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The article discusses the significance of an anecdote in a letter written by 19th century Vermont 1st lieutenant Stephen Spalding to his University of Vermont roommate, James Peck in which Spalding tells a racially-charged joke about an African American servant. The article examines 19th century racial sensitivities and mores, the portrayal of African Americans among whites, and the concept of white supremacy. It also discusses the differences between power as opposed to literal racism exposed in Spalding's anecdote

The essay talks about the challenges facing the U.S. amid the global coronavirus pandemic, the crash of the global economy, and the insidious efforts of President Donald J. Trump to undercut constitutional government in an effort to win the 2020 presidential election. Topics covered include the growing Black Lives Matter protests against police brutality, and the need for the Back Lives Matter and allied groups to define freedom, liberation and justice to put an end to racism.

In his campaign and first few years in office, Donald Trump consistently defied contemporary norms by using explicit, negative rhetoric targeting ethnic/racial minorities. Did this rhetoric lead White Americans to express more or less prejudiced views of African Americans or Hispanics, whether through changing norms around racial prejudice or other mechanisms? We assess that question using a thirteen-wave panel conducted with a population-based sample of Americans between 2008 and 2018. We find that via most measures, White Americans' expressed anti-Black and anti-Hispanic prejudice declined after Trump's political emergence, and we can rule out even small increases in the expression of prejudice. These results suggest the limits of racially charged rhetoric's capacity to heighten prejudice among White Americans overall. They also indicate that rather than being a fixed predisposition, prejudice can shift by reacting against changing presidential rhetoric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the amicus briefs from Fred T. Korematsu Center for Law and Equality in response to the Executive Order of U.S. President Donald Trump seeking travel bans against immigrants and travelers from certain countries. Topics include the accusations of racist and xenophobic prejudices against the administration of president Trump which sought the travel ban.

Abstract: Biological Anthropology studies the variation and evolution of living humans, non‐human primates, and extinct ancestors and for this reason the field should be in an ideal position to attract scientists from a variety of backgrounds who have different views and experiences. However, the origin and history of the discipline, anecdotal observations, self‐reports, and recent surveys suggest the field has significant barriers to attracting scholars of color. For a variety of reasons, including quantitative research that demonstrates that diverse groups do better science, the discipline should strive to achieve a more diverse composition. Here we discuss the background and underpinnings of the current and historical dearth of diversity in Biological Anthropology in the U.S. specifically as it relates to representation of minority and underrepresented minority (URM) (or racialized minority) scholars. We trace this lack of diversity to underlying issues of recruitment and retention in the STEM sciences generally, to the history of Anthropology particularly around questions of race‐science, and to the absence of Anthropology at many minority‐serving institutions, especially HBCUs, a situation that forestalls pathways to the discipline for many minority students. The AAPA Committee on Diversity (COD) was conceived as a means of assessing and improving diversity within the discipline, and we detail the history of the COD since its inception in 2006. Prior to the COD there were no systematic AAPA efforts to consider ethnoracial diversity in our ranks and no programming around questions of diversity and inclusion. Departmental survey data collected by the COD indicate that undergraduate majors in Biological Anthropology are remarkably diverse, but that the discipline loses these scholars between undergraduate and graduate school and systematically up rank. Our analysis of recent membership demographic survey data (2014 and 2017) shows Biological Anthropology to have less ethnoracial diversity than even the affiliated STEM disciplines of Biology and Anatomy; nearly 87% of AAPA members in the United States identify as white and just 7% as URM scholars. These data also suggest that the intersection of race and gender significantly influence scholarly representation. In response to these data, we describe a substantial body of programs that have been developed by the COD to improve diversity in our ranks. Through these programs we identify principal concerns that contribute to the loss of scholars of color from the discipline at different stages in their careers, propose other directions that programming for recruitment should take, and discuss the beginnings of how to develop a more inclusive discipline at all career stages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the author discusses the incident of a white student who arrived in his class of Native American ethnohistory wearing a baseball cap with an Indian head logo on it. Topics discussed include his efforts to create awareness among students on race and racism, need to develop courses to address systemic inequalities in the U.S. society and ensure an end to racial inequalities, and focus on social justice pedagogy which enables white students to learn about racism.

The article discusses the racist politics of U.S. President Donald Trump and how despite the racism the U.S. midterms elections marked a meaningful repudiation of racist nationalism. Topics include the several fresh faces brought to into politics by the U.S. midterms elections which includes the surge of women and people of color such as Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, the youngest-ever female representative, and the several Trumpians who lost despite stumping on racism including archconservative Dave Brat.

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The processes by which women of color and White women living in the United States detect and respond to prejudice may differ because women of color experience racism, sexism and intersectional bias. This review builds on past research by articulating how existing process models of stigmatization, when applied to the stigmatization of women of color, leave important research questions unanswered. Stigmatized individuals' interpretations of and responses to others' behaviors are continuously shaped by the possibility that they will be targeted by prejudice. In each interaction in which prejudice is plausible, targets first determine whether they have experienced prejudice and, if so, they cope with the psychological and emotional consequences of prejudiced treatment. Current theories of stigmatization best account for the experiences of people who face only one form of prejudice. In contrast, we consider how women of color, who possess multiple stigmatized identities, respond to the multiple forms of prejudice they face. First, we identify barriers to including women of color in stigma research. Second, we describe research examining how targets with one stigmatized identity detect, respond to and cope with prejudice. Third, we draw on related research on multiple identities in areas outside of the stigma literature (e.g., intergroup bias, cognition) to raise questions that are important to address in future stigma research. Our analysis is supported primarily by research conducted in the U. S. Addressing the research questions raised in this review will position the stigma literature to more readily capture the stigmatizing experiences of women of color. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author comments on how the 2016 massacre at the gay nightclub Pulse in Orlando, Florida by Omar Mateen reflects the state of homophobia, racism, and xenophobia in the world. He criticizes attempts to connect Mateen to Islamic terror organizations that suggest homophobia is a foreign aggression to the U.S., citing the rise of white nationalist groups and violence against Muslims in Jews in the U.S. since the Pulse shootings.

The article talks about progressive carceralization in contemporary U.S. society, the institutionalization of abuse and torture, and state violence in the context of capitalism and social production. Topics include the Marxist theory in relation to coercion and capital accumulation, violence in capitalism, and the articulations between capitalist exploitation and racism. Other topics include punishment and permanent war in a neoliberal society, and a principle of violation in state violence.

This article expands the theoretical debate on racist nativism and the specific impact that it has on the experiences of interracial mixed-status couples in the USA. In-depth interviews suggest that the costs of racist nativist microaggressions and macroaggressions are experienced differently, depending on the social status of each member of the couple. Microaggressions target Latinos/as, while racial profiling, a macroaggression, is mainly experienced by Latino men; however, in both cases their white partners also experience rebound racism on behalf of their partners. White women partnered with Latinos experience the greatest rebound effects of racist nativism. Larger macro-policies create a precarious position for couples; this leads them to make calculated legal risks to sustain their families and ultimately constrains their freedoms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

US sociology has been historically segregated in that, at least until the 1960s, there were two distinct institutionally organized traditions of sociological thought – one black and one white. For the most part, however, dominant historiographies have been silent on that segregation and, at best, reproduce it when addressing the US sociological tradition. This is evident in the rarity with which scholars such as WEB Du Bois, E Franklin Frazier, Oliver Cromwell Cox, or other ‘African American Pioneers of Sociology’, as Saint-Arnaud calls them, are presented as core sociological voices within histories of the discipline. This article addresses the absence of African American sociologists from the US sociological canon and, further, discusses the implications of this absence for our understanding of core sociological concepts. With regard to the latter, the article focuses in particular on the debates around equality and emancipation and discusses the ways in which our understanding of these concepts could be extended by taking into account the work of African American sociologists and their different interpretations of core themes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A statement from Lonnie G. Bunch III, the 14th Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, is presented, which comments upon social conditions in the U.S. as of 2020, notably issues of racial and social injustice.

The article discusses how the American way of life has invoked the wrath of God in his righteousness by indulging in practices like racism, slavery, curtailing voters' rights, promoting war and militarism. Topics include the discrimination against African Americans in the U.S. and the plundering of their rights and discrimination against poor people, Latinos, and Native Americans.

The article evaluates the film "Black Wax" directed by Robert Mugge which focus on the poet Gil Scott-Heron. The topics addressed include details on work of the poet on topics comprising practices of domination and the difficult entanglements of racial encounter in the U.S. and information on social relations and details on the history of protests in the U.S.