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Summary: Drawing on historical constructions of Indigenous peoples, this paper analyses the continued impact of settler discourses of Indigenous families, parenting, and children on child welfare policy in Canada today. Findings: In this work, two provincial children's Advocate reports on the deaths of Indigenous children in care, Tina Fontaine and Alex Gervais, are critically assessed in order to explore the processes through which these colonial constructions operate to create adverse outcomes for Indigenous people. Through this analysis, a number of contemporary colonial narratives are made visible, including the belief that Indigenous parents are inherently incapable of caring for their children, and the gendered construction of Indigenous men and boys as criminal and deviant and Indigenous girls as sexually exploitable. Application: These findings suggest that greater critical reflection is needed when working with Indigenous peoples, including greater awareness of the ongoing impact of settler colonialism and the necessity of engaging in anti-colonial work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social work education in Canada has struggled to identify and disrupt systems of oppression and marginalization, rooted in a history of colonialism and slavery, that continues to reverberate through neocolonial policies, pedagogy, and practice. Universities and social work programs remain white spaces that uphold white supremacy, while actively excluding nonwhite members and their ways of knowing and being in the world. It wasn't until the deepened retrenchment of anti-Black racism during the pandemic, punctuated by the killing of George Floyd, that a group of educators seized an opening to teach an anti-racist and anti-colonial praxis course for the Bachelor of Social Work students in spring of 2021, the first one of its kind in our faculty. Students were encouraged to engage with Indigenous and racialized community youth to imagine and integrate anti-racist and reconciliatory actions as part of their assignments. This paper shares our experiences co-designing and co-teaching this course together with community partners. We emphasize lessons from the applied pedagogical approaches as well as its implications for social work education and social work practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores Christian anarchist ideas to encourage the reader to consider how to apply these to social work practice. The author contends that social work and the Christian faith have been associated with harmful practices that remain troubling legacies to this day. While social work has sought to distance itself from oppressive constructs, it has done so by becoming secularized, disconnected from any faith-based orientation seeking to help the least of these. By reconsidering Christian anarchism, it may be possible to challenge the notion that faith need be a form of justification for oppression and control, but is rather a liberatory force that can move us all toward an empowering and hopeful future for Christians and other believers that practice social work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In October 2018, Canadian retailer Mountain Equipment Co-op publicly asked, "Do white people dominate the outdoors?" and acknowledged that their representations were "part of [a] problem." Relying on Ahmed's theorizations of diversity work, this paper offers an intersectional interrogation of Mountain Equipment Co-op's (MEC's) commitment to including more "diversity" in their representations and considers how both MEC's statement and their early efforts to diversify simultaneously efface the gendered, ableist, fatphobic, settler colonial and racist structuring of "the outdoors" both in MEC's practices and in "Canada" more broadly. Our analysis highlights how MEC's practices continue to reflect and reproduce the appropriation of wilderness for a narrow range of bodies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Academic debate on the interplay between politics and intelligence is dominated by the U.S. experience. Our research, based on interviews with over sixty individuals in the Canadian intelligence and national security community and including political staffers, provides a new case study: that of Canada, a middle power with considerable access to intelligence through the Five Eyes partnership. We found that cases of hard politicization of intelligence analysis are virtually non-existent in Canada. The most important factor explaining this finding is Canada's structural position in the world, or how its geography shapes the broader context of interactions between intelligence and politics. Beyond this, six more specific factors at the domestic level also matter: the relative unimportance of foreign and security policy as political issues, few opportunities, a lack of political benefits, low intelligence literacy generally among policy makers, poor transparency in national security decision making, and a tradition of non-partisanship in the civil service. The paper concludes by reflecting on this assessment: while hard politicization remains a rarity in Canada, the shields that have prevented the emergence of politicization will likely be increasingly tested in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenous Peoples experience significant health inequities that must be understood in relation to historical and ongoing colonialism, racism, and discrimination. The occupational therapy profession has claimed commitment to addressing the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) calls to action, however, the profession is firmly grounded in Euro-Western epistemologies, including its assessments. The purpose of this paper was to assess the Canadian Occupational Performance Measure (COPM) for use with Indigenous clients and communities. Although the COPM uses flexibility through semi-structured interviews and the exclusion of standardized score comparisons, it is mired in colonial underpinnings and has hierarchical therapist-client power dynamics threaded throughout. The COPM has potential given its semi-structured nature and client-led approach. However, acknowledgement of the assessments' Euro-Western roots and biases are necessary. This assessment may be modified for improved use, which should occur in collaboration with Indigenous clients, communities, and leaders. Comments The authors declare that they have no competing financial, professional, or personal interest that might have influenced the performance or presentation of the work described in this manuscript. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jean Raspail's controversial 1973 novel The camp of the saints predicts mass migration to Europe that will destroy European civilization. Decades later, the book has accurately predicted the hundreds of thousands of refugees arriving in Europe annually, prompting a continent-wide crisis. From Lesbos and Lampedusa to the Canary Islands and Calais, no one seems to know how to stem the flow of humanity. Borders are being resurrected, despite Schengen and European Union (EU) agreements, in an effort to control the movement of populations. European governments disagree on how to proceed and some are suggesting that the EU could be torn apart by differing approaches to the problem. But does this have to be the response to the migration crisis? This paper compares the predictions of The camp of the saints to events in Europe today and critiques the book's conclusions with regard to what is an ancient phenomenon: movements of migrants from surplus to deficit labor settings. The paper will also evaluate the response to migrants in the United States under its populist president, Donald Trump, and will review related issues in other parts of the world: Turkey, Russia, and Canada. Contrary to Raspail's predictions, world leaders will need to accept what has already become a de facto reality: large scale admission of migrants and refugees to the EU and North America, as full citizens, will be the only realistic way to preserve prosperity in the years to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction Research in palliative care (PC) is often regarded as challenging due to the vulnerability of the population and other peculiarities. We aim to systematically identify barriers to research in PC in the literature. Methods The electronic databases CINAHL, MEDLINE were searched for papers published in the last 25 years. Citations and then abstracts were screened for inclusion. Original papers were included on first-level analysis. On a second level reviews, reports, and position papers were analyzed. Papers containing a direct patient report were specifically analyzed. Barriers were categorized (ethical considerations, financial and time expenses, study design and methodology, human resources and politics) and results quantified. Results Twenty-one original papers and 65 other papers were included. Five studies involved patients directly, five were systematic reviews, three were study experiences, and seven were surveys or workshop reports. Most papers originated from UK, USA, or Norwegian Universities. Ethics and methods were the most often mentioned categories on both levels. Accrual, attrition, and gatekeeping were frequently named barriers. Complex invasive studies or possible side effects hinder patients' participation, as patients are often willing to participate for altruistic motivations. Discussion Barriers to PC research are ethical concerns and methodological challenges. Possible strategies to overcome methodological barriers include international collaborative efforts to include more patients and improve study designs. Ethical barriers indicate the need for patient involvement in the research development process and tailoring research specifically to the PC population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this discussion paper is to explore how nurses can be strategically poised to advocate for needed policy change in support of greater income equality and other social determinants of health. We adapted Bronfenbrenner's social‐ecological model to highlight how four broad pervasive subsystems shape the opportunities that nurses have to engage in advocacy at the policy level. These subsystems include organizations (the microsystem), professional bodies (the mesosystem), public policies (the exosystem), and societal values (the macrosystem). On the basis of this adapted model, we recommend changes among modifiable elements of the microsystem and mesosystem that can help position nurses (ecologically and collectively) to advocate for public policy change and use examples from a Canadian context to illustrate these points. We believe that the ideas arising from this model can be widely used where policy action on the social determinants of health is needed to inform, guide, and frame change efforts and advocacy work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the tensions racialized migrants negotiate when politically organizing and enacting citizenship within the context of the Canadian white settler state. I focus on the experiences of Latin Americans in Toronto and the politics surrounding a cultural celebration – Hispanic Heritage Month. While some Latin Americans sought to use this event to gain recognition and assert their belonging to Canadian society, others opposed its naming, objectives and organization, and opted to create an alternative celebration – the Latin-America History Collective's Día de la Verdad/Day of Truth Rally. I demonstrate that the narratives and practices mobilized around Hispanic Heritage Month and Latin-America History Collective's Rally reveal how different forms of migrant political organizing can internalize, reproduce and contest white settler colonial social relations. Overall, this paper aims to contribute to and complicate debates on the fraught nature of racialized migrants' citizenship, politics and identity formation in Canada, by emphasizing the vast heterogeneity of Latin American communities and decolonizing possibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenous peoples throughout the world, despite being known to suffer from increased risk of stroke and traumatic brain injury (TBI), are marginalised in terms of access to rehabilitation services and have poorer health outcomes than non-indigenous peoples. Speech-language pathology services for indigenous people with aphasia have rarely been discussed in either clinical or research fora in this field, with few guidelines available for clinicians when working with indigenous clients, families, and communities. Exploiting the broad input gathered through the collective problem-solving of a focus group, the paper integrates the input of a group of practitioners and researchers at an international roundtable held in 2016 to generate a "declaration" of issues that need to be addressed regarding aphasia services for indigenous clients with aphasia. The paper aims to promote a transformative approach to service delivery that is driven by decolonizing attitudes and practices, and acknowledges historical, sociopolitical, linguistic, and family contexts as a framework for understanding indigenous clients with aphasia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: In this paper we assess the quality of six deliberative stakeholder consultations regarding the implementation of a precision diagnostic for life-threatening pediatric brain tumors. Decision makers who base policy recommendations on the outputs of consultative exercises can presuppose that all deliberants are well informed of the policy issue, that participation in the deliberative process was fair, and that overcoming implementation barriers will necessarily result in practice change. Additional evidence is therefore needed to substantiate the informational quality of the deliberation, measure the equality of participation and study the effects on stakeholder reasoning to appropriately guide uptake of proposed recommendation(s). Methods: Using the DeVries framework for assessing the deliberative quality, we analyzed data from 44 post-consultation evaluation surveys completed by pediatric oncology and palliative care teams at two tertiary pediatric healthcare centers in Canada. We also conducted turn-taking and word-contribution analyses from the text transcriptions of each deliberation to assess equality of participation using descriptive statistics. Results: Deliberants agreed the quality of the deliberative process was fair (median ratings ranging from 9–10 out of 10) and the opportunities to receive expert information and discuss with others about the implementation of a new LDT were helpful (9.5 out of 10). While the session improved understanding of the implementation barriers and opportunities, it had marginal effects on deliberants' reasoning about whether LDTs would change their own clinical practice (3–10 out of 10). Participation was proportionate in at least four of the six deliberations, where no deliberant took more than 20% of total turns and contributed equal to, or less than 20% of total words. Conclusion: The quality assessment we performed demonstrates high informational value and perceived fairness of two deliberative stakeholder consultations involving pediatric palliative care and oncology teams in Canada. Quality assessments can reveal how the process of deliberation unfolds, whether deliberative outputs are the result of equitable participation among deliberants and what, if any, stakeholder voices may be missing. Such assessments should be routinely reported as a condition of methodological rigor and trustworthiness of deliberative stakeholder engagement research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The scholarship on state-building has devoted a significant amount of attention to the role of taxation in building state institutions and capacities. It has also emphasised the crucial role of taxation in driving state-society relations. Scholars have argued that the linkage between taxation and state building also applies to the area of social policy. In this paper, we draw on a fiscal-centred perspective on welfare state development that highlights the fiscal policy role of social insurance as a revenue raising institution to study the fiscal relationship between social insurance and state-building in Israel and Canada – two 'most dissimilar cases' that nonetheless feature strikingly similar patterns with regard to this relationship. As our findings show, in both cases, social insurance programmes were introduced, designed, and utilized to advance fiscal and economic policy capacity and thereby promote state building. Using these programmes and the commitments they created, political actors could legitimize the generation of revenues, build institutional infrastructure for tax collection, and create capital reserves for investing in the economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender norms, roles and relations differentially affect women, men, and non-binary individuals' vulnerability to disease. Outbreak response measures also have immediate and long-term gendered effects. However, gender-based analysis of outbreaks and responses is limited by lack of data and little integration of feminist analysis within global health scholarship. Recognising these barriers, this paper applies a gender matrix methodology, grounded in feminist political economy approaches, to evaluate the gendered effects of the COVID-19 pandemic and response in four case studies: China, Hong Kong, Canada, and the UK. Through a rapid scoping of documentation of the gendered effects of the outbreak, it applies the matrix framework to analyse findings, identifying common themes across the case studies: financial discrimination, crisis in care, and unequal risks and secondary effects. Results point to transnational structural conditions which put women on the front lines of the pandemic at work and at home while denying them health, economic and personal security – effects that are exacerbated where racism and other forms of discrimination intersect with gender inequities. Given that women and people living at the intersections of multiple inequities are made additionally vulnerable by pandemic responses, intersectional feminist responses should be prioritised at the beginning of any crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Canada Health Act 1984 (CHA) is considered foundational to Canada's publicly funded health care system (known as Medicare). The CHA provides for the federal transfer of funding to the provinces/territories, in exchange for provincial/territorial adherence to Medicare's key principles of universality; comprehensiveness; portability; accessibility; and, public administration. Medicare is a decentralized health care system, managed independently by Canada's 10 provincial and three territorial governments, allowing for regional adaptations to fit varying degrees of urbanity, remoteness and needs. The Act is silent on its relationship to the Indigenous health care system - what some have described as Canada's 14th health care system. The CHA has not kept pace with Indigenous self-government activities that have since spread across Canada. It has unfortunately crystallized the federal/provincial/territorial/Indigenous jurisdictional fragmentation that perpetuates health inequities and has failed to clarify these jurisdictions' obligations towards Indigenous peoples. As a result of these omissions, access to health services remains a concern for many Indigenous Canadians, resulting in poorer outcomes and premature mortality. In this paper, I argue that Medicare renewal must: make an explicit commitment to Indigenous health equity; clarify jurisdictional obligations; establish effective mechanisms for addressing areas of jurisdictional dispute and/or confusion; and explicitly recognize First Nations and Inuit health care services as integral yet distinct systems, that nevertheless must be welcomed to seamlessly work with provincial health care systems to ensure continuity of care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary cities are witnessing momentous shifts in how institutions and individuals produce and circulate data. Despite recent trends claiming that anyone can create and use data, cities remain marked by persistently uneven access and usage of digital technologies. This is the case as well within the emergent phenomenon of the 'smart city,' where open data are a key strategy for achieving 'smartness,' and increasingly constitute a fundamental dimension of urban life, governance, economic activity, and epistemology. The digital ethnography has extended traditional ethnographic research practices into such digital realms, yet its applicability within open data and smart cities is unclear. The method has tended to overlook the important roles of particular digital artifacts such as the database in structuring and producing knowledge. In this paper, we develop the database ethnography as a rich methodological resource for open data research. This approach centers the database as a key site for the production and materialization of social meaning. The database ethnography draws attention to the ways digital choices and practices—around database design, schema, data models, and so on—leave traces through time. From these traces, we may infer lessons about how phenomena come to be encoded as data and acted upon in urban contexts. Open databases are, in other words, key ways in which knowledges about the smart city are framed, delimited, and represented. More specifically, we argue that open databases limit data types, categorize and classify data to align with technical specifications, reflect the database designer's episteme, and (re)produce conceptions of the world. We substantiate these claims through a database ethnography of the open data portal for the city of Calgary, in Western Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Job insecurity is a widespread workplace stressor that has been extensively investigated using quantitative approaches. With the use of a critical organisational psychology framework, we conducted a meta‐synthesis of 20 qualitative studies to investigate the experience of job insecurity among vulnerable employee groups (i.e., women and immigrants). The qualitative meta‐synthesis results suggest that there are meaningful differences. Specifically, whereas women were more concerned with and exposed to deteriorating working conditions, men experienced job insecurity as a threat to their identity. Among immigrants, the experience of job insecurity is viewed as largely intersecting with the legal system, impacting their ability to remain in their country and making them feel powerless. Thematic evidence also emerged regarding individual actions that participants use to attain security in contrast to corporate strategies that enhance job insecurity. We contribute to the critical organisational psychology literature by discussing how these results test common academic theories and neoliberal assumptions pervasive within the job insecurity literature: We highlight how organisations manufacture job insecurity, question the existence of harmonious social exchanges, discuss the use of job insecurity as a form of worker control, consider the role of the legal context in aiding worker exploitation and argue for an intersectional view of job insecurity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Positive ageing discourses have proliferated in Western nations, forming key aspects of structured mandates for how to think about, and act towards, ageing bodies. As interpretive resources, positive ageing discourses shape how adults growing older think about themselves, their bodies and the bodies of others in relation to the process of ageing and the imperative to 'age well'. Informed by governmentality, this paper considers how positive ageing discourses function as technologies of government to inform and direct conduct. Drawing on in-depth narrative data, this analysis traces how ageing citizens take up and negotiate positive ageing discourses in their everyday lives, drawing attention to the intensive work, inexorable focus on the body and numerous resources that the enactment of positive ageing requires. Specifically, this analysis illuminates the interplay between the lived experiences of ageing and the socio-culturally structured mandates that shape how ageing and ageing bodies are conceptualised and approached, and draws attention to the moments of tension that arise out of such interplay. We suggest that these moments of tension highlight how the bodywork practices that older adults rigorously and continuously engage in are not so much directed towards the pursuit of ageless ageing, but rather are a response to the inescapable threat of dependency, decline and loss of agency, and thus operate to affirm ageist underpinnings of positive ageing discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this pa per, we argue for the importance of unsettling dominant narratives in the current terrain of harm-reduction policy, practice and research. To accomplish this, we trace the historical developments regarding the Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV), the Hepatitis C Virus (HCV) and harm-reduction policies and practice. We argue that multiple historical junctures rather than single causes of social exclusion engender the processes of marginalisation, propelled by social movements, institutional interests, state legislation, community practices, neo-liberalism and governmentality techniques. We analyse interests (activist, lay expert, institutional and state) in the harm-reduction field, and consider conceptualisations of risk, pleasure, stigma, social control and exclusionary moral identities. Based on our review of the literature, this paper provides recommendations for social workers and others delivering health and social care interested in the fields of substance use, HIV prevention and harm reduction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: This study contributes to the ongoing efforts to address systemic inequality within social work by examining Canadian social workers' attitudes toward immigrants who are permanent residents (PR), refugees, temporary residents (TR), or undocumented immigrants. Using a cross-sectional design with a convenience sample (n = 653), we explore how social workers' attitudes toward immigrants vary in relation to (a) respondents' demographics, (b) contact with immigrants, (c) perceptions of equal opportunities among immigrants, (d) perceptions of deservingness for immigrants with different legal statuses, and (e) the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on these attitudes. Findings: While Canadian social workers generally express positive attitudes toward immigrants, there is a slightly stronger endorsement for PR and refugees to access public services compared to nonstatus (NS) immigrants and TR. Social workers who identify as conservative or have limited contact with immigrants are more likely to perceive NS immigrants as potential criminal threats or burdens on the healthcare system. Significantly, a majority of respondents feel that their social work training inadequately prepares them to work effectively with immigrants. Applications: Canadian social workers advocate for principles of diversity, inclusion, and commitment to social justice. However, perceptions regarding which immigrants deserve access to social services vary based on legal status, suggesting a limitation in social workers' professional mandate. The study discusses implications for social work education and training, emphasizing the need to address and unsettle systemic racism within the profession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

COVID-19 has imposed numerous challenges onto Canadians including income insecurity, reduced access to healthcare, and last-minute workplace adaptations. Although these obstacles have altered the lives of thousands, many people in the disability community have been struggling with these challenges for years. This paper outlines how Canada's response to the COVID-19 pandemic uncovers the pervasive ableist attitudes that are present at both the government and societal levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though Canadian universities are legally required to accommodate disabled employees, disabled faculty still experience difficulties navigating neoliberal performance standards and medicalized conceptualizations of disability. Drawing on data from a qualitative study with Canadian university faculty, this paper explores the experiences of five disabled academics. Our analysis draws on post-structural understandings of neoliberalism, discourse, disciplinary power, and governmentality, as well as Rosemarie Garland-Thomson's concepts of the fit and misfit. Though the sample is small, this analysis suggests universities pose disabling contexts for academics. Disability is cast as individual responsibility, leaving disabled academics navigating accommodations without institutional support. The normative academic constructed through a discourse of efficiency and productivity is the measure against which disabled academics are evaluated, requiring self-governance to produce themselves as 'good enough' academics. Although higher education environments are increasingly diverse, disabled academics are still having to prove their right to exist in academia, hindering their abilities to participate fully. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This qualitative study was informed by critical race feminism and sought to examine Canadian Black women's motivations for participating in the research study that explored their experiences with the police in the context of intimate partner violence (IPV), and the key factors that complicated their decisions. Semistructured interviews were conducted with 25 self-identified women over the age of 18. Findings indicated that Black women's experiences of anti-Black racism and various forms of systemic barriers influenced their decisions to disclose their experiences of IPV. Key themes included the invisibility of Black women's narratives, fostering political change, and the impact of racialized and gendered insider positionality. Given these findings, positioning Black women's narratives at the centre of IPV research creates opportunities for Black women to share their experiences of IPV, recognizes them as experts of their own experiences, identifies their differential experiences accessing services and supports and the barriers that impact their participation in research studies. The study provides strategies on how to increase Black women's participation and engagement in IPV research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares the advocacy of mothers and intended mothers in the fields of autism and infertility. Mothers and intended mothers have developed a special competence in dealing with professionals, and in negotiating the delicate balance between expert medical discourses and expertise grounded in their situated knowledge and experiences. Drawing on the social movement and public policy literature, we seek to disrupt taken-for-granted assumptions about the gendered role of women and mothers in these complex and emotionally charged policy fields. We argue that (intended) mothers are far more likely than other women to take on the major advocacy role considering their need to respond to bodily, social, and/or cultural 'failures' imposed on them by the medical establishment. Issues of access to fertility treatments and care for autistic children not only provide a vantage point from which to study their experience in the policy arena, but also to ask broader questions about the role of the welfare state and the shifting authority of experts in policy processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the global rates of intimate partner violence (IPV) for Indigenous women have been acknowledged as substantial, few studies have incorporated an analysis of the impacts of colonization in the context of IPV. This secondary mixed-methods analysis explored the experiences of 40 Indigenous women from the Canadian prairie provinces who were abused by their intimate partners. The women discussed the impact of colonization, including the use of residential schools, to break down family life, spiritual beliefs, and languages, at times linking this to IPV. Of the 40 women, 38 described male partners as the abusers and two identified female abusive partners. Consistent with the literature, many of the male partners physically assaulted the respondents so severely that the women were injured and were at risk of death. Almost half of the men (47.4%) used sexually coercive strategies and/or sexually assaulted the women. Implications include the importance of professionals considering the broader historical experiences and possible trauma of Indigenous women who seek assistance for IPV from abusive partners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ethno-cultural disparities in blood and tissue donation patterns have been described as an emergent challenge in the context of the transfusion medicine literature (Boulware et al. in Med Care 40(2):85-95, ; Molzahn et al. in Nephrol Nurs J 30(1):17-26, , Can J Nurs Res 36(4):110-128, ). In the North American context, much has been written about blood and tissue donation patterns among different religious and cultural groups within the United States. However, there are few available statistics or descriptive research that discusses blood donation decisions among Aboriginal Canadians. In 2001, Aboriginal Canadians represented approximately 4.1 % of the total Canadian population, or 1.1 million persons (Birn et al., in Textbook of international health: global health in a dynamic world. Oxford University Press, New York, NY, ). Comparatively, Canada Blood Services reports that Aboriginal Canadians represent only 0.9% of registered donors (Canadian Blood Services ). These low donation patterns suggest that blood donation choice among Aboriginal Canadians requires better understanding. This paper discusses several factors that may influence Aboriginal health choices, specifically those associated with blood donation decision-making. Several influential factors will be discussed, including: the meaning of the body and its parts in relationship to the interconnectedness of all things (religio-cultural), the reflexivity of choice and control (political), and relationships with others (social). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Personalisation has now become centre-stage in adult social care and continues to have an enduring level of political commitment and on-going appeal for many disabled people. And yet its roll-out has taken place during a time of austerity where central governments in many neo-liberal countries are re-imagining (read: shrinking) their role in social care provision. This paper reports on findings from an empirical study of relevant government officials from different countries which have advanced personalisation: Canada, England and the US. It reports on their views on personalisation and the remaking of adult social care, and managing expectations for change. Despite the relative success of personalisation, the findings reveal a tempered, cautious account, with respondents aware of the pitfalls and risks inherent in self-led support, government limitations in changing systems and an end to the primary involvement by the state in the creation of a social care market. With this in mind, the study's findings make a strong case for forms of ‘progressive localism’, as imagined by Featherstone et al. (2012), in galvanising local community resources alongside more radical politics in order to make self-led support achieve its desired outcomes on the ground. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

• The Finnish Baby Box provides parents of newborns with a wide range of infant clothing and other basics. • The cardboard box in which the infant can sleep was emphasized by the media and commercial companies outside Finland. • The box preventing SIDS was advanced by private companies and the media. • This was less the case in Wales and Scotland, a result of their being governed by authorities with a "left" orientation. For over 80 years the Finnish state has provided expectant mothers with a cardboard box containing an extensive collection of clothing, bathing products for the baby, nappies, bedding and a small mattress. Numerous jurisdictions have implemented it in some form. We investigated through a critical case study methodology whether its translation into the liberal welfare states of Canada, UK, and USA experienced message distortion (the box as a means of preventing SIDS), commercialization, watering down of content; and separation from the complex of Finnish welfare state policies that support families with children. We find that only Scotland and Wales recognized the decommodification and equity roles played by the baby box. This study identified numerous barriers to building progressive public policy in Canada, UK, and USA: the structures and processes of the liberal welfare state, commercial interests that skew public policymaking and media logic that limits news reporting to the concrete and simple, eschewing complex analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some policy scholars insist that any policy change is difficult to achieve, while others argue that large change occurs more frequently than we imagine. The work of Baumgartner and Jones reconciles these arguments, suggesting that the extent to which large public policy changes can take place depends on the ability of decision makers to conduct wide-ranging and varied information searches. The more open policy makers are to a diversity of information, the more likely it is that profound change will occur. Given human limitations in cognitive capacity, policy makers cannot simultaneously undertake multiple broad information searches. At any given time, however, such searches occur on a small number of policy topics, and produce significant changes on those topics, while the status quo prevails on the others. As important as this hypothesis is for policy studies, it has not been the object of significant empirical testing, especially outside the US Congress. This article fills this gap through a comprehensive analysis of Canadian federal government regulatory change from 1998 to 2019. We find that Baumgartner and Jones theory is largely corroborated in the Canadian context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is considerable research showing that economic threat influences people's social and political views. There are two prevailing perspectives on threat and political attitudes, broadly defined as the Conservative Shift Hypothesis and the Entrenching Hypothesis. The former predicts that threat induces change in the conservative direction (for both conservatives and liberals), whereas the latter predicts that threat causes people to adhere more strongly to their prexisting political perspective. In two experimental studies (one pre‐registered replication), we find evidence in support of the Entrenching Hypothesis. Conservatives responded to Economic Threat with increased endorsement of the conservative moral foundation Purity, whereas liberals responded to Economic Threat with decreased endorsement of the Purity foundation. Economic Threat appears to increase commitment to one's pre‐existing political ideology and not conservatism specifically. Implications for psychological theory and future directions are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through the regulation of both femininity and fatness, dominant norms in queer communities construct fatness and femininity as excessive, desexualised/hypersexualised, and undeserving of sexual desire, pleasure, and care. Care, as a feminine ethical stance emphasising relationality and interdependency, is not typically associated with fucking, yet is critical in sex therapeutic work and interventions. In this article, we contend that fat scholarship, femme theory, and care ethics offer productive intersections in terms of crafting an ethic of care in sex therapy practice and activism for fat bodies of all genders. Using the example of the Fat Fuckers workshop developed in Ontario, Canada, offered internationally and online, this article describes how sex therapeutic work that combines fat activism, care, community building and relationality works at the intersections of femme theory, fat studies, and care ethics. This article combines theory with praxis by describing the Fat Fuckers workshop as a form of fat activism that simultaneously promotes fat identification and care for fat bodies in sex therapy while illustrating a nuanced form of feminine relationality for fat subjects and sexualities. Through this, practical tips are described for practitioners (e.g. sex therapists, activists and sex workers) with theoretical implications for sexuality scholars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to the emerging literature on wedge issues and on electoral strategies in multiparty electoral systems by studying the implementation and effectiveness of a concerted electoral communication strategy deployed by the Conservative party of Canada around the elimination of the gun registry, in the late 2000s. First, using a quantitative content analysis of the Parliamentary debates from 2006 to 2011, it reveals how the Conservatives exploited the issue in order to create divisions amongst opposing opposition MPs and amongst targeted segments of partisan voters of other national parties. Secondly, using georeferenced pool data from Vote Compass , it finds empirical evidence that the Conservatives' efforts won them new support in the 2011 federal elections, especially amongst cross-pressured voters and within the ridings that were targeted during the debates. In doing so, the article provides a rare empirical example of wedge politics carried in a multiparty system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

LGBTQ+ people experience mental health challenges due to their minoritized status, systemic inequities and structural disparities. For LGBTQ+ asylum seekers, refugee claimants and refugees the impact on their mental health can be compounding. This study, which featured a series of focus groups with LGBTQ+ asylum seekers, refugee claimants and refugees in Toronto, Canada, was part of a larger international study 'Envisioning Global LGBT Human Rights' that looked at colonising effects on LGBTQ people in the Commonwealth. The migration process, – often forced due to persecution in their country of origin based on sexual orientation or gender identity and expression – produced traumatic experiences involving life-changing decisions, accessing information and resources, cultural shifts, conceptualisation of identities, and navigating the refugees claims process. The specialised experiences of LGBTQ+ asylum seekers, refugee claimants and refugees can have a deleterious effect on their mental health that a critical psychology perspective can address clinically by recognising the particularised needs of this population and systemically by addressing the structural inequities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The experiences of African, Caribbean and Black (ACB) Canadians are seldom explored in the Canadian context. Family physicians act as a gateway to the rest of the healthcare system and are necessary to provide proper patient care. However, Canada's history with colonialism may impact the socio-cultural context in which patients receive care. 41 participants from Waterloo Region, Ontario, were engaged in eight focus groups to discuss their experiences in the healthcare system. Data were analysed following thematic analysis. Style of care, racism and discrimination and a lack of cultural competence hindered access. oor Inadequate cultural competence was attributed to western and biomedical approaches, poor understanding of patients' context, physicians failing to address specific health concerns, and racism and discrimination. Participants highlighted that the two facilitators to care were having an ACB family physician and fostering positive relationships with physicians. Participants predominantly expressed dissatisfaction in physicians' approaches to care, which were compounded by experiences of racism and discrimination. Findings demonstrate how ACB patients are marginalized and excluded from the healthcare syste Iimplications for better access to care included utilizing community healthcare centres, increasing physicians' capacity around culturally inclusive care, and increasing access to ACB physicians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine how internet media outlets in key Anglo-American democracies differed under a similar external shock: the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic in early 2020. COVID-19 posed a special challenge to democracy, juxtaposing it with alternative forms of government, which may be better positioned to deal with such a crisis. The online media, as the watchdog of democracy, played a key role. As the pandemic started to spread worldwide, three democracies – the USA, Canada, and New Zealand – were of particular interest. The USA had the highest number of cases and deaths, considerably more than its neighbor to the north. NZ was the democracy that most effectively dealt with the pandemic. We comprehensively study the coverage of the outbreak on the internet website of a newspaper of record in each. Data were harvested for the universe of 27,089 articles published online between mid-February and early May on the websites of the New York Times, New Zealand Herald, and the Globe and Mail. Natural learning processing and dependency parsing are the methods used to analyze the data. We find meaningful differences between the outlets in timing, structure, and content. Compared with their US counterpart, the online watchdogs of democracy in Canada and NZ – where COVID-19 politics were far more effective – barked louder, clearer and 2 weeks earlier. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Drawing on 24 interviews conducted with gay, bisexual, queer and other men who have sex with men (GBM) living in Toronto, Canada, we examined how they are making sense of the relationship between their mental health and substance use. We draw from the literature on the biopolitics of substance use to document how GBM self-regulate and use alcohol and other drugs (AODC) as technologies of the self. Despite cultural understandings of substance use as integral to GBM communities and subjectivity, GBM can be ambivalent about their AODC. Participants discussed taking substances positively as a therapeutic mental health aid and negatively as being corrosive to their mental wellbeing. A fine line was communicated between substance use being selfproductive or self-destructive. Some discussed having made 'problematic' or 'unhealthy' drug-taking decisions, while others presented themselves as self-controlled, responsible neoliberal actors doing 'what a normal gay man would do'. This ambivalence is related to the polarizing binary community and scientific discourses on substances (i.e. addiction/healthy use, irrational/rational, uncontrolled/controlled). Our findings add to the critical drug literature by demonstrating how reifying and/or dismantling the coherency of such substance use binaries can serve as a biopolitical site for some GBM to construct their identities and demonstrate healthy, 'responsible' subjectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tourism trade associations play a critical, though little understood role in tourism policy development and implementation. As the direct conduit between industry and government, associations seek to develop a reciprocal arrangement with government departments, senior bureaucrats and elected officials with the goal of influencing policy to either benefits their members or minimise damage to them. This paper examines the role of tourism trade associations in government relations activities by analysing the roles played by different types of provincial associations in Canada. The study found that, depending on their size, associations liaised with more than 20 different government departments on a wide array of issues. However, their direct links are closest with tourism departments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1974, the Liberal government of Pierre Trudeau released a "green paper" known as the Lalonde Report, after the health minister at that time. The report formulated perspectives on health and the main concepts and ideas developed in it, particularly the concept of "lifestyle," which became the foundation of public health policies in many different European countries and the United States. The concept of "lifestyle" connected personal behaviour and habits to the individual health condition; people were not dying due to a lack of access to medical care but because they lived a life prone to personal risk taking. Furthermore, what is seldom discussed is that this report not only propagated the (neo)liberal view of citizens as autonomous rational actors (homo oeconomicus), with personal responsibility for their health, but it was a first step in the transformation of Medicare and went far beyond the question of health promotion. Health was no longer something that happened to a person but was created through personal choice and, therefore, one had to assume responsibility for one's behaviour. Using Foucault's definition of government as the "conduct of conduct," we will demonstrate that the Lalonde report must be understood as a specific "technology of government" and contributed to a neoliberal transformation of health care despite the fact that the Canadian system of Medicare was based on the idea of universality, meaning citizens had equal access to health care independent of their socio‐economic situation. As we will demonstrate, the Lalonde report undermined this foundation and initiated a profound reorientation, not only of the healthcare system, but even more importantly, it radically changed the way we think about our behaviour around health‐related issues. We will also discuss how the making of the report contributed to the redefinition of politics and demonstrated a lack of concern with liberal‐democratic decision‐making processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In March 2022, the New Democratic Party (NDP), Canada's social democratic party, and the centrist Liberal government signed a supply and confidence agreement. In return for the NDP agreeing to vote with the government on all crucial issues until June 2025, the Liberals pledged to bring in both pharmacare and dental care programs. Pharmacare, universal public insurance coverage for prescription drugs, had been promised for more than 50 years but never implemented, while public dental care was an almost completely neglected issue. This article explains the long genesis of pharmacare, the need for public dental care, and the political circumstances that led to the agreement. However, at this point, details about both plans are largely absent. As a result, how well those plans will serve the needs of Canadians is yet to be determined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This analysis of urban Indigenous women's experiences on the Homeland of the Métis and Treaty One (Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada), Treaty Four (Regina, Saskatchewan, Canada), and Treaty Six (Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, Canada) territories illustrates that Indigenous women have recently experienced coercion when interacting with healthcare and social service providers in various settings. Drawing on analysis of media, study conversations, and policies, this collaborative, action-oriented project with 32 women and Two-Spirit collaborators demonstrated a pattern of healthcare and other service providers subjecting Indigenous women to coercive practices related to tubal ligations, long-term contraceptives, and abortions. We foreground techniques Indigenous women use to assert their rights within contexts of reproductive coercion, including acts of refusal, negotiation, and sharing community knowledge. By recognizing how colonial relations shape Indigenous women's experiences, decision-makers and service providers can take action to transform institutional cultures so Indigenous women can navigate their reproductive decision-making with safety and dignity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP) is a managed migration programme that aims to fill labour shortages in Canada's agricultural industry with Black and Brown workers from the global South. For decades, migrant workers, scholars, and advocate groups have called for fundamental changes to address power imbalances produced by the design of the SAWP. The continued operation of the SAWP during the COVID-19 pandemic has intensified the underlying structural violence that migrant labourers experience. Analysing the SAWP as a case study in how globalised labour processes dehumanise and make workers disposable, we argue that it is one component in a web of social and structural factors rooted in colonialism and racial capitalism, constituting the structural determinants of death. Whereas the structural determinants of health point to health 'inequities' and 'disparities', we advance the concept of structural determinants of death to politicise the numerous and multidimensional forms of violence embedded within state policy and to shed light on their beneficiaries. In doing so, we detail how policies can diminish the agency necessary to avoid death in deadly conditions and, specifically, draw attention to the preventable suffering and death perpetuated by the SAWP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Progress in reducing health inequalities through public policy action is difficult in nations identified as liberal welfare states. In Canada, as elsewhere, researchers and advocates provide governing authorities with empirical findings on the sources of health inequalities and document the lived experiences of those encountering these adverse health outcomes with the hope of provoking public policy action. However, critical analysis of the societal structures and processes that make improving the sources of health inequalities difficult—the quality and distribution of living and working conditions, that is the social determinants of health—identifies limitations in these approaches. Within this latter critical tradition, we consider—using household food insecurity in Canada as an illustration—how polemics and anger mobilization, usually absent in health inequalities research and advocacy—could force Canadian governing authorities to reduce health inequalities through public policy action. We explore the potential of using high valence terms such as structural violence, social death and social murder, which make explicit the adverse outcomes of health‐threatening public policy to force government action. We conclude by outlining the potential benefits and threats posed by polemics and anger mobilization as means of promoting health equity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on Canada's liberal welfare state and the COVID-19 pandemic, offering an overview of some of the unequal health and social effects of the crisis. It argues that the policy response to the pandemic should be situated within a broader pattern of welfare restructuring and organization that serves to instrumentalize economic insecurity and extend labor discipline. Without making firm predictions about the future, we argue that this is likely to reproduce increasingly unequal patterns of welfare access, providing benefits to some constituents while disciplining vulnerable groups to facilitate competitive gains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on Kingdon's Multiple Streams Framework as a heuristic, this article reviews the three streams – problems, policies, and politics – as applied to the adoption of economic policies in response to the socioeconomic impacts of COVID-19. In doing so, we argue that we are currently presented with a window of opportunity to better address the social determinants of health. First, through assessing the problem stream, an understanding of inequity as a problem gained wider recognition through the disproportionate impacts of COVID-19. Second, in the policy stream, we demonstrate that appropriate and unprecedented policies can be enacted even in the face of changing evidence or evidentiary uncertainty, which are needed to address upstream factors that influence health. Lastly, in the politics stream, we demonstrate that addressing a public health 'problem' can be well-received by the public, making it politically viable. However, it is important to ensure the 'problem' is clearly relayed to the public and that this information is not perceived to change, as this can undermine trust. The social, political, and behavioural lessons presented by the COVID-19 pandemic should be drawn on in this pivotal moment for global public health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Patterns of research on resource extraction's health effects display problematic gaps and underlying assumptions, indicating a need to situate health knowledge production in the context of disciplinary, corporate and neocolonial influences and structures. This paper reports on a modified metanarrative synthesis of 'storylines' of research on resource extraction and health in the Canadian context. Peer-reviewed articles on mining or petroleum extraction and health published between 2000 and 2018 and dealing with Canadian populations or policies (n = 87) were identified through a systematic literature search. Coding identified main disciplinary traditions, methodologies and approaches for judging high-quality research. Underlying assumptions were analyzed in terms of models of health and well-being; resource extraction's political economic drivers; and representations of Indigenous peoples, territories and concerns. Findings included a preponderance of occupational and environmental health studies; frequent presentation of resource extraction without political economic antecedents, and as a major contributor to Canadian society; sustainable development aspirations to mitigate health impacts through voluntary private-sector governance activities; representations of Indigenous peoples and concerns ranging from complete absence to engagement with legacies of historical trauma and environmental dispossession; and indictment of corporate (especially asbestos industry) and government malfeasance in a subset of studies. Canada's world-leading mining sector, petroleum reserves and population health traditions, coupled with colonial legacies in both domestic and overseas mining and petroleum development, make these insights relevant to broader efforts for health equity in relation to resource extraction. They suggest a need for strengthened application of the precautionary principle in relation to resource extraction; nuanced attention to corporate influences on the production of health science; more profound challenges to dominant economic development models; and extension of well-intentioned efforts of researchers and policymakers working within flawed institutions. • We identified storylines of research on resource extraction and health in Canada. • Of 87 included articles, 39 were coded as occupational health & safety. • Virtually all articles assumed status-quo economic development trajectories. • Corporate-origin narratives were frequently reproduced in health scholarship. • Indigenous presence ranged from complete absence to respectful engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Public Administration is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)