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This paper represents one of the most recent and pertinent studies conducted in Afghanistan, aiming to address the societal imperative of comprehending the factors behind the fall of the Republic government and the subsequent rise of the Taliban to power. Furthermore, the paper seeks to analyse public attitudes towards the current situation. Employing a quantitative approach, the research utilizes a descriptive-analytical method through questionnaires and the participants include social media activist, students and universities professors, the data collected by online survey according WhatsApp, Facebook messengers, telegram, email and other social media groups from different ethnic groups. The findings of this research have identified several pivotal factors contributing to the ascent of the Taliban to power, including the US-Taliban agreement in Doha, Qatar; political disparities; administrative and financial corruption within the Republic's administration; Pakistan's support for the Taliban; the previous government's accord with the Taliban; ethnic dominance; robust military morale of the Taliban; and proficient war management by the Taliban. Afghanistan, as a multi-ethnic society, witnesses political dynamics predominantly rooted in ethnic affiliations. The majority of respondents express dissatisfaction with the current Afghan situation, displaying significant concerns for the populace. Foremost concerns, in terms of prioritization, encompass poverty; closure of girls' schools; restrictions on women's education and employment; escalation of civil unrest; mono-ethnic rule; ethnic conflicts; emergence of ISIS; ethnic marginalization; violations of citizenship rights; political participation and legitimacy crises; and authoritarianism. Consequently, to address the political crisis and establish a viable system, the research concludes that while Pashtuns lean toward a centralized system, Hazaras, Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Turkmens evince greater interest in a decentralized structure.

Purpose: This paper aims to investigate the impacts of service learning (SL) on teaching sustainability competencies in an undergraduate tourism program at Bamyan University, Afghanistan. This study reports on tourism students' experiences in the SL course which taught five key sustainability competencies (collaboration, values thinking, action-oriented, systems thinking and integrated problem-solving). Design/methodology/approach: This paper assessed students' perceptions of their sustainability competencies gained during the implementation of the course in 2016 and 2017 through focus groups, reflective essays and participant observation. Findings: The results demonstrate how the SL experience led students to self-discovery, strong conceptualizations of sustainability and working relationships with community stakeholders. Originality/value: To the best of the authors' knowledge, this is the first study to assess the impacts of a SL course in Afghanistan. The analysis provides valuable information for developing effective higher education programs, relationships of trust between students and community stakeholders and the empowerment of students to contribute to local solutions which serve a role in stabilization efforts in conflict-affected contexts.

This paper reflects historically and contemporaneously on the relationship between 'International Education and Development' actors and foreign intervention in our colonial past and present, with a particular focus on Education in Emergencies (EiE), a sub-field of research and practice within 'International Education and Development'. Theoretically, this work is underpinned by a critical application of the 'implicated subject', Rothberg's (2019) conceptual addition to the study of violence and injustice which seeks to go beyond binaries of 'victim and perpetrator' and recognise the way many others are 'implicated' in systems of violence and injustice. In the first section we explore this framing for researchers and practitioners in the field of EiE and the complex ways that researchers and practitioners might be understood as 'implicated subjects'. In the second part we explore two dimensions of EiE actors as 'implicated subjects': Diachronic and Synchronic. In the diachronic dimension we highlight the way the colonial past hangs heavy in the present and in the synchronic dimension we explore the case of Afghanistan, and the links between military, development and education strategy. In the conclusion we reflect on their implication for improved ethical practices in EiE and in the broader field of International Education and Development.

This paper investigates the short and long-term pernicious impact of armed conflicts on education and educational agents (students, teachers and students' parents), using a multivocal review by means of the integration and qualitative analysis of 60 research reports (voices) found in two databases: Web of Science and PROQUEST in the period between 1995 -date of the first founding paper- until 2014. Through the analysis of source data (voices) and taking the "multivocal review" as a method, the voices have been combined in nine categories, namely: a) Refusal and impediments to a return to education; b) Educational infrastructure damaged or destroyed; c) Cuts in or withdrawal of spending on education; d) Loss of the educational and protective functions of the family; e) Loss of the academic community; f) Non-qualified teaching staff; g) Drastic loss of skills; h) Abandoning school (population movements, destruction of networks and social environment); i) Behavioural problems: traumas, pedagogical roles and self-victimization. These categories have highlighted the serious consequences arising from conflicts, infringing as they do the most basic human rights and in particular the right to a sound education during childhood.

This paper explores how a national higher education sector can be assembled upon a relatively narrow ideological foundation during and in the aftermath of violent conflict. It analyses the case of Afghanistan's higher education system, and argues that the violent disintegration of this system during the 1980s and 1990s created the conditions for a neoliberal reassembly and subsequent expansion of higher education from 2001. This paper draws on data gathered from document analysis, and semi-structured interviews with key policy actors. It identifies an ideological grounding in neoliberalism within higher education policies which are responsible for directing the sector's growth since 2010. I argue that this neoliberal agenda, largely driven by globalised influences, has exploited Afghanistan's conflict-affected context to position higher education primarily as a driver of economic growth, thus limiting policy emphasis on higher education's non-economic dividends. The paper concludes by critiquing the underlying assumption that this role is sufficient if higher education is to serve as a key institution in Afghanistan's ongoing national development.

This paper addresses peace education focusing on how place-based experiences and collective memories stimulate local mobilisation for refugees fleeing from war. The Arctic Migration Route, located above 69th degree north, became an alternative to dangerous boat trips on the Mediterranean Sea, for people seeking safety and protection in the fall of 2015. During a few months, over 5,500 people from 35 nations, mostly from Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran came to a municipality in north Norway with 10,000 inhabitants. The paper demonstrates how global conflicts far away, have important local consequences across borders and huge distances. Interviews with local authorities, teachers, voluntary workers constitute the main empirical material. By combining theories of place-based experiences and collective memories with phenomenology of practice, geographical location, collective and cultural memories across generations, are analysed as important driving forces for the local mobilization to help refugees. This approach opens for a wider perspective on learning, showing how climate, culture and history have important role as material and sociocultural education in this arctic border region in the north of Norway. Based on empirical data from a small local school, the paper will document how a local community can find solutions to globally produced problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post-war education is usually considered a positive contributor to peacebuilding; however, it can also reinforce divisive perspectives. Textbooks and learning materials can be instrumental in maintaining or exacerbating existing inequalities. This paper uses case study literature reviews of Afghanistan, South Sudan and Sri Lanka to explore the ways in which primary learning materials extend existing challenges of post-war education and potentially create new ones. An analysis of the literature on learning materials from these countries reveals that textbook development and uses are intertwined with larger national and international political and social power structures. We draw from Bourdieu and Giroux to consider how learning materials contribute to the reproduction of cultures of hostility, violence, divisiveness and silence or to transformatory cultures of peacebuilding, inclusivity and critical thought. Our resulting conceptual lens highlights how education can take on the role of being a victim, accomplice or transformer of conflict--roles that are often overlapping. Each case study country is taking steps towards peacebuilding through their primary learning materials; however, there are many elements of the textbook design, development, production and distribution process in each country that also reinforce contributing factors for conflict.

The following paper provides a comparative analysis of Soviet military operations in Czechoslovakia and Afghanistan and Phase I Russian operations in Ukraine. The principal object of analysis is the employment of military force within the Soviet and later Russian military operational art outside of large-scale doctrinal conventional warfare. The principal thesis of the paper revolves around providing adequate evidence for two core postulations - the Soviet and later Russian militaries have historically relied in the case of escalation and use of conventional military force on the "military operation" as a method to utilise said military force in a low-intensity, non-kinetic approach where large-scale conventional land forces, in combination with airborne and special forces, would rapidly overwhelm an adversary's military and civilian capabilities to offer resistance; first-phase Russian operations in Ukraine in 2022 followed the provided historical model, encompassing all elements and methods previously employed, but were unable to repeat Soviet successes, failing due to a variety of factors, which had previously worked in favour of the Soviet military, but were not sufficiently present or counteracted. The paper conducts a comparative analysis by synthesising the key elements, which make up the matrix of a given "military operation" - political goals, military objectives, preparation and execution, and applies them in each of the three case studies - Czechoslovakia, Afghanistan and Ukraine. By analysing each of these elements, the paper provides proof of the identical approaches used by the Soviet/Russian militaries and also its subsequent conclusions on the inability of the Russian military to achieve success in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Establishing a liberal government in post-Taliban Afghanistan allowed India to fulfil its foreign policy goal, i.e., investment in Afghanistan to acquire leverage for its anti-Pakistan agenda. However, the twenty-year war ended with the US withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021, resulting in the Taliban's rise to power, diminishing Indian influence and reversion of its interests. India halted its investment and diplomatic engagement with the Taliban government due to its previous position, which led India to compromise on its strategic interests outlined in the presence of US forces. To safeguard its strategic interests, India has resumed its diplomatic and economic engagement with the Taliban government at a critical time when other regional states are analysing the US' future course of action towards the war-torn country. Therefore, this paper examines how India evaluates the newly structured regional environment while finding a new role in Afghanistan. It also analyses the implications of India-Afghanistan re-engagement for Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even in intense combat scenarios, a significant proportion of a soldier's time is spent passing the time. Tim Hetherington was acutely aware of this contradiction; of the 240 pages of Infidel, his account of the time he spent in Combat Outpost Restrepo in the remote Afghan Korengal valley, only about one sixth show soldiers actually in combat. The remaining pages depict soldiers maintaining their base, passing the time playing cards, wrestling each other, and sleeping. This focus on the lacunary moments between skirmishes and contacts marks out the work as attuned to a more complex understanding of the nature of soldiering in front line situations. This paper situates Hetherington's work into a longer historical engagement with the depiction of soldiers 'killing time' between moments of combat, and in the context of how the homosocial nature of the proximity in which soldiers live and work contributes to their combat motivation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we review how refugee children's psychological development is impacted by experiencing war, displacement, and trauma. As the Syrian conflict has resulted in the largest refugee crisis in modern history, we focus on Syrian refugees, but comparisons to other current major conflicts (Myanmar, Afghanistan, and Yemen) are done for reference, making this review relevant, not only for the Syrian conflict but war-affected children in general. The potentially traumatic events (PTEs) experienced by families and children vary depending on current and past migration experiences. During the premigration phase, there is a high risk of war-related PTEs whereas lack of shelter, high insecurity, and exploitation are common during the perimigration phase. Common PTEs during postmigration include uncertain legal status, changed family dynamics, downward mobility, and lack of social support. A high number of PTEs, low mental health, and permanent postmigration stress are evident across conflicts. In addition to these PTEs that impact all family members, there are additional long-lasting child-specific interpersonal PTEs related to parental practices and lack of support. These cumulative stressors are associated with poor mental health and developmental delays in several domains including cognitive functioning, emotion regulation, affective processing, and prospective control. At the same time, some studies demonstrate a high degree of resilience, and normative development, or report a lack of association between the psychological development of children and levels of PTEs. The number of studies assessing child development in this context is limited and more research is required in order to fill knowledge-gaps related to the mechanisms, and causal relations, behind these developmental outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the added-value that multisystem approaches bring to research and intervention in contexts of war and forced displacement. I highlight what is useful and truly innovative about systems-level work, aware that providing data-related evidence is only part of the story when connecting research to policy and practice. I discuss four types of added-value: these are conceptual, instrumental, capacity-building, and connectivity impacts that, respectively, aim to change current knowledge, improve implementation, build research skills, and strengthen network connectivity. Specifically, systems-based research can help transform the key frames of humanitarian work, fostering the more integrated and distributive models of professional assistance known as resilience and network humanitarianism. I argue that systems-level approaches on resilience and flourishing in war-affected and refugee populations help to articulate new mindsets, methodologies, partnerships, and ways of working relevant for humanitarian research, policy and practice. I focus attention on interdisciplinary, interventionist, prospective, transgenerational, and network-building initiatives. My specific examples cover the family context of mental health and trauma memory in Afghanistan, as well as program evaluation with Syrian refugees in Jordan, connecting stress biology to human experience, and social networks to psychological empowerment. The paper suggests future directions to support more effective and impactful systems-level work in protracted humanitarian crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan represents one of the most complex mosaics of ethnic groups in the world and its contemporary history has been characterised by ethnic hierarchy. Pashtuns domination of the country and their discriminatory policies toward non-Pashtuns have had long-term effects in destroying inter-ethnic trust. The hierarchical relationships among ethnic groups have always been an obstacle to creating ethnic harmony even in the pre-war Afghanistan. The paper, by adopting 'ethnic security dilemma theory,' seeks to analyse how and why ethnicity in Afghanistan was politicised and morphed into fault line that finally surfaced in the form of civil war in 1990s. It will discuss the impacts of internecine war on inter-ethnic relations and explores the possible options to deal with the longstanding ethnic security dilemma. Being caught in an ethnic trap, the paper argues, only a meaningful powersharing mechanism can glue the future Afghanistan together. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research paper analyzes the Biden administration, its policies regarding the Afghan war and the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan after a two-decade war. In the Afghan war, which three administrations successfully ran since 2001, Biden's hectic withdrawal has left doubts regarding Biden presidency. This paper briefly examines the previous administrations of America in the light of political and international relations paradigms; thus, a comparative analysis is also built among the Bush, Obama, Trump, and Biden administrations. Biden strategy in Afghanistan is analyzed with the help of the Rational Choice theory. The rational strategy for the Afghan war is highlighted by providing answers to some critical questions, such as: What policies made Biden Administration differ from the previous administrations? What challenges had Biden faced while running a two-decade old war? The paper is precise enough to discuss the cost and benefits of the Afghan war post 9/11. Threats to U.S. security after this withdrawal is under discussion. A qualitative approach has been utilized to analyze the above questions based on secondary data, reports, books and journal articles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the Symposium on the Afghanistan War. During and after the American withdrawal from Afghanistan, emotions ran high. This special issue responds to public calls for further in-depth study of the Afghanistan War. We assembled an international array of interdisciplinary scholars who address reasons the mission became a misadventure. Additional papers focus on the consequences borne by the people who served and the institutions that fought America's longest war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how documentary cinema in war contexts can challenge gender representations. To do so, we adopt a feminist and postcolonial approach to analyze the work of Catalan non-fiction filmmaker Alba Sotorra in Kurdistan, Afghanistan and Catalonia. In her films, Sotorra positions herself close to a series of subjects absorbed by wars and armed conflicts that (re)define their identities while acting beyond gender stereotypes. In particular, the paper analyzes the modes of production and representational strategies of two of Sotorra's latest feature films, Game Over and Commander Arian, documentaries with which the filmmaker aims at overcoming the visual exploitation of alterity. After an introduction to Sotorra, and a brief revision of the theory of postcolonial feminist cinema, our argument unfolds in four parts. Firstly, we reflect on cinematic representations of women and men at war; secondly, we introduce our methodology, based on in-depth interviews with the director to support our film analysis; thirdly, we contrast our hypotheses by means of close-readings of the films; lastly, we reflect on how the filmmaker aligns herself with intersectional feminism by using empathy and solidarity towards her subjects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses the problem of the withdrawal of multinational forces from the territory of Afghanistan in 2021. An attempt is made to answer the question: What has caused the failure of the international intervention and what could the further consequences of the withdrawal of the NATO coalition forces be? The paper also presents the problem of the decay of Afghanistan and threats to Polish military contingents during the 'Enduring Freedom', ISAF and 'Resolute Support' operations. The study takes advantage of the results of unique research conducted by the author in the zones of war and stabilization in Afghanistan and previously unpublished source documents. The field research was carried out in the area of responsibility of the Polish Task Force stationed in the Ghazni province in March and April 2009. Moreover, the non-confidential part of the documentation from the activities of individual organizational units of the Polish military contingent was used. The chapter may be of interest to researchers of international and national security, academics (teachers and students) of military and civilian universities as well as activists of governmental and non-governmental organizations providing aid in areas of armed conflicts and after their end. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Arthur C. Danto's distinction between monuments and memorials proposes a differentiation between two ideologically-determined modes of commemoration, encompassing not just architectural symbols of the past but also all other forms of cultural 'remembering', including documentary, literary, and cinematic forms of representation. My discussion will focus on a photographic album significantly entitled The Last Good War and the transhistorical depictions of the war veteran in the film Memorial Day. The purpose of this paper is to underscore the ideological ambivalences at the heart of the American Second World War veteran 'craze', which not only paved the way for overriding the post-Vietnam War cultural legacy, but also served to ethically and ideologically legitimize contemporary US military interventions in national (collective) memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The North-West Frontier of British India, a semi-independent mountainous borderland, was the site of continuous Pukhtun armed struggle against colonial intrusion throughout the nineteenth century and into the first half of the twentieth. Persistent tribal armed attacks and major rebellions were followed by 'butcher and bolt' or 'burn and scuttle' British military expeditions, including one of the biggest Victorian small wars–the Tirah Campaign of 1897/98. Two features are particularly distinctive about the Pukhtun insurgencies: 1) The fierce and consistent nature of Pukhtun opposition to the encroaching British military state; 2) The insurgents' success in warding off annexation and inflicting decisive military defeat time and time again propelled the colonial state into an ongoing reflexive about its failure to 'pacify' the region and control the tribes. Focusing on Afridi insurgency in the nineteenth century, this article examines some themes that draw attention to causes, grievances, and toward the insurgent actors. While our fleeting glimpses into insurgents motives and actions come largely from colonial accounts of counter-insurgency operations, by drawing on my extensive archival and field research in the North-West Frontier, including Afridi oral testimonies, this paper focuses its lens on the Pukhtun perspective of the North-West Frontier 'small wars'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In years past, much of the discussion around International Humanitarian Law and International Human Rights Law has been dedicated to considering the convergence of the two regimes; to discover a way to increase respect for the protection of the individual in armed conflict. Meanwhile, egregious violations of individual's human rights continue to occur in armed conflicts – those in Ukraine, Yemen, Ethiopia, Afghanistan, and many others. This paper surveys the relationship between the two international disciplines, and considers that though IHL and IHRL are two regimes that have different aims, both contain norms that strive for the protection of the individual in armed conflict. Ultimately, this paper argues that protection of individuals in armed conflict can be strengthened by importing IHL norms into the IHRL framework. This cross-pollination allows treaty bodies to interpret, and make comments about, State Parties' adherence to IHL that can increase respect for those norms, given IHRL's associated enforcement mechanisms and communications machinery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Global War on Terrorism, launched as a direct result of the heinous 9/11 attacks, has been wagging on for almost two decades with no clear signs of victory for the US. The US on a strategic level has lost the war as the primary opponent, Taliban, holds more territory than ever. The US and NATO coalition not only planned to eradicate terrorism in the country but also had great ambitions to modernize and rebuild the country; however, little has been archived so far. Amidst these harsh realities, Pakistan being a major non-NATO ally is often blamed to sabotage the war efforts by playing a so-called double-game while supporting the Global War on Terrorism on one hand and helping the Taliban on the other. Therefore, this paper investigates the reasons for the US failure in Afghanistan on a macro-level and what role Pakistan has played. Other than the notion that Pakistan is to blame, factors, such as, the US has no real longterm objectives for the war, employing conventional methods of warfare, underestimating the opponent and the terrain, lack of coordination among the NATO member states and the sudden attention shift from Afghanistan to Iraq, played a significant role in the current outcome. After evaluating all the evidence from the last two decades, it is clear that half-baked US planning led to the eventual failure of the war effort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International studies students are often interested in understanding contexts of conflict and war and working with affected populations. Although various research has assessed different pedagogical tools for increasing students' understanding of war experiences and reducing the perceived distance between such populations, virtual encounters are an understudied means for achieving these aims. This article examines how a US international studies course integrated virtual dialogue sessions with Afghan students to reduce the distance between Americans and Afghans. Accordingly, we conducted pre- and post-surveys and interviews, engaged in participant observation, and analyzed reflection papers to understand how US students' views transformed from the program. We find that American students learned about the precarity and resilience of Afghans and recognized their humanity. Moreover, participants developed outgroup trust, reduced intergroup anxiety, and in some cases developed empathy for the other group. Students experienced these shifts despite technological and logistical challenges, a language barrier, and the power imbalance, which led to ethical concerns for program instructors. Thus, we argue that virtual encounters can be an effective pedagogical tool for reducing distance between international studies students and war-affected populations and helping them to connect across group differences despite the inherent challenges in such programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The HALO Trust was founded in 1988 to alleviate suffering among civilians living in hazardous areas. Today, it is the largest humanitarian de-mining charity in the world. Its earliest operations were in Afghanistan. Following the Soviet withdrawal, HALO moved into Kabul where it established a clinic for casualties of war, developed mine risk education and gradually rolled out an innovative mine clearance programme. These interventions helped to transform mine clearance from being a military legacy into a humanitarian priority. Much of the early strategic foresight for HALO extended from the military experience of the former Scottish foot soldier Colonel Colin Campbell Mitchell of the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders. Based on semi-structured interviews with key participants and access to private papers and diaries, this article provides a narrative framework for understanding the emergence of humanitarian mine clearance or 'mine action', as it is now termed. Through sometimes fractious dialectical relationships with various United Nations agencies and discreet dealings with Afghanistan's communist government and regional warlords, HALO became a vital implementing partner in the work of refugee resettlement and rehabilitation assistance. Retrieving its history contributes to a clearer identification of the intersections between military expertise, development, humanitarianism and the post-Cold War world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current paper investigates parallel vision of war in Khaled Hosseini's The Kite Runner. Political war in this novel has been paralleled with the internal war of which the characters are suffering from. This study takes up this issue of interconnecting the internal grief and suffering with the political upheaval of the contemporary time analyzing the unusual events behind the sufferings. Focusing on the political instability and consequences of a prolonged war, this research will help reader to identify conjunctions with the loss of lands, culture, freedom of choice and extreme violence by the name of religion that led the characters to an eternal suffering. It will parallel the politics and the personal life in terms of trauma and pain due to the devastating war and also try to express logical statements towards the idea of eternal pain of the wounded memory of the characters, especially in Amir and Baba. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to determine the factors that have contributed to the migration of Afghans will be reviewed what conditions do Afghans have to migrate to other countries? In this paper, both descriptive and analytical methods used data collected from scientific books and international papers use and the immigration department Afghanistan has been collected. One of the most important factors in migration is war. More than three decades of war, insecurity, violence, and immigration have continued in Afghanistan. When immigration movement in the recent case examined Afghanistan, have with highest numbers of immigrants resulting in the melting of human resources. The spirit of tragedy young force it to leave the country. Due to security issues are characteristic of Afghan migration have been political, security, social continuation of the war has caused, the foundation of economic, political, and cultural has made it difficult ethnic differences. Continue targeted killings the lack of political stability in the country distrust for bright future, intensifying the war it can be said to affect migration, the most problems of people's threat and increasing numbers of Taliban. ISIS and al-Qaeda with internal and external networks it was supported anti-human activity on the other proxy war between the countries in the region interests. They are held in common in Afghanistan, because of the complexity of the situation it has become security and politics in the country decrease government sovereignty, security threats massacre of people, the air result attacks, suicide blast, kidnapping this has been going on for several years. That made people's optimism for a stable future unlikely. These are all factors that affect the migration of Afghanistan is the second largest immigrant country after Syria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a first view on the potential economic outcomes for American women serving along-side men in combat roles. Specifically, this paper examines the impact of deployment and exposure to intense combat for women who served in the most high-risk occupations open to them in Iraq and Afghanistan on their subsequent use of GI bill benefits for higher education. It also compares these women to men who served in the same capacities and women who served in lower risk occupations. Women in general, and in these occupations in particular, were more likely than their male counterparts to use the GI bill. Following deployment, this paper presents robust evidence that women in all capacities, and men, were more likely to use their GI bill benefits. Moreover, exposure to intense combat, which was far more likely to impact these women than other women, detracted from their propensity to use the GI bill. This negative impact on pursuit of higher education was similar for both men and women. Taken together, this paper provides evidence that deployment may benefit the young men and women alike who serve in the U.S. military, and that both suffer together when faced with exposure to intense fighting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign, Republican nominee Donald Trump vowed to bring troops home from Afghanistan. After the election, in August of 2017, newly elected President Trump, with advice from national security adviser McMaster, decided to keep troops in Afghanistan. It is reported that the President was convinced to keep troops in Afghanistan after shown a black and white photograph of Afghan women in miniskirts from the 1970s (Eberhardt, 2017; Rucker & Costa, 2017). These photographs, in juxtaposition with images of veiled women, however, play a specific role in how we think about Afghanistan and intervention. Examining media representations of Afghan women, we explore media coverage in The New York Times, through a thematic analysis of 286 articles beginning with the U.S.-led invasion in 2001 up to 2018. We focus on coverage of Afghan women over the span of 17 years, paying close attention to news coverage following the invasion of Afghanistan in 2001, President Obama's direction to increase the number of military troops in the country, and President Trump's decision to keep troops in Afghanistan. This paper examines how Afghan women are presented in media coverage and how these representations contribute to larger discussions of intervention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Concussion or mild traumatic brain injury (mTBI) is associated with long-term impairments in military personnel. Diagnosis of the condition remains clinically challenging. Neurological examination and cognitive symptoms may not accurately map the nature and severity of underlying brain injury. Neuroimaging techniques, such as diffusion tensor imaging (DTI), show promise as an effective tool in delineating the microstructural neural changes and corresponding clinical consequences following mTBI. This paper discusses the diagnosis and management of concussion, in the military context, using two cases of veterans who suffered blast-related mTBI. Insights on an integrated approach to concussion in the military, incorporating thorough neurological and neuropsychological examination and application of advanced neuroimaging are presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The critically acclaimed 2018 Australian film Jirga follows an ex-Australian soldier, Mike Wheeler, who returns to Afghanistan three years after a firefight during which he kills a civilian. Wheeler returns at risk of his death to confess his guilt to the man's community and the film examines themes of forgiveness and revenge, guilt, trauma, justice, and, as one Afghani tells Wheeler when he explains what he is doing back in Afghanistan, whether 'war is like this'.) This article will explore the ways Jirga uses the generic forms of the war film to convey meaning; it interrogates the usefulness of positioning films as either adhering to or subverting generic tropes, and instead points to the historically contingent evolution of generic tropes across time and place. With this understanding we can see genre tropes as complex, ambiguous, and sometimes even contradictory, attempts to develop meaning out of wartime experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Polish popular film has responded to the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq with two productions: the TV series Misja: Afganistan (dir. Maciej Dejczer, 2012) and the feature film Karbala (dir. Krzysztof Łukaszewicz, 2015). They do not reflect the prevailing views of the public on these two military conflicts, but rather appeal to the general imaginings about Polish wars in the course of history. As they leave out issues of politics, it is the portrayal of the soldiers that most fundamentally contributes to the construction of the perspectives on the wars in the Middle East in the films under discussion. The predominantly positive image of the Polish soldiers leads the viewer to believe that the wars in which they fought were justified. Misja: Afganistan and Karbala perpetuate the tropes entrenched in the heroic/martyrological model of representing war in Polish film through exploiting universal connotations of heroic war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Clint Eastwood's American Sniper (2014) and Alba Sotorra's Game Over (2015) explore the inculcating pull of pop myths on soldiers. Eastwood's biopic focuses on Chris Kyle, American military history's most lethal sniper. Sotorra's documentary Game Over considers Djalal, an Iranian Catalan youth who moves from being an America-idolizing gamer to a sniper in Afghanistan. Initially, they see themselves as Western cowboys and perfect soldiers. War, however, leaves them disillusioned and traumatized. Via distinct generic formats (documentary v. feature film) and nationally determined political frameworks (US v. Spain), they ask: can mythologies fueling the post-9/11 war machine empty it of its force? Mobilizing postcolonial, disability, and trauma studies, this comparative analysis theorizes how objects of soft power can both harden a soldier's mind and liberate it from the battlefield's thrall. Ultimately, the article reveals contrasting, potentially limited strategies subjects across cultures deploy to break the hold of American visions of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study employs hierarchical Bayesian analysis of terrorist attacks to provide a retrospective analysis of the war in Afghanistan between 2002 and 2018. We examine the relationship between U.S. troop levels, target type, and the severity of attacks in terms of the number killed or wounded. We find that although some targets might have become better fortified after enduring attacks (such as police departments), terrorists would subsequently succeed in either attacking other targets (such as educational institutions) or even those same targets in subsequent years. Our analysis also finds that increases in U.S. troop levels throughout much of the conflict did not seem to quell violence, although explanations of this phenomenon are considerably more nuanced after taking expert opinion into account. We hope our analysis provides a useful retrospective analysis of the U.S. War in Afghanistan for policymakers to assess how or if security measures in the country could have been improved over the course of the conflict. Our modeling framework, however, is easily generalizable to other conflicts worldwide and thus provides a useful statistical tool for analyzing terrorism in many other settings as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses the 2010 Ethnic Minority British Election Study to look at the political attitudes of Muslims in Britain. It tests the relationship between political alienation and political participation on the one hand, and Islamophobia and disapproval of British military involvement in Afghanistan on the other. The principal findings are that perceptions of Islamophobia are linked to greater political alienation, to a greater likelihood of non-electoral participation and to a lower likelihood of voting among Muslims. Likewise, disapproval of the war in Afghanistan is associated with greater political alienation and a greater likelihood of some types of non-electoral participation. There is strong evidence that British Muslims are more likely to interpret discrimination they experience as motivated by their religion and that they perceive more prejudice at the group level. These findings have two theoretical implications. First, they support the theory that non-electoral participation is motivated by dissatisfaction with the party political system. Second, they suggest that perceptions of sociotropic discrimination (for minorities) and a rare salient political issue in which all parties are in opposition to most voters can lead to negative affect towards the political system and stimulate non-electoral participation at the expense of voting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US Armed Forces officially desegregated in 1948. Over the following 70 years, the military has made great strides in promoting racial integration. We find evidence, however, that Black soldiers' experience of military service still differs significantly from that of other racial and ethnic groups. Exploiting a database of administrative records for 100,000 Army personnel serving during the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, we find that Blacks were less likely than other service members to have deployed, or to face intense combat if deployed, during the early phases of the campaigns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women's under-representation in the construction industry is evident in developing and developed economies worldwide. Previous studies show that several factors, including cultural and societal norms, result in the low participation of women in the construction industry. This study explores the combined effects of socio-political conflicts and patriarchic society on female construction professionals' experiences and career paths in the Afghan construction industry. The thematic analysis of the qualitative data collected from in-depth semi-structured interviews with eight Afghan female construction professionals revealed that social and political unrest influenced their career choices and career growth in the Afghan construction industry. In addition, widespread corruption and security issues distinctly shaped their work experiences. The findings also revealed the negative influence of overprotective culture and religious beliefs on women professionals' experiences and careers. Finally, this study found that office-based roles, family support, and technology adoption encouraged women's participation in the Afghan construction industry. Given the scarcity of research from similar contexts, this study provides empirical evidence on various challenges female professionals face in the construction industry in patriarchic societies and war-affected and conflict-sensitive regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

9/11 and the subsequent war on terror in Afghanistan have severely challenged the idea of a world politics based on secular modernity. While the post-9/11 Afghan society remains troubled with the post-secular conflict between the so-called Islamic-terrorist and secular-democratic forces, the need for a ‘humanist’ political discourse that could pave the way for peace has become paramount. This paper explores the viability of ‘post-Islamism’ as an alternative humanist political discourse. It sets out to demonstrate how a post-Islamic humanist discourse, which is defined by the dialogic process of developing a hermeneutical understanding of Islamic philosophy, has the potential to not only carve the way for peace amidst perilous entanglement between politics and religion in post-secular Afghanistan, but also vindicate Islam of its unjustified denigration in the contemporary world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the Afghan mission winding down, the German Bundeswehr is in the process of implementing a new doctrinal system, resting on the adoption of NATO doctrine and a new joint operational doctrine. This is a historical first, which this paper argues is explained by two factors: functionally, for armed forces deeply integrated into NATO, the practical need for a joint operational doctrine did not exist. More importantly, culture matters: Germany features a highly institutionalized strategic culture that places distinct limits on some forms of joint doctrine. Thus, while impressive and logical, current doctrinal plans of the Bundeswehr, relying as they do on an ‘alliance shortcut’, raise important questions that need to be answered to ensure continuously functioning civil-military relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

After 14 years of war on terror, the coalition forces are leaving Afghanistan. There are claims of victory, but stipulated goals have not been achieved and international community is increasingly looking towards the impact of NATO drawdown 2014, which will directly impact the wider region. Not only there is a risk of instability spilling over to the South Asian region, but the drawdown will also accelerate the ongoing competition among the regional powers, particularly between India and Pakistan. Both have a real clash of interests and want to serve their relative geo-strategic, geopolitical and economic interests. These interests are varied and sometimes conflicting. Besides these interests they have strategic stakes in Afghanistan. Pakistan is pre-occupied with its 'strategic depth policy' and India with its security related to Kashmir. Other apprehensions include radical Islamism, extremism and drug trafficking. Emphasis is also on issues pertaining to internal security and the political settlement in Afghanistan as the weakness of the state and political fragmentation of the country will also influence the South Asian region. It is a well known fact that power in Afghanistan is extremely decentralized and real control is exercised by a handful of field commanders and warlords without having any real political affiliation. Their relations with neighbouring powers are to secure their respective interests only. There is a clear indication that the clash and competition in Afghanistan may create a conflicting situation transforming into a war after the drawdown. There is a need to manage the interests and neutralize their concerns regarding the post-2014 scenario in Afghanistan. In this regard, an enhanced regional cooperation is required to keep the region away from instability and insecurity. On the other hand south Asian powers' involvement will be viewed as a threat to the regional stability. This allegation is based on the past experience when the superpowers made Afghan territory a playground for their proxy war making alliance with regional powers. There is a need of co-operation among the regional powers in the post withdrawal scenario in the same manner as they did in counterterrorism operations. The paper will evaluate all these aspects and impact of drawdown 2014 on the security of South Asia keeping in view competition of regional power in the endgame politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 came as a surprise not only for the politicians of the era, but for scholars of international relations as well. Since then, the reasons for this sudden and unanticipated breakup have been discussed at length and numerous studies have been introduced that aimed at explaining the causes that led to the collapse of the Soviet system. Some of these studies considered the reformist leadership of Mikhail Gorbachev as the major cause for the collapse, whereas others tried to explain the dissolution of the Soviet Union mainly with economic and social factors. This study focuses on the Afghanistan war as the key factor that started the chain of events that led to the breakup of the Soviet Union. The paper argues that the war in Afghanistan, albeit not being the sole reason of the collapse, accelerated the process of the dissolution of the Soviet Union through the political, economic, military, and social consequences that it created. The war had a deep impact on Soviet politics in many ways. First, by demonstrating the weaknesses of the Red Army, it helped the new Soviet leadership to understand the reality that military methods for solving internal or international problems were no longer sustainable. Second, the war demonstrated that the Red Army was not unbeatable, which increased the appetite for independence on the part of the non-Russian republics. Third, the perception that non-Russians were forced to fight against Afghans in a "Russian war" raised suspicions about the "legitimacy" of the war, which created fragmentations in the multi-ethnic Red Army. Finally, the Afghanistan war created a mass of war veterans (Afgantsy) that unified under newly emerged non-party organizations. The increasing criticisms of these groups started to be seen in Soviet politics at an ever-growing pace, which weakened the political hegemony of the Communist Party and provided the first spark for glasnost. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous reflections exist regarding who should be held accountable and what lessons should be learned from the military withdrawal and political collapse of Afghanistan. This essay argues that the failures in Afghanistan are second- and third-order effects of a failure of strategic thinking on behalf of civilian and military leadership alike. I argue that this failure of strategic thinking is caused, in part, by the overreliance on concepts of civil–military relations espoused by Samuel Huntington. These concepts have been inculcated by a professional military education system that has subsequently developed a generation of officers with an atrophied appreciation for the political aspects of war, and an inability to link operational prowess to the achievement of strategic objectives. This dilemma is aggravated by a similar overreliance on systematic thinking, which further obscures the linkages between the military and political aspects of strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay reflects on the broad contours of the war in Afghanistan from Southeast Asia's perspective. While the United States' withdrawal from Kabul was calamitous, the pessimism about America's role in Southeast Asia has been overstated. The United States' withdrawal from Afghanistan was largely inconsequential for the region. Southeast Asian states deftly mixed their support for America's campaign in Afghanistan and the broader war on terror without being seen as too sympathetic, including, in some instances, condemnation of America's attacks on Islam. Regional governments balanced their domestic political interests with their foreign policy objectives. The abrupt Afghan withdrawal may instead have positive outcomes, as the United States boosted its courtship with countries of Southeast Asia and the broader Indo-Pacific region through new security arrangements such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) and the Australian, U.K., and U.S. trilateral pact (AUKUS). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Western defeat in Afghanistan was due to an inadequate process of strategic reflection informed, first, by an overestimation of the attractiveness of the Western political agenda to Afghans and, second, by overconfidence in the effectiveness of its military approach. As a corollary, popular support for the Taliban was underestimated. The insurgents possessed a degree of what we term strategic cohesion—a sociopolitical and military embeddedness within society—that produced a far stronger strategic effectiveness than we could replicate in our Afghan allies. Furthermore, a military-professional mindset underestimated the degree to which political considerations permeated the battlefield. The political effect of military actions was insufficiently integrated into strategic practice. Specifically, the linchpin officer in staff planning and field operations in Western armies struggled to act as what we term strategic colonels. In both respects, the war continues to offer important lessons for Western involvement in future conflict, including with Russia and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On October 7, 2001, 3 weeks after 9/11, U.S. forces attacked Afghanistan; bombers struck Taliban headquarters and Al Qaeda training sites. By early December, the Taliban and Al Qaeda have been defeated and had fled. However, a war that began so successfully in 2001, eventually ended ignominiously on August 30, 2021, almost exactly 20 years later, with a U.S. withdrawal and a total Taliban victory. The speed of the Taliban's triumph shocked everyone. The entire campaign, costing US$2.3 trillion and 2,488 U.S. lives, had failed—utterly. The United States had lost its longest-ever war. How is it possible to explain a defeat of that magnitude? This article seeks to address this question. Although numerous factors played a role, this article identifies three principal factors: the environment, the local politics, and the Taliban. Afghanistan is a very difficult place to conduct large-scale military operations. The West never came to terms with the local politics and consequently undermined their own efforts. Finally, although they were not militarily sophisticated, the Taliban were politically astute and very resilient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This commentary examines the influence of the Afghanistan war on the content of Armed Forces & Society. My 20-year tenure as editor of Armed Forces & Society overlaps completely with the war. Using the lenses of the postmodern or post-Cold War military, I reflect on how the articles of this journal were influenced by the war. The postmodern military relies more heavily on volunteers, is more likely to engage in unconventional missions, and more likely to use multinational forces. I found an increase in articles devoted to reserve forces and contractors. In addition, many articles investigated the unique management challenges of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF). The multiple deployments and brutal nature of the war led to a large increase in health/mental health articles and also contributed to changes in the scope of the military family and veterans' literature. The limited civil–military relations literature was affected indirectly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States government's inability to view the conflict with the Taliban through the lens of the bargaining model of war was a fundamental element of its failure in Afghanistan. This problem was reinforced by a dysfunctional civil–military relations shaped by Samuel Huntington's theory of objective control, resulting in the military pursuing campaigns of attrition that fit its organizational preferences but did not advance civilian political goals. These issues are evident in three different moments during the War in Afghanistan where the U.S. failed to seize an opportunity that could have changed the result of the conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We present a methodological framework for constructing and evaluating decision aids – fast and frugal trees (FFTs) – ideally suited to the front line of an organisation. Their performance can be analysed in signal detection theory, allowing for transparent selection of FFTs given managerial-level trade-offs among type I and II errors. We extend FFTs from binary classification to selection from multiple actions (FFT multiple) as well as performance analysis to organisational goal states beyond type I and II error reduction. Concepts and framework are introduced and a tutorial-style example application (threat assessment at military checkpoints) is provided. Throughout, we discuss ways to deal with missing or incomplete data and show that the performance of decision aids may be overestimated if the effectiveness of actions is not heeded. The methodology can be used to construct and evaluate decision aids in any area characterised by dichotomised cues and a one-to-many mapping between categorisation outcomes and actions. Practitioner Summary:The paper presents a methodological framework for the construction of decision aids and their evaluation along multiple goal states across institutional levels. We then apply this framework to construct and evaluate decision aids for threat assessment in military operations. Ways to deal with missing and incomplete data are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reflects on the founding of the journal "Civil Wars" and the motivations behind its creation. The authors discuss the prevalence of conflict and war in the 1990s, particularly the emergence of "new wars" characterized by mass atrocities and ethnic conflict. They also explore the potential for peace and the role of international intervention in resolving civil wars. The article acknowledges the complexities of religious sentiment and ideology in global politics, as well as the failures and consequences of military interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan. The authors emphasize the importance of understanding the human dimension of war, particularly the impact on civilians, and challenge established orthodoxies regarding the costs of conflict. The article concludes by acknowledging the ongoing relevance of the journal in the face of current global conflicts. [Extracted from the article]

Brokers have long been scrutinised for their purported disloyalty, but brokers' own attachments and expectations remain largely neglected. This article contributes to scholarship by shifting from the much‐discussed betrayal by brokers, to betrayal of brokers. It maps three forms of betrayal—interpersonal, institutional and ideological—drawing on unique empirical material, including interviews with Afghan interpreters who worked for western armies. It argues that the betrayal of brokers is facilitated by conditions of reduced demand and weak social ties in an unequal global order. When brokers' remit is largely dictated by their patron, brokers stand more to lose than to gain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]