the Napoleonic conflict influenced French and British policy making during the Greek independence struggle between 1828 and 1830. It argues that the memories of these conflicts fostered cultures of Franco-British rivalry that were discernible in the highest levels of policy making as well as in parliamentary and press opinion. These misgivings, embedded in notions of natural and historic rivalry, played an important role in mediating how policy makers viewed, judged, responded to, and justified their own and their counterpart's policies and policy motivations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines diplomatic processes that compose our geopolitical world as dynamic and yet also seemingly affirm the status quo. It turns attention to the entrepreneurial creativity of individual diplomats, the transformations occurring at threshold moments, spaces and practices, and the materiality of diplomacy that exceeds human agency. The paper does so by forging an innovative dialogue between assemblage theory and the notion of liminality as developed in cultural anthropology, and by focusing on a hitherto overlooked set of diplomatic actors: British Overseas Territories. Three vignettes of Overseas Territory diplomacy are traced: an account of the liminal subjectivity of London-based Overseas Territory representatives, the 1982 Argentinian invasion that tipped the Falkland Islands into a state of greater autonomy, and the geophysical ‘tipping point’ of the 1997 volcanic eruption on Montserrat that made the island dependent for the foreseeable future. The paper concludes by noting potential avenues of future research that the synergy between liminality and assemblage may open up in the fields of Science and Technology Studies, anthropology, and geography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews changes over the last 10 years in the governance arrangements and processes involved in sub-national economic development and cross-boundary collaboration. It begins with a summary of the institutional changes in the main countries of the UK, in the dual context of fiscal retrenchment and neo-liberal deregulation. The picture that emerges is one of a confused patchwork in England; incremental modifications in Scotland; and embryonic developments in Wales. This is then contrasted with a range of experiences in other countries, involving wholesale recentralisation and a sidelining of local and regional institutions at one end of the spectrum, to resistance to restructuring through repurposing, increased mutual collaboration and improved management at the other. However, enhanced economic links and benefits do not automatically flow from any particular form of rescaled governance arrangements. As our original article found, the key ingredients are robust and inclusive political and decision-making processes, a suite of appropriate policy instruments and deployment of sufficient resources to ensure that they have an effect. The paper also concludes that a more comprehensive theoretical framework is needed to advance understanding of what lies behind different forms of state governance rescaling, and what makes a given instance more (or less) effective than another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to outline the "Hybrid" "International" Emergency Medicine (HIEM) programme, which is an ethical pathway for the recruitment, employment and training of Emergency Medicine doctors; with a rotation through the NHS on a two-year medical training initiative with a Tier 5 visa, "earn, learn and return" programme. The HIEM programme offers an advantage to the Tier 2 visa by combining training, education and employment resulting in new learning to help improve the health system in Nepal and provide continued cultural support, clinical and leadership development experience in the UK NHS. Finally, this programme also provides a Return on Investment to the NHS. Design/methodology/approach: A shortage of doctors in the UK, combined with a need to develop Emergency Medicine doctors in Nepal, led to a UK Emergency Medicine Physician (PS) to facilitate collaboration between UK/Nepal partners. A mapping exercise of the Royal College of Emergency Medicine curriculum with the competencies for the health system and quality improvement leaders and partners with patients produced a "HIEM programme". The HIEM programme aims to develop first-class doctors to study in Emergency Departments in the UK NHS while also building trainee capability to improve the health system in Nepal with a research thesis. Findings: The HIEM programme has 12 doctors on its programme across years one and two, with the first six doctors working in the UK NHS and progressing well. There are reports of high levels of satisfaction with the trainees in their transition from Nepal to the UK and the hospital is due to save £720,000 (after costs) over two years. Each trainee will earn £79,200 over two years which is enough to pay back the £16,000 cost for the course fees. Nepal as a country will benefit from the HIEM programme as each trainee will submit a health system improvement Thesis. Research limitations/implications: The HIEM programme is in its infancy as it is two years through a four-year programme. Further evaluation data are required to assess the full impact of this programme. In addition, the HIEM programme has only focussed on the development of one medical speciality which is Emergency Medicine. Further research is required to evaluate the impact of this model across other medical and surgical specialties. Practical implications: The HIEM programme has exciting potential to support International Medical Graduates undertake a planned programme of development while they study in the UK with a Tier 5 visa. IMGs require continuous support while in the UK and are required to demonstrate continued learning through continuous professional development (CPD). The HIEM programme offers an opportunity for this CPD learning to be structured, meaningful and progressive to enable new learning. There is also specific support to develop academic and research skills to undertake a thesis in an area that requires health system improvement in Nepal. Originality/value: This is the first time an integrated clinical, leadership, quality improvement and patient partnership model curriculum has been developed. The integrated nature of the curriculum saves precious time, money and resources. The integrated nature of this "hybrid" curriculum supports the development of an evidence-based approach to generating attitudes of collaboration, partnership and facilitation and team building in medical leadership with patient engagement. This "hybrid" model gives hope for the increased added value of the programme at a time of global austerity and challenges in healthcare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of History Pages is the property of National Technical University of Ukraine KPI and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper focuses on Shane Godbolt's commitment to international librarianship and global health and her guiding principles for international working. The authors examine and celebrate how these have been applied in practice, impacting many. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1988, when the current EU Cohesion Policy was introduced, it has played an influential role in setting priorities for policies aimed at dealing with the effects of European economic integration on regional and social disparities. Although, latterly, the amount of money spent in the UK through the European Structural and Investment Funds (ESIF) has declined, EU programmes have had a disproportionate effect on the design and implementation of UK policies shaping regional and local economic and social development. This paper starts by recalling how EU Cohesion Policy has functioned in the UK, then considers how Brexit may affect regional and social development and the need for a corresponding policy response, focusing on the sorts of policies currently supported by the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) and the European Social Fund (ESF). The paper shows that filling the policy vacuum will be far from straightforward because complementary national policies and institutional frameworks have lacked consistency or coherence. It concludes by examining the wider policy issues arising from rethinking domestic policy outside the ESIF framework. The sub-national level, in particular, will need a fresh approach following Brexit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Israel's relationship with the West during the first half of the 1950s was not a walk in the park. Economic relations fitted into this general picture. Both Britain and France were sceptical as far as Israel's potential was concerned. Their early prognoses tended to be quite gloomy. Simultaneously, economic relations provided a convenient communication channel at a time when overt association with the Jewish state was not desirable. The progress in Franco-Israeli economic ties during the years 1953-1955 illustrates this ambivalence in full. While prudence remained, the increase in bilateral trade managed to warrant the military supplies. Britain, constituting a traditional market, surpassed France as a trading partner. Given British political aloofness, the instrument of trade served primarily its immediate economic purpose. Based on archival sources gathered in all of the three countries, the paper traces the interplay of trade and diplomacy in the early years of Israel's foreign relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the conceptualization of a whole university approach, this paper reports on an international qualitative study that explored vice-chancellors' and network members' understanding of and commitment to Health Promoting Universities, examined perspectives on leadership and investigated the Okanagan Charter's potential to catalyse whole university leadership and change. A multi-method qualitative approach was used: semi-structured interviews and focus groups were conducted face-to-face with vice-chancellors (n = 12) and Health Promoting University co-ordinators who were members of the UK Healthy Universities Network (n = 8); telephone interviews were conducted with a mix of UK and non-UK Health Promoting University co-ordinators (n = 5) and two online questionnaires were distributed to non-UK network co-ordinators (n = 6) and non-UK Health Promoting University co-ordinators (n = 10). Through thematic analysis, a number of key themes emerged that build a new conceptualization of the whole university approach (see Figure 1): building a broad understanding and framing of health; developing a supportive ethos and culture; embedding health into the university and joining up areas of work; focusing on the whole population and facing challenges and seizing opportunities. The study elicited rich and wide-ranging views from multiple stakeholders from universities and networks across four continents, confirming Health Promoting Universities as a truly global movement. Looking ahead, there are clear opportunities and challenges. First, the media narrative of a student mental health 'crisis' has focused universities' attention on 'health', but from a single issue 'illness' perspective. This risks detracting from the whole system Health Promoting Universities approach. Second, even with the Okanagan Charter inspiring individuals and universities, there are still major challenges in translating the rhetoric of whole system approaches into meaningful action within large, complex and culturally diverse organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 7 February 2019 the largest evening paper in the Nordic countries, Aftonbladet, published an article on the scholar Martin Kragh, head of the Russia and Eurasia Programme at the Swedish Institute of International Affairs In Stockholm and researcher at Uppsala University. Kragh, according to Aftonbladet, was allegedly working for "a covert state intelligence organization in Great Britain," and he should therefore be investigated "by Swedish media and the security police." The problem with Aftonbladets claims is that they are false, and that they with a high degree of confidence had their origin in a Russian influence operation against the British think tank Institute for Statecraft. Using quantitative and qualitative method, this article analyses the origins and diffusion of the campaign Internationally and in Sweden as an informational cascade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pamukkale University Journal of Social Sciences Institute / Pamukkale Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi is the property of Pamukkale University, Social Sciences Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objective: The aim of this study was to explore whether a relationship exists between the number of disasters a jurisdiction has experienced and the presence of disaster-specific pharmacy legislation. Methods: Pharmacy legislation specific to disasters was reviewed for five countries: Australia, Canada, UK, US and New Zealand. A binary logistic regression test using a generalised estimating equation was used to examine the association between the number of disasters experienced by a state, province, territory or country and whether they had disaster-specific pharmacy legislation. Results: Three of six models were statistically significant, suggesting that the odds of a jurisdiction having disaster-specific pharmacy legislation increased as the number of disasters increased for the period 2007–17 and 2013–17. There was an association between the everyday emergency supply legislation and the presence of the extended disaster-specific emergency supply legislation AH19093_IE1.gif. Conclusions: It is evident from this review that there are inconsistencies as to the level of assistance pharmacists can provide during times of crisis depending on their jurisdiction and location of practice. It is not a question of whether pharmacists have the skills and capabilities to assist, but rather what legislative barriers are preventing them from being able to contribute further to the disaster healthcare team. What is known about the topic?: The contributing factors to disaster-specific pharmacy legislation has not previously been explored in Australia. It can be postulated that the number of disasters experienced by a jurisdiction increases the likelihood of governments introducing disaster-specific pharmacy legislation based on other countries. What does this paper add?: This study compared five countries and their pharmacy legislation specific to disasters. It identified that as the number of disasters increases, the odds of a jurisdiction having disaster-specific emergency supply or disaster relocation or mobile pharmacy legislation increases. However, this is likely to be only one of many factors affecting the political decisions of when and what legislation is passed in relation to pharmacists' roles in disasters. What are the implications for practitioners?: Pharmacists are well situated in the community to be of assistance during disasters. However, their ability to help patients with chronic disease management or providing necessary vaccinations in disasters is limited by the legislation in their jurisdiction. Releasing pharmacists' full potential in disasters could alleviate the burden of low-acuity patients on other healthcare services. This could subsequently free up other healthcare professionals to treat high-acuity patients and emergencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Australian and British strategic interests diverged after the early 1970s. As London's horizons narrowed, Canberra held tight to Australia's alliance with the US and looked to emerging Asia for economic opportunities. Recently, however, Australian and UK strategic interests have reconverged, as concern grows in both countries about China's growing assertiveness. The AUKUS arrangement is the clearest signal of this shift, but, as Ian Hall argues, the substance of Australia–UK strategic cooperation in the Indo-Pacific is yet to be determined and several challenges loom.◼ [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper sheds light on the question of how domestic elite preferences drive states' foreign policies by studying British efforts to suppress maritime piracy in the South China Sea in the 1920s and 1930s. The archival record shows that the British conducted military interventions, which included destroying entire Chinese villages, principally to serve the private aims of London business elites. Absent these parochial interests Britain ignored pirate attacks, including attacks on British-flagged ships. This finding challenges the standard structural explanation, put forward by global public goods scholars, that powerful maritime states suppress piracy to protect universal access to the global maritime commons. It does so through a detailed examination of the principal example cited by this argument's supporters: historical British counter-piracy efforts. Understanding why states pursue their foreign policies also provides a greater understanding of why powerful states choose to serve as global public goods providers in some instances but not in others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews the use of psychotherapeutic approaches to treat individuals who have committed sex crimes and/or have problematic sexual interests (PSI); including types of psychotherapy used, descriptions of preventive and reintegration programmes, and highlighting specific theoretical controversies. In the second part, experts from Canada, the Czech Republic, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States, who participated in an International Consensus Meeting held in Prague (2017), summarize treatment programmes in their countries. The comparison revealed some general findings: each country has variability between its own programmes; most countries have different programmes for people who are in custody and who are in the community; the state-directed treatment programmes are primarily focused on criminal individuals, while non-criminal individuals are treated in preventive programmes and/or in special clinics or are untreated; the presence of PSI in patients is acknowledged in most programmes, although specific programmes exclusively for individuals with PSI rarely exist. Studies on effectiveness are difficult to compare due to methodologic, political, and cultural differences. Further communication between more countries to share knowledge about successful treatments and preventive approaches is needed, especially enhanced international collaboration between researchers and clinicians to verify the effectiveness of current clinical and experimental program, rs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an international perspective on the use of medications to treat problematic sexual interests, paraphilic disorders, and sexual preoccupation in men who have committed a sexual offence. Experts from Canada, the Czech Republic (CR), Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States met in Prague, CR in May 2017 to review and compare their treatment approaches. This report is a summary of their discussions, including empirical data from CR and Russia which have not previously been published in the English language. All participants agreed that continuing international collaboration would be very useful for the development of ethical international prescribing guidelines, as well as pooling data from studies on the efficacy and utility of pharmacological and other biological treatments for people who have committed sexual offences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses policy change in Britain since 2010 across the three fields of domestic welfare, migration and asylum, and analyses the association between welfare, conditionality and control through the lens of civic stratification. Drawing on the work of Richard Munch and Mary Douglas, it moves beyond existing literature in this area to show that the more complex the classification in play, and the more severe its boundary implications, the more likely the emergence of contestable margins. Informed by Munch's 'battlefield' approach, it provides a discussion of contestable margins in each of the three policy fields and outlines the nature and source of challenges that emerge within the 'institutional battlefield'. A concluding section reflects on what is revealed by viewing welfare, migration and asylum within the same conceptual frame, identifying an emergent welfare paradigm that displays recurrent problems across all three fields. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al-Adab / Al-ādāb is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Those aspects of international relations—among sovereign nation-states—that elude understanding through the lenses of economics are frequently amenable to explication by geopolitics. This paper examines matters related to the UKCS' 2014 Report. After reviewing major practices of international relations and their bases on classical geopolitics, the consequences arising from large-scale crude oil theft in Nigeria's Niger Delta and piracy/insecurity in the Gulf of Guinea are presented in form of losses to Nigeria, UK, and Gulf of Guinea states. The implications of the recent UKCS' warning to Nigeria's President Jonathan are explicated. Recommendations pertaining to how Nigeria could proceed in the context of the increasing geopolitical tension commonly associated with disruptions in petroleum oil supply to the UK and other nations that similarly practice geopolitics, are presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]