Search

The US-Taliban peace agreement has raised certain questions that need to be investigated and answered: Has the US achieved its goal in Afghanistan or not? Has the US, in these two decades of war on terror, really brought stability in Afghanistan? Was the withdrawal of US-led coalition forces from Afghanistan done with dignity? This paper attempts to investigate and answer these questions. The paper has also tried to see the role of neighboring countries post US withdrawal from Afghanistan. The US withdrawal has put Afghanistan in a lawless condition. The people of Afghanistan are at the mercy of Taliban which has not yet been recognized by any country. Afghanistan has been facing many problems at home as well as at international level. Officially, the Taliban government has not been able to establish embassies in any country, and it has no faith in its earlier ambassadors. It is mostly dependent on the unofficial support from China and Russia, as of now. A small state in all senses--economically, politically, geographically, and militarily--Afghanistan is prey to international politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rapid collapse of the Afghan state did not come as a surprise to those who are well-versed in the chequered history of the Law and Development Movement. While the Movement's one-size-fits-all modernization project has been largely rejected, such misguided efforts continue under the aims of "building the Rule of Law" or "improving governance." The fallout from the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan is a stark reminder for states and multilateral organizations not to overlook the lessons of the Movement that may have been obscured by the different banners under which state- and market-building efforts have been pursued. From the Movement's sincere yet naïve efforts of state-building between the 1950s and 70s, to its swing to build and support markets under the Washington Consensus paradigm in the 80s and 90s, and a later emphasis on good governance through state institutions from the 2000s onwards, it is clear that top-down state-building efforts have had limited success. The paper argues that the failure of the Afghanistan mission may have been avoided if the U.S. had turned to the lessons learned from the law-and-institutions-building enterprises of the past 70 years. Instead, the failure to heed these lessons led to the building of a state akin to a house of cards. By overlooking the importance of embedded cultural institutions, the legitimacy of the state as perceived by its people, and the dynamic interaction between formal and informal institutions, the state-building project in Afghanistan was bound to fail. Following the takeover by the Taliban, the small gains made in Afghanistan over the past two decades on the issues of hunger, poverty, health, and education have seen rapid deceleration and require urgent attention. The critiques outlined in this paper, informed by the experience of the Law and Development Movement, are meant to inform, not discourage, global engagement in advancing the human development agenda in Afghanistan and other fragile contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I will examine the legal standards of gender persecution and the evolving descriptor gender apartheid as a way to describe the status of women in Afghanistan. The paper also examines other complementary forms of legal accountability procedures to vindicate Afghan women's rights and hold perpetrators accountable under crimes against humanity. Although the current locus of the paper is focused on Afghan women, it has larger implications for all other crimes of gender persecution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given Washington's vast expenditure during its 20 years of operations in Afghanistan, the Taliban's ascent to power in August 2021, after defeating the Afghan National Security Forces, generated strong feelings of shame and anxiety for the USA. Coupled with a dissonance between the US withdrawal and its narrative on fighting terrorism, this eventually culminated in an ontological security crisis for the USA. This paper aims to provide an understanding on how the US elite tried to overcome this moment of crisis and re-establish the US ontological security. For this purpose, the paper elaborates on the existing literature on the link between securitization/desecuritization and ontological security. It argues that, in the aftermath of the withdrawal, the USA employed both securitization and desecuritization practices at the narrative level, accompanied concomitantly by actions at the relational level, to overcome the state's ontological security crisis ensuing from the Taliban's ascent to power. However, the results have been, at best, mixed. Through reviewing multiple sources, both internal and external to the USA, the article suggests that the US narrative has been partially challenged and hence failed to re-establish the US ontological security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Taliban 2.0 in Afghanistan took the world by surprise. This article investigates how this event was seen differently in varied contexts, such as neighboring Pakistan. Our research shows epistemological pluralism in Pakistan, i.e. how different groups use different ways of knowing (epistemology), being (ontology), and valuing (axiology) to explain and analyze Taliban 2.0. Conceptually, the paper draws on insights from the relationality theory to demonstrate the reasons behind such epistemological pluralism. The theory of relationality provides the grounds for epistemological pluralism, i.e. the mixed sentiments and feelings among respondents about the Taliban 2.0 in Afghanistan. Our research reports the perspectives of nine selected civil society activists about Taliban 2.0 in Afghanistan and its implications for Pakistan. The respondents were interviewed during the second quarter of the Taliban administering Afghanistan. Some called it the victory of Islam, the freedom of Afghans from foreign occupation, and the protection of the Pakistani border from Indian proxies. Others were worried about the risks of increased extremism and terrorism in Pakistan, including the rise of banned organizations like Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan. This study intends to document the interviewee civil society activists' suggestions to the State of Pakistan for dealing with Taliban-ruled Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Appropriating relevant elements from Iranian film scholar Hamid Naficy's formulation of an 'Accented Cinema' (2001) that addresses various aspects of diasporic filmmaking and filmmakers 'situated in the interstices of social formations and cinematic practices' (4) as guiding tropes for analysis, this paper focuses on the depiction of the post-Taliban period through a contextual and critical reading of Nelofer Pazira's first documentary film Return to Kandahar (2003) and her debut feature film Act of Dishonour (2009) on the topic of 'honour-killing.' The paper examines how these films portray 'accented' images captured and relayed by a diaspora Afghan woman filmmaker to appeal to distant and unversed Western/foreign audiences and film festivals. In addition to Naficy's formulation of the 'accented cinema', I argue that Pazira uses a formulaic accent and variances (also to be read as her emphases) in her depictions that are aimed specifically at appealing to Western audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores why Afghanistan's centralized planning and budgeting policies, despite consistent failure to improve local participation and allocative efficiency, remained stable. Based on policy feedback theory, there are two explanations. First, policy actors, given their interests, often tend to keep the status quo unchanged; and second, policymaking processes play a facilitative role for policy actors. This paper explains how centralized policymaking processes enable policy actors to bypass specific constraints of institutional environment such as agenda setting, principalagent dynamics, information symmetry, and credible commitment to keep certain policies unchanged. With the recent collapse of Afghan state, the Taliban would most likely continue the centralized planning and budgeting policies given their past governance approach and their recent performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Via Inveniendi et Iudicandi is the property of Universidad Santo Tomas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Following the US exit from Afghanistan, the debate revolves around why US intervention in Afghanistan, the longest and one of the most expensive in its history, has failed in defeating the Taliban and realising a durable state-building. The debate considers endogenous factors that explore US and Taliban strategies and exogenous factors that underline the role of regional and extra-regional actors in determining the outcome of the Afghan conflict. This paper, therefore, focuses on faults and inconsistencies within and across US strategies in Afghanistan, i.e., the use of military force, political settlement, and state-building. It also examines US strategies vis-à-vis conflict in Afghanistan under four US administrations -- from Bush to Biden -- to ascertain why these strategies proved ineffective. These strategies have been analysed by following the conceptual framework of Game Theory. The paper argues that US strategies for entering Afghanistan were detached from the ground realities, which was the critical factor for its failure to achieve the desired outcome of the conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Establishing a liberal government in post-Taliban Afghanistan allowed India to fulfil its foreign policy goal, i.e., investment in Afghanistan to acquire leverage for its anti-Pakistan agenda. However, the twenty-year war ended with the US withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021, resulting in the Taliban's rise to power, diminishing Indian influence and reversion of its interests. India halted its investment and diplomatic engagement with the Taliban government due to its previous position, which led India to compromise on its strategic interests outlined in the presence of US forces. To safeguard its strategic interests, India has resumed its diplomatic and economic engagement with the Taliban government at a critical time when other regional states are analysing the US' future course of action towards the war-torn country. Therefore, this paper examines how India evaluates the newly structured regional environment while finding a new role in Afghanistan. It also analyses the implications of India-Afghanistan re-engagement for Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The terror encountered by women in Afghanistan because of the military withdrawal of United States and its allies in the summer of 2021 is ongoing. The first part of this paper describes emergency clinical interventions provided to two young university Kabul women wishing to escape the Taliban. The second part of this paper explores ideas about moral injury and this psychologist-psychoanalyst's motives for focusing on the survival of the two women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taliban has taken control of Afghanistan; the US-influenced government of Ashraf Ghani has surrendered, a two-decade-long war ended, and the Taliban proclaimed their acting government on 7 September 2021 and resumed the Islamic Emirates of Afghanistan. Pakistan is in support of an inclusive Taliban-led government in Afghanistan and providing Aid to the country for rebuilding and reconstruction of the affected neighbor while hoping for recognition from the international community. Taliban's regime in Afghanistan is a game-changer for South Asian regional politics as now China, Russia, and Iran's interests lie in this area. The Study is an attempt to examine the effects of the Taliban's government on Pakistan's national security, integrity, and economy with special concern for China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and Foreign Relations by taking the Baluchistan insurgency as an example. This research will answer intriguing questions such as how the Taliban's government of Afghanistan affects the Baluch insurgency. The purpose of this research is to determine if the Taliban-led Afghan government deepens Pakistan's woes or serves the country's national interests. This paper argues that Baluch insurgents were previously hiding in Afghanistan and unstable Afghan territory was used against Pakistan by the enemies to exacerbate of Baluch insurgency and escalate terrorism to destabilize Pakistan. This study also argues that the New Taliban Government in Afghanistan has an amalgamation of encouraging and detrimental outcomes for Pakistan as supporting the Afghan Taliban government has visible impacts on regional politics and the dynamics of Pakistan's relations with the United States, Iran, and with regional powers, Russia, and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public health, conflict/war, Social Determinants of Health (SDHs) and Global Health Diplomacy (GHD) are believed to be strongly interwoven. Afghanistan that is known as the 'Graveyard of the Empire' has been passing through a very critical phase given the prolonged civil war during the last couple of decades, wherein the ongoing current situation further pushed the country towards the collapse of the political and economic systems. Thereby, Afghanistan's healthcare system has been entrapped into the civil war conundrum causing the SDHs to be seriously affected. Conflict in any form, i.e. local, regional, or international, has left black swan impacts on not only the SDHs but also led to health crises given the inaccessibility, unaffordability, and more of lack of the infrastructure, and exodus of trained medical staff and healthcare inequity. In this situation, it is anticipated that GHD could play a significant role in providing equitable healthcare to people at stake. Against this backdrop, the focus of this paper is; how the SDHs have been impacted by the civil conflict and how the public healthcare has been turned into a conundrum; would the GHD resolve the healthcare crisis in the prevailing scenario? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been considerable focus on the widespread destruction of cultural heritage in Afghanistan since the destruction of the Bamiyan Buddhas by the Taliban in 2001 and much concern over the future for heritage in the region on the return of a Taliban regime in 2021, yet comparatively little has been written on the fate of Afghanistan's national collection of paintings, manuscripts, and works on paper. Through a quasi-experimental study and using a combination of evaluation methodologies, this paper discusses whether the overall impact achieved in conservation capacity-building and training schemes in conflict zones justify the cost and risk of operating in such regions. Using an international collaborative conservation training course carried out in 2020 at the Afghan National Gallery in Kabul as a case study, it discusses the appropriateness and effectiveness of the signature pedagogies in conservation when working in a conflict scenario, and highlights the limitations present in conservation training programmes in post-conflict scenarios and the need for sustainability of such programmes. The results of the study found that common constructivist-focused, Eurocentric conservation pedagogies may not be effective for training museum professionals in regions where this approach is unfamiliar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan experienced a marked rise in violent crimes, including kidnappings and armed robbery in 2021. The reported increase in targeted attacks against civilians in the country, specifically regarding women human rights defenders and media workers, had already raised concerns in the period preceding the Taliban takeover. These events and the changing nature of the killings--from widespread casualties to targeted violence--underscored the need for a nuanced examination of the different ways conflict and crime converge to create conditions that incentivise violent actors and instability. This paper looks at these issues through the lens of illicit market violence in Afghanistan. It explores its potential as a key proxy to project current and future trends of other illicit and criminal market development in the country. The paper suggests a framework for further research to examine the evolution of illicit markets in Afghanistan by using a methodologically sound proxy indicator of such violence. First, it draws on a literature review on violence related to illicit markets and presents the methodology developed by the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime (GI-TOC) to research assassinations. Second, the paper undertakes a focused literature review on targeted violence in Afghanistan, focusing particularly on the 2020-2021 period. The variables taken from the GI-TOC methodology are applied to the literature review to map recent trends using targeted killings and other metrics of illicit market violence. It presents a preliminary analysis of how targeted violence could be used to inform the analysis of illicit economies and its shifts in Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politics & Religion Journal is the property of University of Belgrade, Faculty of Political Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Despite record economic growth in the decade that followed the fall of the Taliban regime, poverty remained stubbornly high in Afghanistan, declining substantially only in regions that suffered more from conflict. This paper aims to explain this apparent puzzle by combining conflict-related indicators at the province level with household level observations. Estimates, which start in 2007 and stop in 2014 because of data availability constraints, show that large troop deployments reduced conflict intensity but also boosted local consumption, an effect reinforced by foreign aid flows being larger in conflict-affected areas. The robustness of these findings is assessed through an out-of-sample simulation of the impact of declining international troops and foreign aid after 2014. The simulation accurately predicts the sharp deterioration in living standards uncovered by a 2016 household survey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper aims to examine the current situation in Afghanistan after the rapid withdrawal of US troops and the Taliban takeover of the country, and how this has shed new light on the financing of terrorism. Design/methodology/approach: Informal interviews were conducted with alleged perpetrators as well as formal interviews with compliance experts to further investigate the subject of terrorist financing in the wake of the latest changes in Afghanistan and terrorist financing through hawala banking. The interviewees were analysed through a qualitative analysis. Findings: Based on the interviews, it was concluded that both illegal and legal sources of income could be used by terrorist financiers. This study also shows why hawala represents a significant challenge for counter-terrorist financing policies. Originality/value: While existing literature sufficiently links parallel banking systems, such as hawala, to terrorist financing, this study shows the implications for Switzerland's perceived commitment against financial crime in light of current changes in Afghanistan, and in addition, certain dogmatic weaknesses of Article 260quinquies of the Swiss Penal Code are critically analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the Symposium on the Afghanistan War. During and after the American withdrawal from Afghanistan, emotions ran high. This special issue responds to public calls for further in-depth study of the Afghanistan War. We assembled an international array of interdisciplinary scholars who address reasons the mission became a misadventure. Additional papers focus on the consequences borne by the people who served and the institutions that fought America's longest war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

More than four decades of war in Afghanistan has been both a main driver for poor mental health, and a barrier to the development of crucial mental health services. A study conducted by BMC Psychiatry in 2021, across eight regions in Afghanistan, found staggering levels of depressive and anxiety disorders among the general population. Almost one-half of those interviewed (47.12%) reported having high levels of distress in the last month, and almost 40% (39.44%) reported experiencing impairment to their lives due to poor mental health. Yet, despite the common experiences of much of the population, mental health is a hugely stigmatized topic of discussion in Afghanistan, due to a myriad of cultural, religious, socioeconomic and environmental factors. And now, under the de-facto Taliban government, mental health has been deprioritized in the face of a crumbling economy and acute levels of poverty, all but forgotten. This paper sought to review the impact and change to mental health services under the de-facto government, and to provide the reader with greater awareness into the current situation in Afghanistan and equip them with insight into how to respond to the mental health needs of Afghans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the question of how the Taliban takeover of power in Afghanistan impacts Iran's national security. The paper aims to offer an enhanced understanding of the current developments in Afghanistan and argues that the advancement of Taliban forces as well as the Islamic state's territorial expansion inside Afghanistan poses a genuine threat to the Iranian state's territorial integrity and sovereignty. In terms of Iran's human security, enhanced terrorism, drug, and human trafficking within the state will probably impact the physical security of the Iranian citizens as a result of the Afghan crisis. Using a constructivist methodology, the paper also shows the importance of the national identity of Iran for the construction of security policy which is thus imperative not only for a better understanding of Iran's approach to security but also for creating conducive steps towards reconciliation between Iran and the international community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan, a Pakistan spy chief told journalists in Kabul: 'don't worry, everything will be okay' in Afghanistan. What is interesting to note in this assertion is that Pakistan had consistently been accused of playing a 'double game' in the war on terror since 2001. This paper examines the return of the Taliban and Pakistan's role in their victory in August-2021. In particular, it addresses the following questions: Why are Pakistan-Afghanistan relations so fraught? What is the pattern of Pakistan's influence over the Afghan Taliban? How different is the post- 2021 Taliban regime from its Taliban predecessors (1996–2001)? What might the long-term implications of the Taliban victory be for Pakistan? This paper employs the security-cum-rentier state framework to explain Pakistan's double game in the war on terror. Moreover, this paper aims to situate and contextualize the situation in Afghanistan (2001–2021) in the ongoing geopolitical rivalry, i.e. Quad/ Indo-Pacific Strategy (West) versus the Belt and Road Initiative (China). Methodologically, this study is based on secondary sources and some primary sources (official documents). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper studies the gendered impact of the pandemic in a war ravaged Afghanistan. For majority of Afghan women, the onslaught of Covid has exacerbated their already dire condition and adversely impacted their social, economical, physical and cultural aspects of life. The research also underlines that the imposition of lockdown has caused the reversal of war gains. The paper also highlights the notable works of various Afghan women carried out during the corona pandemic that has contributed to their emancipation and upliftment of the society at large. It brings forth strong and courageous women who are combatting terrorism, everyday conflicts, frequent bombings, societal restrictions and now the deadly coronavirus and yet contributing majorly in re-building the Afghan society. This paper is an attempt to dispel the dominant narrative of their state of helplessness and despondency around Afghan women before the withdrawal of American troops and Taliban takeover. Both primary and secondary sources have complemented this research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) reshapes its position on Afghanistan in the post-US withdrawal scenario, witnessing Taliban re-entrance to the power corridors. By stopping all preferences immediately after the Taliban takeover in August 2021, the EU decided to continue only an operational engagement with the new Afghan administration which was necessary for logistical, operational, and humanitarian purposes. This research paper aims to investigate the EU's responses towards Afghanistan, particularly in terms of its strategic engagement with Kabul, which intends to limit humanitarian assistance and other necessary activities in the war-torn country. A situation analysis of the empirical process was employed as a research technique to investigate the EU's new stance over Afghanistan following the Taliban's reemergence in the country. The study nds that human rights violations, ineffective rules of law, lack of social justice, and security issues led to the lack of interest of the international community including the EU in enhancing trade and economic cooperation with the country. The paper argues that to reopen doors to the international community including the EU, the Taliban regime needs to full its international commitments concerning human rights and security issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper describes the Indo-Afghan ties after 9/11 and its economic and political effects on Pakistan. After 9/11, the relations between Afghanistan and India became extremely mature and cordial. Moreover, India has been helping Afghanistan politically, socially and economically. Thus, the Indian unconditional support to Afghans has opened the door for India to assure its presence anywhere in Afghanistan. On the other hand, the presence of India in Afghanistan has hurt Pakistan badly since India uses the Afghan soil to create political unrest and instability in Pakistan by supporting the anti-Pakistan elements within Pakistan. Thus, the region would be in loselose situation which is neither in the favor of Pakistan nor it benefits the Indo-Afghan ties. The paper addresses the question, how Pakistan deals with its policy option in respect to Indo-Afghan ties after 9/11 in order to discourage Indian covert activities from Afghan soil. Moreover, the paper is qualitative in nature, is based on critical analysis and investigation of different facts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US caught itself in an imbroglio when it finally decided to withdraw its troops from Afghanistan. The law and order and prevalent security situation in Afghanistan was not favoring the US decision to exit Afghanistan. Moreover, the notion to strike a deal with Taliban who harbored the terrorists of 9/11 attack still made the world livid after two decades. Therefore, a meticulously crafted narrative that provided justification for the reconciliation and enable withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan was the need of the hour. The major progress in reconciliation process was carried out during Trump administration as the US Department of State constructed narrative that endeavored to justify the peace deal with Taliban and subsequent withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan. The aim of this article is to explore official US narrative that facilitated the Afghan reconciliation peace process before the complete withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan. The article will attempt to explore how US crafted this narrative for reconciliation with Taliban through statements of US State Department officials and the themes which were employed in the narrative. This study attempts thematic exploration of the narrative constructed by US Department of State that facilitated to propagate a sense of requirement for the reconciliation with Taliban. A combination of thematic and discourse analysis will be employed on the statements of US State Department officials that are selected as purposive sampling. This article will find out that an official narrative was constructed by US State Department officials to facilitate reconciliation process with Taliban by portraying a scenario calling for end to 40 years of Afghan war, emphasizing necessity for peace, rebuilding Taliban's image as reconcilable and finally highlighting exorbitant cost of Afghan war. The paper comprises of four main sections including Introduction, Theoretical Framework, Analysis and Conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Taliban resistance against the various Afghan governments continued in the post-2001 period which finally culminated in their agreement with the United States of America (USA) for the withdrawal of its forces from Afghanistan in February 2020 and the subsequent capture of Kabul from President Ashraf Ghani in September 2021. Pakistan once again played a pivotal role in this US-Taliban agreement with a hope to achieve its regional objectives of discouraging Afghanistan from its claim on Durand Line, countering India to seek further influence in Afghanistan, tackling the menace of Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) inside Pakistan and taking benefits from regional economic and commercial developments. To add to the surprise of Pakistan, the Taliban government repeated the Afghan claim on Durand Line as an international border, provided active support to TTP, allowed India to complete the ongoing projects and also failed to help Pakistan in realizing its dream of accessing the Central Asian markets on account of sanctions on their government. This research paper seeks to answer the question that what dilemmas Pakistan faces after the establishment of Taliban government in Afghanistan once again after a gap of 20 years? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Before the Taliban came back to power in Afghanistan in August 2021, India and Afghanistan had cordial bilateral relations and were often described as great friends. Since 2002, India had helped build several infrastructure projects as part of its promised development assistance program of over $2 billion (later increased to $3 billion). Considering India's investments in Afghanistan, the goodwill it enjoyed among common Afghans was understandable. However, it would be wrong to imply that these unique, multifaceted bilateral relations between the two countries were simply due to India's helping hand. This research paper is one of its kind attempt to explain the perceptions Afghans had about India based on the field survey done in Afghanistan in 2019. Using responses of over 321 Afghan participants, the paper attempts to quantitatively analyze the goodwill and positive vibes that India enticed among Afghans. However, many Afghans felt that India did not do enough during the crisis in August 2021. Based on the survey and the general perceptions of Afghans in the aftermath of the return of the Taliban, this paper argues that the soft power investments in Afghanistan helped India in its nation-branding, making it attractive and creating goodwill. However, New Delhi lacked the will to act smartly and hence did not get the desired strategic influences due to „soft power behavior". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In August 2021, the United States withdrew from Afghanistan after 20 years. The fall of the Afghan government to the Taliban resulted in the displacement of some Afghans. Canada committed to welcoming thousands of refugees. Research suggests that refugees tend to have higher rates of post-traumatic stress, and Afghan refugees, in particular, have among the highest rates. Another body of literature suggests that religious coping has positive effects. This paper presents qualitative data from interviews with 11 Afghan refugees who arrived in Ontario after August 2021 with the intent to combine these two findings. In so doing, we sought to understand how Afghan refugees described their experiences of displacement and the extent to which those experiences were traumatic, but also how they relied on Islam to cope with the traumatic effects of displacement. The interviews we conducted suggested that our participants experienced exposure to death, exposure to threat of death and/or injury, and described some of symptoms of the criteria for PTSD. The interviews also suggested that the participants coped using Islamic concepts, beliefs, and rituals. The qualitative data we present provide rich descriptions of the experiences of trauma in the face of displacement and religious coping. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transparency International's annual reports in recent years have put Afghanistan near the top of the list of corrupt countries. This paper explores how the Anti-Corruption Justice Centre ("ACJC") -- established in 2016 to prevent the loss of national assets, speed up the discovery, investigation, and judicial review of corruption cases, and observe international obligations -- set about tackling the country's endemic corruption. This paper then examines what happened to the ACJC after the fall of the Republic in August 2021 and the declaration of the Taliban Emirate. Lastly, this paper details the approach the Taliban Emirate has taken to the problem of corruption. This paper draws on the unique insights of the author (a judge at the ACJC's special corruption court until the fall of the Republic), with special attention to the ways in which key cases were brought to the court and adjudicated, under the Afghan Republic. For the period of the Taliban Emirate, the paper draws on interviews with prosecutors and other original research. The findings indicate that, although the ACJC had weaknesses, it was relatively effective at adjudicating the cases brought before it and, had it had more time and continued to enjoy the moral and material support of the Afghan government, could have played a key role in an intensifying fight against corruption. By contrast, though many Afghans remembered the first Taliban regime as comparatively corruption-free, and though Taliban insurgents used public indignation at Republic officials' blatant corruption as a recruiting draw, the current Taliban regime has closed down relevant institutions including ACJC, and turned a blind eye to the problem of corruption. The status of the laws addressing the subject is currently ambiguous and opaque. The future of the ACJC cases and the effort to combat corruption in Afghanistan is indeterminate.1 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Taliban resumed political power in Afghanistan in August 2021, their total application of strict Sharia Law has demanded global attention. This paper theorizes that, in pursuit of social order, the Taliban has enacted a civil religion to justify their complete reversion of women's rights as a public good. I examine Afghanistan's social contact through the political philosophies of Thomas Hobbes and Jean-Jacques Rousseau and suggest why the intended social order has not materialized. In conclusion, I depict the erosion of women's rights as a matter of structural injustice and incite critical reflexivity towards our responsibility for global justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates, by means of computer-assisted qualitative and quantitative discourse analysis, how and when ideology was securitized in US presidential speech. It reveals how securitizing speech justifies methods and targets in the resistance of "dangerous ideologies" that are problematic for democracies. The analysis reveals that the entanglement of oppositional ideologies with security was articulated in the context of the War on Terror. While the original need to see ideologies as an existential threat was necessary to justify the exclusion of the ideologies of the Taliban and Saddam Hussein from the elections in Afghanistan and Iraq in 2004 and 2005 respectively, the securitization of ideologies then spread to issue areas beyond terror and to geographic contexts outside of these two countries, all the way to US domestic political competition. The need to avoid embarrassment in Iraq and Afghanistan may have thus affected US democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan, many now anticipate that the movement will create a new set of founding documents as they establish the basic organs of the state. For this reason, understanding Islamic constitutionalism, and especially understanding the basis for women's rights within Islamic constitutionalism, has never been more important. This paper contributes to this conversation by discussing many topics that have significant impacts on women in Afghanistan, including the competing ideas of the jamhooriyat and emirate, the role of religion and the Ulema, and women's rights and citizenship in constitutions. Through comparing the constitution of the Islamic Republic and the Islamic Emirate we can understand the jurisprudential, political, and ideological forces that animate these founding documents. Understanding this can allow us to better understand how Afghan women's roles in society and politics may be shaped in the near future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women in Afghanistan, taking advantage of the opportunities provided by their country's reconstruction efforts in the early 2000s, worked diligently to ensure that the new Afghan constitution included important rights for women, including the advancement of right to political representation. Indeed the 2004 Afghan constitution reserved at least 27% of the lower house parliamentary seats for women, guaranteeing their presence in formal political decision-making. Although women's political presence came to a sudden halt with the unexpected fall of the Afghan government in August 2021, this paper argues that the Afghan gender quota provision nonetheless has important symbolic implications for Afghan women's political roles in two central ways. First, the quotas, which were a long-time in the making, justified women's political presence to themselves as well as their male-dominated political and cultural context. Second, with the sudden coming to power of the Taliban in 2021, the quotas have greatly contributed to invigorating local women's protests and their key demand for women's political representation, comprising one of the most outspoken anti-Taliban and pro-democracy forces. Despite backlash from the militant Taliban, women, with the support of diverse transnational solidarity networks, are refusing to be silent, demanding equal inclusion in the country's political structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to analyse India's foreign policy towards Afghanistan in the post-9/11 era. While the 9/11 attacks marked the beginning of a new epoch in world politics, the ensuing US-led military intervention in Afghanistan offered India a much needed opportunity to re-establish diplomatic ties with Kabul. Since then, India has remained cautious in its approach toward Afghanistan by relying more on assistance-driven foreign policy measures rather than on engaging militarily in the war-torn country. However, the question remains as to what extent India has been able to create strategic space for itself in Afghanistan, given the fact that India had to shut down its embassy and consulates in Afghanistan in August 2021 when the Taliban regained control of the country? Or, has India's policy been too reliant on soft power that India failed to capitalise on the opportunity created by the overthrow of the Taliban regime in late 2001? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Global War on Terrorism, launched as a direct result of the heinous 9/11 attacks, has been wagging on for almost two decades with no clear signs of victory for the US. The US on a strategic level has lost the war as the primary opponent, Taliban, holds more territory than ever. The US and NATO coalition not only planned to eradicate terrorism in the country but also had great ambitions to modernize and rebuild the country; however, little has been archived so far. Amidst these harsh realities, Pakistan being a major non-NATO ally is often blamed to sabotage the war efforts by playing a so-called double-game while supporting the Global War on Terrorism on one hand and helping the Taliban on the other. Therefore, this paper investigates the reasons for the US failure in Afghanistan on a macro-level and what role Pakistan has played. Other than the notion that Pakistan is to blame, factors, such as, the US has no real longterm objectives for the war, employing conventional methods of warfare, underestimating the opponent and the terrain, lack of coordination among the NATO member states and the sudden attention shift from Afghanistan to Iraq, played a significant role in the current outcome. After evaluating all the evidence from the last two decades, it is clear that half-baked US planning led to the eventual failure of the war effort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports the results of an experiment conducted before the 2021 regime change in Afghanistan that examined how different types of information strategies affected private sector support for a hypothetical peace agreement with the Taliban. We compared the impact of historical, pecuniary, and religious information on the stated preferences of Afghan business elites and employees in Kabul. The results show that historical information had less of an effect than pecuniary information on respondents' probability of accepting a peace agreement with the Taliban but a slightly larger effect than religious information. Although the context of the study has dramatically changed, the findings can inform practitioners and policymakers in mediating future peace negotiations in Afghanistan and elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unaccompanied children who do not or cannot access the child protection system in Türkiye often become engaged in child labor and find themselves living in precarity. This paper highlights narratives of survival within their culturally-assumed transition to manhood based on empirical research on the life experiences of 12 unaccompanied, male Afghan youth who came to Türkiye as unaccompanied children. These narratives reflect patriarchal culture, particularly the Taliban's extreme manifestations of patriarchy, both in a context of war and violence. Unaccompanied Afghan children migrate for survival and, after dangerous journeys, live as irregular migrants. Their daily life is marked by (1) fear of police and deportation, (2) child labor, (3) long and challenging work routines, (4) lack of leisure time, schooling, adult protection or support and (5) lack of social security. As a result, they develop survival strategies to manage their precarious lives. Their narratives share commonalities focusing on the conditionalities of constructing manhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to study the security of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in regional context, with special focus on China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Security environment of Afghanistan still remains uncertain and volatile having a direct bearing on the security situation of Pakistan and CPEC. Contrary to expectations, Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) continues to operate from its secure bases inside Afghanistan under the Taliban regime and expand its influence in the areas bordering Afghanistan. Indian opposition to CPEC is driven by multiple motives apart from being a perennial adversary of Pakistan and a strategic competitor of China. China's central role in BRI and CPEC has ramifications from Indian perspective that is why it opposes BRI and CPEC. Bilateral relations of Pakistan and Iran has seen many ups and down, however, both countries have developed broad unanimity over Taliban regime in Afghanistan. Iran has indicated an interest in joining CPEC. BRI has further strengthened already deep ties between Pakistan and China. Following a qualitative approach and drawing on the Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT), this study underscores the security challenge for BRI in the context of regional security environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the last part of Afghanistan to be converted to Islam (in 1896), Nuristan retains a distinct material and intangible cultural heritage. However, for nearly forty years, Nuristan has been virtually inaccessible to researchers of cultural heritage due to protracted insecurity in the province. With the Taliban in control of the country once more, conflict has largely ceased, enabling access to many hitherto inaccessible parts of the country, including Nuristan. There is now a window of opportunity to conduct much-needed work on the state of cultural assets across the province. The authors conducted two separate field visits between May and July 2022 to undertake a preliminary assessment of Nuristan's intangible and intangible cultural heritage and to conduct a feasibility study for future mapping and conservation efforts. This paper presents initial findings from the fieldwork and highlights the urgent need for investing in cultural protection work in Nuristan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anuario Español de Derecho Internacional is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Navarra, S.A. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of International Relations / Medzinarodne Vztahy is the property of University of Economics in Bratislava, Faculty of International Relations and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The USA and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) have been waging war against the Taliban in Afghanistan for more than a decade, with territorial gains by coalition forces often proving to be ephemeral. This paper traces the origins and evolution of the current Afghan insurgency and explores the framing of the Taliban movement's discourse on Twitter and other interactive websites. The paper postulates that Taliban activists are utilizing social media to disseminate their views and frame their movement in the phraseology of militant Islamism, traditional Pashtun folklore, anti-imperialism, social justice, and universal human rights. Taliban militants are attempting to align their discursive frames with various transnational ideologies that resonate not only with prospective recruits and supporters in Central and South Asia and the Middle East, but also potentially receptive audiences in the West. Such frame alignments are essential components in the micro-mobilization of movement participants. Taliban activists apparently recognize that there are important symbols, narratives, and channels already in existence that can facilitate the growth of their insurgency, while effectively discrediting coalition forces. This paper examines frame alignments and other insurgent-mobilization communication strategies by conducting a content analysis of recent tweets and blogs written by Taliban cyber-activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT The purpose of this paper is to study the responses and concerns of the international community vis-à-vis the Taliban government in Afghanistan as the Taliban takeover of Kabul in 2021 is a significant regional development having domestic, regional and global implications. Regarding the recognition of the Taliban government, the important states of the international community are responding with caution based on their strategic calculations, political values and long-term foreign policy goals in the regions adjoining Afghanistan. The states having stakes in Afghanistan are mainly divided in two groups: The US-led group and the China-Russia-led group. This paper finds that the US-led group will find it more challenging to engage with and recognise the Taliban government and, at the same time, the China-Russia group will try to fill the strategic vacuum in Afghanistan left by the United States (US) and its allies by having a more active engagement with the Taliban government. This paper also studies the realignments of the important regional states to respond to the unfolding situation in Afghanistan. Through qualitative research methodology, this paper contributes to enhancing the understanding and knowledge regarding Afghanistan and its significance at both regional and international level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan that remained the epicenter of terrorism and insurgency in the post 9/11 incident, suffered irreparable loss in both human and infrastructure, is now heading towards an era of peace and political stability. The signing of the peace agreement on February 29, 2020 by both the US government and the Taliban is a great development for strengthening democratization and power-sharing among the stakeholders in Afghanistan. However, certain hurdles stand in the way of peace and stability. This paper discusses some of the key areas such as the dilemma of Afghan presidential elections, Pakistan's controversial role, role of neighboring countries and the Indo-Afghan Nexus. Lacunae in the US-Taliban agreement to the exclusion of the Afghan government in the agreement and the threat of the ISIS are some of the other hurdles in bringing peace and stability in the country. Bargaining among the US and Taliban and the various stakeholders of Afghanistan is the only viable solution to the problem which provides the basis for theoretical framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Two Homelands / Dve Domovini is the property of Scientific Research Centre of Slovenian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The disastrous event of 9/11 changed the Political and Security dynamics of the world. The event of 9/11 provided a chance for India to enter into Afghanistan. Afghanistan attracts the world powers due to its strategic importance. Afghanistan is a gateway to the energy rich Central Asian Republics. India's involvement in Afghanistan is quite realistic. India had never established cordial relations with the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. The event of 9/11 gave India a chance to establish cordial relations with the Afghan political government. India participated in the Bonn Conference and announced its support for the people of Afghanistan in the reconstruction of the country. India enjoyed its best relations with the governments of Hamid Karzai and Ashraf Ghani in Kabul. India enhanced its ties with Iran to secure its interest in Afghanistan and to counter Pakistan. India and Iran have some common interests in Afghanistan. New Delhi has invested a big amount in various sectors in Afghanistan to enhance its influence in Afghan society. India has worked hard to facilitate Afghan Nationals to boost its soft power. India now influences the internal politics of Afghanistan. The world considers India a major market in South Asia. India's presence in Afghanistan has always been a source of worry for Pakistan. Pakistan considers India's presence in Afghanistan a threat to its National Security. Pakistan thinks India should work for the betterment of Afghan people but she should avoid using Afghan soil against Pakistan. Pakistan has already suffered a lot due to the disturbance in Afghanistan. Peaceful Afghanistan is in the favor of South Asia and for the Global Powers. This paper focuses on the Indian presence in Afghanistan and India's role to bring peace in Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan is a country with strong cultural norms and a male-dominated society, comprising 49% of women population. The plight of Afghan women is embedded in long history of the country. Decades old war has led 90% of Afghan women without education (aged 25). In wartorn countries around the world, thousands of women are deprived of education. The displacement and the predominance of norms or ideologies dampen the very idea of education for women. Most of the schools are far enough and the children, predominately the girls, have no easy access there. Girls do stay at home following the gender norms. However in post 2001, there have been significant developments regarding female education and their participation in public life. The most important contribution was the adoption of National Action Plan for the Women of Afghanistan (NAPWA¹), 10 years strategic framework (2010-18). The paper argues that the girls' education in Afghanistan requires to be looked through the lens of culture. It will analyze the other barriers to women education and explore the facts how they are unequally treated in terms of access to all levels of education in the country. However, there is a long way to meet the challenges regarding women education. It will conclude with the idea that it is undoubtedly true that countries can develop where there is no gender discrimination with regard to ducation politics and social and economic rebuilding. Only gender-oriented tasks can rule out inequalities in conflict-affected societies and transform them into peaceful societies of respect and equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

U.S failure in Afghanistan may have many reasons but most striking is US inability to create a political Afghanistan in parallel with a military Afghanistan. The political strategy in Afghanistan was over-shadowed by military strategy. All the U.S force commanders in Afghanistan looked at Afghanistan not as a political but as a military problem. These generals remained very passionate about the military strategies geared to win the war in Afghanistan. This paper tries to determine why the achievement of the political aims of fighting the war in Afghanistan remained subservient to the achievement of the military aims; and secondly, now that the American focus is on pursuing a political settlement in Afghanistan, how likely is the U.S to achieve this aim? Which are the likely scenarios that can develop in the coming days and how will they affect interests of various actors involved in the Afghan war and its end game? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Journal of Development Research is the property of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)