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The study which explained the level of consumer preferences for various news. However these studies have related to the comparison of the consumers preference for newspaper and television media. Newspaper has become a part of any modern society. This is one of the most importance consumer products of our daily life. Like all other consumer good newspaper industry requires some special marketing efforts. The study regarding respondent's effectiveness after advertising creating created a deep in sigh about the market conditions which is really helpful for the mediums to further concentrate on this field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the historical relationship between journalism and translation. It approaches translation history by considering journalistic translation as found in newspapers published in the Lower Rio Grande Valley (the southernmost, easternmost stretch of the Mexico-US border) during the 19th century. Specifically, the paper will ask whether translation was a tool employed in journalistic activity in the region and, if so, what the role was of translation in such activity. It will review the presence of translation in available border periodicals from the 1840s to the end of the century. This review will show that regarding certain aspects, historical news translation in this region was like that found in other places (e.g. a tool for importing foreign news). However, it will also highlight some traits that are the consequence of the newspapers being published along an essentially porous border where languages and cultures flowed into each other to create a specific bilingual context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1917, after the United States joined the war in Europe and was no longer politically neutral, on the American front, the German ethnic press became a target for censors and critics. The general assumption was that German language papers bred disloyalty among German immigrant communities and posed a threat to the United States' war efforts. This study explores the editorial and political views of the German-language press during the summer of 1917 by assessing the tone of a sample of German language mainstream newspapers during July 1, 1917 through September 30, 1917. The findings show that the overall coverage was less loyal to Imperial Germany than had been argued by U.S. officials and censors. In an effort to assimilate, German immigrant newspapers widely published the U.S. government's official position, showed support for the American war effort, and focused on cultural affairs of the immigrant community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dokuz Eylul University Journal of Graduate School of Social Sciences is the property of Dokuz Eylul University Graduate School of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyses a group of metaphors conceptualising the welfare state as a participant in the ATTACK scenario, as well as several related metaphors involving the use of force, in a corpus of British newspaper articles published between 2008 and April 2015. The analysis draws on a point of convergence between Discourse-Historical Approach and Conceptual Metaphor Theory, focusing on the argumentative functions of these metaphors. The paper finds that these particular metaphors are attested predominantly in the left-leaning newspapers. As a predication strategy with a coercive effect, they typically work to axiologically and emotionally undermine the austerity policies of the Coalition government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pasado y Memoria. Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Pasado y Memoria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tonos Digital: Revista de Estudios Filológicos is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Murcia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study examined the normative roles of alternative media, focusing on how the underground GI press did or did not serve these roles during the Vietnam War. The researchers conducted a textual analysis of 22 underground GI newspapers published between 1967 and 1973. Four main themes emerged from the analysis: underground GI press writers were decidedly antiwar in the stories they covered and how they wrote about them; GI writers attempted to differentiate grunts from military and civilian leaders; GI writers attempted to build communities with other military personnel as well as civilians; and instances of censorship and persecution were widely reported. The results were then analyzed through the theoretical lens of the monitorial–disseminator, facilitative–mobilizer, radical–adversarial, and collaborative–interpretive roles of media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the changes and challenges of China’s newspaper industry by focusing on the popular press sector that has dominated the daily newspaper market since the early 2000s. Specifically, the study investigates three key issues: (1) the dramatic expansion of the popular press sector at the expense of the Party organ sector in the early and mid-2000s, (2) the stagnation of the popular press sector since then despite its efforts to experiment with a so-called mainstream press in the second half of the decade and (3) this study’s call for a ‘broadloid’ press approach in response to this stagnation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Maracanan is the property of Revista Maracanan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Prisma Social is the property of Revista Prisma Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Brazilian Journalism Research is the property of Sur le journalisme, About journalism, Sobre jornalismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction: This paper analyzes the impact of the contents about Banksy in the four main Spanish newspapers. The aim is to detect the treatment that the press makes about this figure and determine if these newspapers publish content in the same proportion, which is the main theme, what are the graphic resources they use, if there are evaluative connotations, etc. Methodology: Some of the hypotheses suggest that Banksy manages to put the media focus on the cause that his actions vindicate and that the more conservative newspapers are more critical and limit the space dedicated to him. All the publications that contain the word Banksy have been analyzed with a sheet elaborated ad hoc for this study. A total of 2248 items have been recorded, out of 221 pieces analyzed. Results: The ABC newspaper is where the negative evaluative connotations emerges to a greater extent, but also the one that offers the most space to Banksy or his work, followed by El País. The case claimed by Banksy is barely covered by all the newspapers, being null in the case of El Mundo. Conclusions: It is verified that a conservative newspaper such as ABC does not necessarily limit its space to this type of content. In general, the figure of Banksy and his actions, highly adjectived in all the newspapers, take center stage against the cause that he vindicates. The iconic nature of the Banksy concept, used often by newspapers as a brand, can be confirmed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the present study, we aim to highlight the main characteristics of the Romanian newspapers published for the Transylvanian peasants in the second half of the nineteenth century. These newspapers were a special type of press dedicated to the rural world, in which various issues were debated, from agriculture, food, and medical care to political and daily news. In the first part of the paper, we analyzed the editorial mission statements of the most important gazettes of the second part of the nineteenth century, such as ªezãtoarea and Cãrþile sãteanului român, which appeared for long periods, but also two examples, Opinca and Gazeta economului, which, despite their transient appearance, fully reflected the message and characteristics of this type of press. In the second part we looked at the main common themes, trying to highlight the major subjects that the Transylvanian Romanian elites wanted to raise in the rural areas. The research capitalized on the articles published in the researched periodicals but also on the specialized literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the changing journalistic norms and roles in terms of mobile and sedentary news work at the end of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The analysis draws on the research into the small everyday tools of bureaucracy and science. The focus is on the quill, the scissors and paste pot, the body of the reporter and the computer. Journalistic neutrality and truth seem at any given time to be defined in line with the practices made possible by the available tools. A change in tools makes new practices possible, meaning that the norms have to be redefined. Journalism was once synonymous with mobile reporters reporting on events they themselves witnessed. Journalism today, however, is often sedentary copy-and-paste work, much resembling the scissors-and-paste journalism of the nineteenth century. Comparison reveals that such transmission of texts and images produced by someone else always runs the risk of reproducing the voices of the elites. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Local press, even if it is part of a publishing chain, is understood as a local medium. It is assumed that local press titles within such chains would similarly display an organizational structure typical to local media production. However, serious concerns remain as to just how local these operations are in light of trends towards organizational news consolidation. This paper seeks to clarify these concerns through a mixed-method analysis of the development of the dominant local press chain VItava-Labe-Pressin the Czech Republic between 1989 and 2009. This manuscript considers how this particular media organization has in this period addressed economic change, and the extent to which the focus of its content can actually be defined as local. The VLP chain's local development is traced qualitatively using document analysis and interviews. Content changes were analysed quantitatively. The research findings suggest that there is little distinction between local press chain titles and national newspapers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The enormous changes wrought in the British newspaper industry during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries brought about a revolution in newspaper reading habits, financing and influence, all aspects of which have been well documented by historians of the press. But what of the contributor, particularly the freelance whose millions of words formed, mostly anonymously, the content of the new mass market press? How did writers negotiate changes in the literary marketplace during this time as editors demanded more ‘news’ and less in the way of whimsical paragraphing, and sketches, the traditional newspaper output of the professional man, or woman, of letters? Through the study of memoirs, correspondence and the fictional output of contributors to the press during this time, it is possible to discern the often fraught relations between writers and their most lucrative market. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Historically, major American newspapers have rarely printed expletives, obscenities, and vulgarities. When newspapers have deviated from that norm, it has usually been for one of four reasons: to report on a political figure cursing publicly; to convey realism in a story about a marginalized group (often a racial minority); to express the emotions of people in traumatic situations; or to quote faithfully from a book or film. Using digitized historical newspapers, industry publications, and archival sources, it is possible to analyze how the press's standards and practices on profanity have shifted from the 1960s to the Donald Trump era. The changes at the Associated Press and the New York Times are especially noteworthy, because their guidelines provide the model for many other news organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Icono 14 is the property of Grupo Icono 14 and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

"To win the peasantry for the revolution". The Portuguese Communist Party and the process of organization of the Northern peasantry (1974-1975). This study scrutinizes the organization of the Northern peasantry promoted by the Portuguese Communist Party during the Carnation Revolution. Based on the review of the party press and newspapers, this paper suggests a path by which several organizational proposals (comissões camponesas, Movimento Livre de Agricultores, Ligas, movimentos) developed by the party before the permanent blockade opposed to that work, appeared, coexisted, and disappeared. In spite of the fast turns and some hesitation, that trajectory suggests a continuity regarding the underlying objective: the construction of a regional mass front. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the contents of three newspapers affiliated with the Tajik-dominated Jamiat and Shura-e-Nezar factions that were deployed during the 2014 presidential election to publicize ethno-political polarization for instrumental ends. The practice of nurturing ethnic identities serves as a microcosm of the broader context in which identity politics, besides coalition-building, rent-seeking, and patrimonial interdependencies, has become a key feature of post-2001 politics. This article focuses on how these factions used these newspapers to polarize ethnic cleavages to win legitimacy for themselves and defamation for their Pashtun-dominated rival factions – Hezb-e-Islami Gulbuddin and the Taliban. It will be years before the ethnic mujahedeen and muhajereen and the new generation reach a mutually binding and working condition that facilitates the country's long-term stability. Reaching this condition is critical because the future of Afghanistan lies in the commitment of its people to form a united community that resolves disputes in the manner of a democratic nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My paper examines how two publications Dobrogea Nouă and Femeia constructed the myth of New Man in relation with the Turkish and Tatar minorities in Dobrudja during the 1950s, a time frame that roughly corresponds with the period in which the Romanian communist state applied a maximalist policy about granting rights to national minorities. The press analysis indicated that party propaganda created three main models of New Man (and Women), namely the collectivist peasant, the agricultural engineer and political activist. Although to some extent exceptional, their biographies were, in fact, the outcome of performing certain yet ordinary actions such as working in the collective farms or raising the level of political and professional knowledge. This suggested that anyone "armed" with determination, an appropriate level of knowledge and a desire to surpass personal limits could become a New Man. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How have newspapers covered Covid-19 in Asia? To answer this question, I studied East Asian English-language newspapers published between January and July 2020. First, I measured the level of news media attention on Covid-19 among all reports. Second, I analyzed the tone and content of 330 editorials. I divided the analysis into two time periods: the initial crisis breakout period, when the number of infections was rising or high, and the crisis abatement period, when new infections declined to manageable levels. Findings show that although newspapers were slow to begin addressing the pandemic, their early editorials carried an alarming tone, which continued even after new infections dropped to low levels. This surprising level of concern continued because the topics shifted from health concerns to more ideological goals. Chinese and Taiwanese editors politicized the pandemic, using it as a wedge issue to attack international adversaries. Meanwhile, Korean editors used the economic fallout of the pandemic to press the government for pro-business economic reforms. In contrast, editors in Hong Kong exhibited cautious neutrality, largely avoiding politicization of the pandemic. These patterns of editorial coverage reveal the partizan nature of the press in East Asia, as well as salient political and economic undercurrents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of EUL Journal of Social Sciences / LAÜ Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of EUL Journal of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines photographs of the 1971 India–Pakistan war published in the Anglo-American newspapers: The New York Times and The Times (London) and magazines: Life, Newsweek, Time, and The Economist. The images projected the war as a spectacle and predominantly used photographic conventions associated with non-journalistic images. The photographs showcased a rather frank representation of the 1971 war, displaying images of failed military operations, dead or injured soldiers, POWs, and revenge killings. However, some of these candid documentary war photographs offer archival value in that they challenge and complicate historical amnesia and partial accounts of the war and conflict in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The independence of the media under Ghana's Fourth Republic is assessed from the perspective of standards and professionalism. Using a qualitative method, the study shows that unethical practices are evident in the print media landscape in Ghana, and argues that this can be traced to four major spheres: educational qualification, existence of several professional associations, a weak regulatory body and "money matters". Overall, the study argues that legalities form a minimal part of the independence of the Ghanaian media but concerns about freedom seem to be self-inflicted by the very media practitioners through their actions and sometimes questionable reportage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The way political protests and civil (dis)order are reported in news discourse has been of interest to critical linguists (e.g. Brindle, 2016: Hart, 2014). Representations of an event in the media are typically influenced by political stances of news institutions and therefore representations of the same protest can be different in different news media, depending on the ideological framework in which they operate. This present study differs from the previous research in the sense that its data are taken from several news media in the country where the protest occurs or local newspapers, and from international or foreign newspapers which seem to have less political motives. It aims to investigate the representation of a blasphemy protest in Jakarta in both local and international press by using transitivity and van Leewuen's social actor representation (SAR) model. The data were taken from five Indonesian news texts and five International news articles. The findings suggest that the International newspapers have a tendency to delegitimate the protest by portraying it as discrimination towards minorities and a benefit for terrorist groups. Additionally, they construct the protesters as extremists and a source of clashes and violence. On the other hand, although the Indonesian news media also appear to delegitimate the protest and the protesters, the constructions are not as radical as the foreign media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]